A descriptive study of conflict management strategies of the Johannesburg Central Methodist Church refugee community
- Authors: Burger, Christine-Maria
- Date: 2009
- Subjects: Conflict management , Central Methodist Church Refugee Community , Refugees -- Housing -- South Africa -- Johannesburg
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPhil
- Identifier: vital:8199 , http://hdl.handle.net/10948/1301 , Conflict management , Central Methodist Church Refugee Community , Refugees -- Housing -- South Africa -- Johannesburg
- Description: The growth of forced migration populations - i.e. the movement of people within and across national boarders as a result of conflicts, disasters, and development policies and projects - has been a defining feature of the twentieth century and will no doubt remain with us well into the twenty-first century (Rutinwa, 2001: 13). Literature searches suggest that the ‘refugee’ constitutes the most powerful label within the forced migration discourse. Published calculations regarding the number of refugees in the world at the end of 2008, range between 15.2 million (UNHCR, 2009: 2) and 13.6 million (World Refugee Survey, 2009: 33). The refugee experience of a small representative population of these figures namely, the Zimbabwean refugees living within the Central Methodist Church (CMC) or Central Methodist Mission (CMM) refugee community, in Johannesburg city centre is the concern of this treatise. From the perspective of the conflict management scholar, the informal and formal conflict management strategies adopted among and between the CMM refugees, have been studied. Analysis of existing literature, interviews conducted with the refugees, as well as hours of experience within the refugee community, substantiate the descriptive study that follows. Guided by the grounded theory approach, research findings have emerged out of the descriptions. The research findings in turn have founded the development of the recommendations that appear in the conclusion to the treatise.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2009
- Authors: Burger, Christine-Maria
- Date: 2009
- Subjects: Conflict management , Central Methodist Church Refugee Community , Refugees -- Housing -- South Africa -- Johannesburg
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPhil
- Identifier: vital:8199 , http://hdl.handle.net/10948/1301 , Conflict management , Central Methodist Church Refugee Community , Refugees -- Housing -- South Africa -- Johannesburg
- Description: The growth of forced migration populations - i.e. the movement of people within and across national boarders as a result of conflicts, disasters, and development policies and projects - has been a defining feature of the twentieth century and will no doubt remain with us well into the twenty-first century (Rutinwa, 2001: 13). Literature searches suggest that the ‘refugee’ constitutes the most powerful label within the forced migration discourse. Published calculations regarding the number of refugees in the world at the end of 2008, range between 15.2 million (UNHCR, 2009: 2) and 13.6 million (World Refugee Survey, 2009: 33). The refugee experience of a small representative population of these figures namely, the Zimbabwean refugees living within the Central Methodist Church (CMC) or Central Methodist Mission (CMM) refugee community, in Johannesburg city centre is the concern of this treatise. From the perspective of the conflict management scholar, the informal and formal conflict management strategies adopted among and between the CMM refugees, have been studied. Analysis of existing literature, interviews conducted with the refugees, as well as hours of experience within the refugee community, substantiate the descriptive study that follows. Guided by the grounded theory approach, research findings have emerged out of the descriptions. The research findings in turn have founded the development of the recommendations that appear in the conclusion to the treatise.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2009
A foucaultian critique of the conception of individual subjectivity within contemporary environmental discourse
- Authors: Konik, Inge
- Date: 2009
- Subjects: Environmentalism , Environmental policy , Environmental management -- Social aspects
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPhil
- Identifier: vital:8422 , http://hdl.handle.net/10948/d1016201
- Description: Certain prominent environmental theorists have accounted for and/or addressed our unmitigated environmentally damaging behavior in cognitive terms, related to a common (misplaced) belief that economic development and technological advancement, among other contemporary processes, will solve our environmental problems. However, I argue that they have not given due consideration to the complex (predominantly non-cognitive/non-conscious) discursive constitution of the individual, and thus seem to adhere to a Kantian notion of autonomy that overlooks such non-cognitive factors. Focusing on this non-cognitive aspect of discursive constitution, I ascribe our ecological apathy mainly to the fact that we have been discursively constituted as docile bodies and prostrate subjects. Further, I argue that, because this process of discursive constitution is primarily non-cognitive, any attempts to remedy our ecological apathy at a cognitive level alone will not be completely effective. Consequently, I propose that a more effective way of fostering pro-environmental dispositions may be for individuals to engage in an ethic/culture of the self that is not exclusively conceptual in orientation, and which is centered on the practice of a counter-discourse that does not constitute the individual as docile and prostrate nor negate the individual’s dependence on the environment. Alternatively, in order to engender pro-environmental civilizational change, it may be necessary to operate within the discursive parameters of dominant/popular institutions, in order to incrementally alter the discourses employed within, and disseminated through, these institutions, in a manner that would lead to the problematization, rather than the endorsement, of the ecologically deleterious technological, political and economic trajectories of our time.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2009
- Authors: Konik, Inge
- Date: 2009
- Subjects: Environmentalism , Environmental policy , Environmental management -- Social aspects
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPhil
- Identifier: vital:8422 , http://hdl.handle.net/10948/d1016201
- Description: Certain prominent environmental theorists have accounted for and/or addressed our unmitigated environmentally damaging behavior in cognitive terms, related to a common (misplaced) belief that economic development and technological advancement, among other contemporary processes, will solve our environmental problems. However, I argue that they have not given due consideration to the complex (predominantly non-cognitive/non-conscious) discursive constitution of the individual, and thus seem to adhere to a Kantian notion of autonomy that overlooks such non-cognitive factors. Focusing on this non-cognitive aspect of discursive constitution, I ascribe our ecological apathy mainly to the fact that we have been discursively constituted as docile bodies and prostrate subjects. Further, I argue that, because this process of discursive constitution is primarily non-cognitive, any attempts to remedy our ecological apathy at a cognitive level alone will not be completely effective. Consequently, I propose that a more effective way of fostering pro-environmental dispositions may be for individuals to engage in an ethic/culture of the self that is not exclusively conceptual in orientation, and which is centered on the practice of a counter-discourse that does not constitute the individual as docile and prostrate nor negate the individual’s dependence on the environment. Alternatively, in order to engender pro-environmental civilizational change, it may be necessary to operate within the discursive parameters of dominant/popular institutions, in order to incrementally alter the discourses employed within, and disseminated through, these institutions, in a manner that would lead to the problematization, rather than the endorsement, of the ecologically deleterious technological, political and economic trajectories of our time.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2009
An analysis of the 2007 general elections in Kenya: a political leadership perspective
- Authors: Wanjiru, Stephanie M
- Date: 2009
- Subjects: Elections -- Kenya , Kenya -- Politics and government
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPhil
- Identifier: vital:8170 , http://hdl.handle.net/10948/1082 , Elections -- Kenya , Kenya -- Politics and government
- Description: On 27 December, 2007, Kenyan citizens took to the polls for the fourth time since multiparty democracy was introduced in 1992. The sentiment was that democracy was finally coming of age in this East African country. For many, these elections represented a turn in the country’s democratic process that would bring change in the areas of justice, food, shelter, education and employment to all – as these were the main campaign promises. Instead, at the conclusion of the voting and at the beginning of the tallying process, the electorate erupted violently at the suspicion and eventual reporting of the process being rigged. One of the main subjects discussed in this study includes the argument that Kenya is ailing from a lack of responsible political leadership. The breed of Kenyan politicians that have been experienced in the country since it gained its independence from British colonialists in 1963, have plundered its resources – material and human – to the brink of war. It is no longer a valid argument that Africa, just because of a history of governments looting and plundering the vast resources that belong to the world’s poorest of the poor, in particular Kenya produces bad leaders. The second topic of discussion in this study questions the role of ethnic mobilisation during the elections. It is well documented by authors such as Cowen and Kanyinga (in Cowen and Laakso (eds.) 2002: 128-171) that ethnicity in Kenya, under the machinations of irresponsible political leaders, has in the past played a critical part in rallying one political party against another. The 2007 General Election was no different. The contested presidential election results were announced on 30 December, 2007, declaring another term of office for the incumbent president, Mwai Kibaki. Since that announcement, thousands of people were reported dead while hundreds of thousands were considered displaced. The chaos was followed by a long mediation process kicked off with the AU chairman, John Kufuor, president of Ghana, hosting a number of talks between the two parties. However, this did not bear much fruit as the two conflicting parties could not agree on the main issue of the creation of a position of Prime Minister for Raila Odinga to 7 fill. This was then followed by a more successful mediation process hosted by the Elders1 including former United Nations (UN) secretary general, Kofi Annan, Graça Maçhel and Benjamin Mkapa, as indicated by The Daily Nation newspapers throughout the month of January 2008. It is with this background that the study will now turn to the discussion about the context of the research, its objectives, rationale, motivation and the research design
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2009
- Authors: Wanjiru, Stephanie M
- Date: 2009
- Subjects: Elections -- Kenya , Kenya -- Politics and government
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPhil
- Identifier: vital:8170 , http://hdl.handle.net/10948/1082 , Elections -- Kenya , Kenya -- Politics and government
- Description: On 27 December, 2007, Kenyan citizens took to the polls for the fourth time since multiparty democracy was introduced in 1992. The sentiment was that democracy was finally coming of age in this East African country. For many, these elections represented a turn in the country’s democratic process that would bring change in the areas of justice, food, shelter, education and employment to all – as these were the main campaign promises. Instead, at the conclusion of the voting and at the beginning of the tallying process, the electorate erupted violently at the suspicion and eventual reporting of the process being rigged. One of the main subjects discussed in this study includes the argument that Kenya is ailing from a lack of responsible political leadership. The breed of Kenyan politicians that have been experienced in the country since it gained its independence from British colonialists in 1963, have plundered its resources – material and human – to the brink of war. It is no longer a valid argument that Africa, just because of a history of governments looting and plundering the vast resources that belong to the world’s poorest of the poor, in particular Kenya produces bad leaders. The second topic of discussion in this study questions the role of ethnic mobilisation during the elections. It is well documented by authors such as Cowen and Kanyinga (in Cowen and Laakso (eds.) 2002: 128-171) that ethnicity in Kenya, under the machinations of irresponsible political leaders, has in the past played a critical part in rallying one political party against another. The 2007 General Election was no different. The contested presidential election results were announced on 30 December, 2007, declaring another term of office for the incumbent president, Mwai Kibaki. Since that announcement, thousands of people were reported dead while hundreds of thousands were considered displaced. The chaos was followed by a long mediation process kicked off with the AU chairman, John Kufuor, president of Ghana, hosting a number of talks between the two parties. However, this did not bear much fruit as the two conflicting parties could not agree on the main issue of the creation of a position of Prime Minister for Raila Odinga to 7 fill. This was then followed by a more successful mediation process hosted by the Elders1 including former United Nations (UN) secretary general, Kofi Annan, Graça Maçhel and Benjamin Mkapa, as indicated by The Daily Nation newspapers throughout the month of January 2008. It is with this background that the study will now turn to the discussion about the context of the research, its objectives, rationale, motivation and the research design
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2009
An exploration of peace-building challenges faced by acholi women in Gulu, Northern Uganda
- Authors: Kabahesi, Pamela
- Date: 2009
- Subjects: Peace-building , Women and peace , Conflict management
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPhil
- Identifier: vital:8220 , http://hdl.handle.net/10948/992 , Peace-building , Women and peace , Conflict management
- Description: An important focus of peacebuilding as a part of post-conflict reconstruction is the provision of basic needs. Peacebuilding is a move from war to a peaceful future. Peacebuilding rests on the premise that provision of people’s needs eliminates unrest and lawlessness that arise due to war. This in turn prevents a relapse into war. Also, communities that experience war lose many years and tend to develop at slower rates than peaceful areas, if at all they do develop. The twenty year old war in Northern Uganda has caused a gap between this area and the rest of the country. Poverty has left many unable to provide basic needs. Peacebuilding efforts have been undertaken by Non Governmental Organizations, Community Based Organizations, Government of Uganda as well as people in the community organizing themselves into groups to enable them reconstruct their lives. Efforts are being made towards reconstruction, resettlement, reconciliation and providing relief in an effort to move from war and destruction. In many societies, women are left out, marginalized and discriminated against as a result of patriarchy. Their roles in peacebuilding are not considered important and they face many challenges in their efforts to rebuild their lives and families. This research focused on the challenges faced by women in Gulu, a district in the Northern region of Uganda in peacebuilding. Through conducting face to face interviews, and consulting documents available to the public, the researcher collected information about the challenges faced by the Acholi women, the women of Gulu district.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2009
- Authors: Kabahesi, Pamela
- Date: 2009
- Subjects: Peace-building , Women and peace , Conflict management
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPhil
- Identifier: vital:8220 , http://hdl.handle.net/10948/992 , Peace-building , Women and peace , Conflict management
- Description: An important focus of peacebuilding as a part of post-conflict reconstruction is the provision of basic needs. Peacebuilding is a move from war to a peaceful future. Peacebuilding rests on the premise that provision of people’s needs eliminates unrest and lawlessness that arise due to war. This in turn prevents a relapse into war. Also, communities that experience war lose many years and tend to develop at slower rates than peaceful areas, if at all they do develop. The twenty year old war in Northern Uganda has caused a gap between this area and the rest of the country. Poverty has left many unable to provide basic needs. Peacebuilding efforts have been undertaken by Non Governmental Organizations, Community Based Organizations, Government of Uganda as well as people in the community organizing themselves into groups to enable them reconstruct their lives. Efforts are being made towards reconstruction, resettlement, reconciliation and providing relief in an effort to move from war and destruction. In many societies, women are left out, marginalized and discriminated against as a result of patriarchy. Their roles in peacebuilding are not considered important and they face many challenges in their efforts to rebuild their lives and families. This research focused on the challenges faced by women in Gulu, a district in the Northern region of Uganda in peacebuilding. Through conducting face to face interviews, and consulting documents available to the public, the researcher collected information about the challenges faced by the Acholi women, the women of Gulu district.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2009
An exploration of refugee integration : a case study of Krisan refugee camp, Ghana
- Authors: Mensah, David Ampoma
- Date: 2009
- Subjects: Refugee camps -- Ghana -- Krisan Refugee Camp , Refugees -- International cooperation
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPhil
- Identifier: vital:8217 , http://hdl.handle.net/10948/1014 , Refugee camps -- Ghana -- Krisan Refugee Camp , Refugees -- International cooperation
- Description: Conflict in Africa remains one of the continent’s principal development challenges. The human, economic and development costs of conflict are immense. A peaceful and secure environment remains the greatest priority for ordinary Africans across the continent. However, this often remains a mirage for many as violent armed conflicts continue to take its toll on many ordinary citizens, often, displacing them as refugees. Some refugees remain in very a deplorable refugee camps that offer them no prospects of decent livelihood for many years. With fear that they would be persecuted upon return to their countries of origin and often the delays in finding solutions to political violence, refugees remain in a protracted situation. A Protracted refugee situation means that refugees have lived in exile for more than five years with no immediate prospect of finding a durable solution to their plight by means of voluntary repatriation, local integration or resettlement. Thousands of refugees who fled violent conflicts in the West Africa and other parts of Africa have lived for more than a decade in the Krisan and Buduburam refugee camps in Ghana. A situation that can be termed protracted. This paper investigated the perceptions of local Ghanaians, Refugees of Krisan Refugee Camp and Government Official on the integration of refugees in Ghana. Krisan Refugee Camp which was built in 1996, particularly, houses about 1,700 refugees from nine countries: The Democratic Republic of Congo, Congo Brazzaville, Côte d’Ivoire, Chad, Liberia, Sierra Leone and The Sudan. The refugees have lived with the indigenous people of Krisan village for more than a decade and thus offered the best case for the investigation. The researcher used qualitative triangulation method to collect data. That is, he observed the refugees, the local people and supervisors of the refugee camp who made up the sample population. The researcher was able to conduct a face to face in-depth interview and studied necessary documents that informed the study immensely. Thematic data analysis revealed economic and employment opportunities, security, cultural and social networking and finally good counselling on the three traditional durable solutions as the themes greatly impacting on the integration of refugees in Ghana. A number of recommendations are made to inform the management and integration of refugees in Ghana and in Africa in general.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2009
- Authors: Mensah, David Ampoma
- Date: 2009
- Subjects: Refugee camps -- Ghana -- Krisan Refugee Camp , Refugees -- International cooperation
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPhil
- Identifier: vital:8217 , http://hdl.handle.net/10948/1014 , Refugee camps -- Ghana -- Krisan Refugee Camp , Refugees -- International cooperation
- Description: Conflict in Africa remains one of the continent’s principal development challenges. The human, economic and development costs of conflict are immense. A peaceful and secure environment remains the greatest priority for ordinary Africans across the continent. However, this often remains a mirage for many as violent armed conflicts continue to take its toll on many ordinary citizens, often, displacing them as refugees. Some refugees remain in very a deplorable refugee camps that offer them no prospects of decent livelihood for many years. With fear that they would be persecuted upon return to their countries of origin and often the delays in finding solutions to political violence, refugees remain in a protracted situation. A Protracted refugee situation means that refugees have lived in exile for more than five years with no immediate prospect of finding a durable solution to their plight by means of voluntary repatriation, local integration or resettlement. Thousands of refugees who fled violent conflicts in the West Africa and other parts of Africa have lived for more than a decade in the Krisan and Buduburam refugee camps in Ghana. A situation that can be termed protracted. This paper investigated the perceptions of local Ghanaians, Refugees of Krisan Refugee Camp and Government Official on the integration of refugees in Ghana. Krisan Refugee Camp which was built in 1996, particularly, houses about 1,700 refugees from nine countries: The Democratic Republic of Congo, Congo Brazzaville, Côte d’Ivoire, Chad, Liberia, Sierra Leone and The Sudan. The refugees have lived with the indigenous people of Krisan village for more than a decade and thus offered the best case for the investigation. The researcher used qualitative triangulation method to collect data. That is, he observed the refugees, the local people and supervisors of the refugee camp who made up the sample population. The researcher was able to conduct a face to face in-depth interview and studied necessary documents that informed the study immensely. Thematic data analysis revealed economic and employment opportunities, security, cultural and social networking and finally good counselling on the three traditional durable solutions as the themes greatly impacting on the integration of refugees in Ghana. A number of recommendations are made to inform the management and integration of refugees in Ghana and in Africa in general.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2009
An exploratory study of employee responses to the implementation of SAP R/3 and connected application portfolios (CAPs) at an energy company
- Authors: Anthony, Lizel Angelique
- Date: 2009
- Subjects: SAP R/3 , Organizational change -- South Africa , Personnel management -- South Africa , Business planning -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPhil
- Identifier: vital:16137 , http://hdl.handle.net/10948/1415 , SAP R/3 , Organizational change -- South Africa , Personnel management -- South Africa , Business planning -- South Africa
- Description: The aim of this research was to explore employee responses to the implementation of SAP R/3 and Connected Application Portfolios (CAPs) in Shell South Africa (Pty) Ltd. Downstream-One (DS-1) Business/Lubricants (B2B/Lubes) Project Implementation Programme. It assessed whether employees accepted or rejected change prior to the implementation of SAP R/3 and CAP’s. In 2005 globally Shell launched its Enterprise Resource Planning (ERP) implementation. Its 16th implementation was conducted in Shell South Africa (Pty) Ltd. (Shell SA) in 2008. This research was conducted using a qualitative approach.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2009
- Authors: Anthony, Lizel Angelique
- Date: 2009
- Subjects: SAP R/3 , Organizational change -- South Africa , Personnel management -- South Africa , Business planning -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPhil
- Identifier: vital:16137 , http://hdl.handle.net/10948/1415 , SAP R/3 , Organizational change -- South Africa , Personnel management -- South Africa , Business planning -- South Africa
- Description: The aim of this research was to explore employee responses to the implementation of SAP R/3 and Connected Application Portfolios (CAPs) in Shell South Africa (Pty) Ltd. Downstream-One (DS-1) Business/Lubricants (B2B/Lubes) Project Implementation Programme. It assessed whether employees accepted or rejected change prior to the implementation of SAP R/3 and CAP’s. In 2005 globally Shell launched its Enterprise Resource Planning (ERP) implementation. Its 16th implementation was conducted in Shell South Africa (Pty) Ltd. (Shell SA) in 2008. This research was conducted using a qualitative approach.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2009
An exploratory study of the role of synergy between the state and civil society in popular participation with reference to the province of Kwazulu-Natal
- Mtaka, Nhlanhla Dalibhurhwana
- Authors: Mtaka, Nhlanhla Dalibhurhwana
- Date: 2009
- Subjects: Economic development -- Social aspects -- South Africa -- KwaZulu Natal , Civil society , Responsibility , Political ethics
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPhil
- Identifier: vital:8210 , http://hdl.handle.net/10948/1135 , Economic development -- Social aspects -- South Africa -- KwaZulu Natal , Civil society , Responsibility , Political ethics
- Description: A healthy democracy is generally seen as one in which citizens participate regularly in formal political activities. Citizens’ participation in governance has come to be accepted as an expression of their rights and the manifestation of citizen agency. Access to information remains a crucial component of the right to participate. Transparency, as a normative and constitutional value, represents a means, not an end. The means is the mechanism of access to information. Within the South African context, there is evidence of an increase in participation of a variety of interest groups by means of different processes, as well as through the establishment of numerous consultative bodies and mechanisms for popular participation at all levels of the political structure (Houston, 2001:1). However, accountability to citizens can best be gauged by assessing citizens’ opportunities to influence legislation between elections. Ultimately, the effectiveness and sustainability of mechanisms aim at improving citizens’ participation in policy formulation in order to become effective when they are “institutionalized” and when the state’s own “internal” mechanisms are rendered more transparent and open to civic engagement. Furthermore, the success depends on some form of effective interaction between the state and civic society. In the case of South Africa, whilst the political context and culture for participation exist in the form of the constitutional provisions and several pieces of legislation, a discrepancy exist whereby many South Africans are excluded or devalued by the vast differences in wealth. Citizen’s votes may count equally, but they are still not able to participate on an equal basis between elections. Participatory mechanisms established to ensure citizen’s participation, access to information and monitoring inside and outside the legislature, remain ineffective. These unequal opportunities mean that the poorer and less organised segments of society are prejudiced in terms of influencing legislation and policy. Their lack of full and meaningful participation means legislative outcomes are less representative of, and responsive to, the interests of the poorer segments of society (Habib, Shultz – Herzenberg, 2005: 144). The focus of this study is limited to the province of KwaZulu-Natal. The aim is to, firstly, assess the extent to which citizens can control those who make collective decisions about public affairs. Secondly, it assess the extent to which citizens participate in the existing participatory mechanisms, and thirdly, the study explores the possibilities of the synergy between the state and civil society in promoting effective participation by its citizens. The study, therefore : 1. Assess the theoretical and policy framework for citizen’s participation in South Africa; and 2. Evaluate the level of participation and effectiveness of participatory mechanisms inside and outside the KwaZulu - Natal Legislature. The study introduces the theoretical and conceptual framework of citizen participation through a literature review; followed by an empirical study of citizen participation in the legislative process in the kwaZulu Natal legislature. The study makes the following findings: 1. The literature review concurs that South Africa has one of the most progressive and liberal constitutions in the world. This is coupled with a sound policy framework demonstrating genuine political will for citizens’ participation in policy formulation. 2. Within the political context and culture for citizen participation, the main question of how much control citizens have over the actions of their government remains. Another issue is whether existing mechanisms in the legislature are effective in engendering citizen’s participation and quality input in public policy – making processes. 3. The study showed that ultimately the effectiveness and sustainability of citizen participation mechanisms is improved when they are “institutionalised” and when the state’s own internal mechanisms of accountability are rendered more transparent and open to civic engagement. The study also highlighted the need for synergy between the state and civil society. This includes, among other things, participatory budgeting, public expenditure tracking, monitoring of public service delivery, investigative journalism and citizens’ advisory boards. The study, therefore, makes two recommendations: 1. A comparative Citizens Education and Outreach Programme be developed and spearheaded by both the legislature and civil society in kwaZulu-Natal; and 2. A further study needs to be undertaken to investigate the possible structural nature of the synergy (relationship) between the state and civil society in the province.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2009
- Authors: Mtaka, Nhlanhla Dalibhurhwana
- Date: 2009
- Subjects: Economic development -- Social aspects -- South Africa -- KwaZulu Natal , Civil society , Responsibility , Political ethics
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPhil
- Identifier: vital:8210 , http://hdl.handle.net/10948/1135 , Economic development -- Social aspects -- South Africa -- KwaZulu Natal , Civil society , Responsibility , Political ethics
- Description: A healthy democracy is generally seen as one in which citizens participate regularly in formal political activities. Citizens’ participation in governance has come to be accepted as an expression of their rights and the manifestation of citizen agency. Access to information remains a crucial component of the right to participate. Transparency, as a normative and constitutional value, represents a means, not an end. The means is the mechanism of access to information. Within the South African context, there is evidence of an increase in participation of a variety of interest groups by means of different processes, as well as through the establishment of numerous consultative bodies and mechanisms for popular participation at all levels of the political structure (Houston, 2001:1). However, accountability to citizens can best be gauged by assessing citizens’ opportunities to influence legislation between elections. Ultimately, the effectiveness and sustainability of mechanisms aim at improving citizens’ participation in policy formulation in order to become effective when they are “institutionalized” and when the state’s own “internal” mechanisms are rendered more transparent and open to civic engagement. Furthermore, the success depends on some form of effective interaction between the state and civic society. In the case of South Africa, whilst the political context and culture for participation exist in the form of the constitutional provisions and several pieces of legislation, a discrepancy exist whereby many South Africans are excluded or devalued by the vast differences in wealth. Citizen’s votes may count equally, but they are still not able to participate on an equal basis between elections. Participatory mechanisms established to ensure citizen’s participation, access to information and monitoring inside and outside the legislature, remain ineffective. These unequal opportunities mean that the poorer and less organised segments of society are prejudiced in terms of influencing legislation and policy. Their lack of full and meaningful participation means legislative outcomes are less representative of, and responsive to, the interests of the poorer segments of society (Habib, Shultz – Herzenberg, 2005: 144). The focus of this study is limited to the province of KwaZulu-Natal. The aim is to, firstly, assess the extent to which citizens can control those who make collective decisions about public affairs. Secondly, it assess the extent to which citizens participate in the existing participatory mechanisms, and thirdly, the study explores the possibilities of the synergy between the state and civil society in promoting effective participation by its citizens. The study, therefore : 1. Assess the theoretical and policy framework for citizen’s participation in South Africa; and 2. Evaluate the level of participation and effectiveness of participatory mechanisms inside and outside the KwaZulu - Natal Legislature. The study introduces the theoretical and conceptual framework of citizen participation through a literature review; followed by an empirical study of citizen participation in the legislative process in the kwaZulu Natal legislature. The study makes the following findings: 1. The literature review concurs that South Africa has one of the most progressive and liberal constitutions in the world. This is coupled with a sound policy framework demonstrating genuine political will for citizens’ participation in policy formulation. 2. Within the political context and culture for citizen participation, the main question of how much control citizens have over the actions of their government remains. Another issue is whether existing mechanisms in the legislature are effective in engendering citizen’s participation and quality input in public policy – making processes. 3. The study showed that ultimately the effectiveness and sustainability of citizen participation mechanisms is improved when they are “institutionalised” and when the state’s own internal mechanisms of accountability are rendered more transparent and open to civic engagement. The study also highlighted the need for synergy between the state and civil society. This includes, among other things, participatory budgeting, public expenditure tracking, monitoring of public service delivery, investigative journalism and citizens’ advisory boards. The study, therefore, makes two recommendations: 1. A comparative Citizens Education and Outreach Programme be developed and spearheaded by both the legislature and civil society in kwaZulu-Natal; and 2. A further study needs to be undertaken to investigate the possible structural nature of the synergy (relationship) between the state and civil society in the province.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2009
An investigation into the extent to which the socio-economic dimension is addressed in attempts to manage the North-South Sudanese Conflict : with a particular focus on the comprehensive peace agreement of 2005
- Authors: Masabala, Josiah
- Date: 2009
- Subjects: Sudan -- Politics and government , Conflict management -- Sudan , Sudan -- Social conditions , Sudan -- Economic conditions
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPhil
- Identifier: vital:8176 , http://hdl.handle.net/10948/1551 , Sudan -- Politics and government , Conflict management -- Sudan , Sudan -- Social conditions , Sudan -- Economic conditions
- Description: The socio-economic dimension of conflicts has enjoyed increasing attention in research dealing with the dynamics of contemporary conflict. The underlying assumption of this study is that the socio-economic dimension of conflict can be hugely informative in terms of providing an understanding as to why peace agreements fail and in that sense can contribute to the resolution of conflicts if taken into account during the formulation of peace agreements. This study explores the way in which conflict theory has dealt with conflict and determines to what degree peace agreements in the Sudan have taken into consideration the socio-economic dimension of the conflict between the North and South Sudan since February 1972 to January 2005. This study proposes a number of recommendations in terms of the peace process in the Sudan with possible wider application to other future peace agreements.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2009
- Authors: Masabala, Josiah
- Date: 2009
- Subjects: Sudan -- Politics and government , Conflict management -- Sudan , Sudan -- Social conditions , Sudan -- Economic conditions
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPhil
- Identifier: vital:8176 , http://hdl.handle.net/10948/1551 , Sudan -- Politics and government , Conflict management -- Sudan , Sudan -- Social conditions , Sudan -- Economic conditions
- Description: The socio-economic dimension of conflicts has enjoyed increasing attention in research dealing with the dynamics of contemporary conflict. The underlying assumption of this study is that the socio-economic dimension of conflict can be hugely informative in terms of providing an understanding as to why peace agreements fail and in that sense can contribute to the resolution of conflicts if taken into account during the formulation of peace agreements. This study explores the way in which conflict theory has dealt with conflict and determines to what degree peace agreements in the Sudan have taken into consideration the socio-economic dimension of the conflict between the North and South Sudan since February 1972 to January 2005. This study proposes a number of recommendations in terms of the peace process in the Sudan with possible wider application to other future peace agreements.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2009
From abundance to bondage : an investigation of the causes of the political crisis in Zimbabwe from 1995 to 2005
- Mcakuvana, Malibongwe Patrick
- Authors: Mcakuvana, Malibongwe Patrick
- Date: 2009
- Subjects: Political violence -- Zimbabwe , Zimbabwe -- Politics and government -- 1995-2005 , Zimbabwe -- Social conditions -- 1995-2005 , Zimbabwe -- History
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPhil
- Identifier: vital:8213 , http://hdl.handle.net/10948/1069 , Political violence -- Zimbabwe , Zimbabwe -- Politics and government -- 1995-2005 , Zimbabwe -- Social conditions -- 1995-2005 , Zimbabwe -- History
- Description: This study investigates the main causes of the present political crisis in Zimbabwe with particular reference to the crisis as a direct result of a crisis of authority or governance. The economy and the political environments in the former Rhodesia have been in a healthy state until the early 1990s when the ruling ZANU-PF had its rule under siege when the economy dwindled and the opposition became rife. The broad questions that the study sought to answer were: What have been the primary reasons for the political crisis in Zimbabwe between 1995 and 2005? What role has the political elite played in the country’s development? What contribution did the Economic Structural Adjustment Programme make to the economic development of Zimbabwe? Are there any other important factors that have played a role in the development process of Zimbabwe? As a way of investigation, this study uses qualitative research techniques to make a clinical examination of the main causes of the political crisis that has reduced the formerly self-sustaining and democratically highly rated country to a pariah citizen (state) of the world. A number of primary sources have been used and have had their responses/input supplemented by relatively reliable secondary sources that gave authenticity to the argument of the research. This study makes a ten year review of the political and economic situation in Zimbabwe, as this is the period whence the political crisis became apparent and restricts its investigation of the causes of the political crisis to this period albeit some of these reasons are connected to the past i.e. the period from 1980 to 1995. Since this is a deductive scholarly account, the study tests the theory of organic crisis as an explanation for state collapse in Africa with particular reference to Zimbabwe. Finally the study reveals that the major causes of the political crisis in Zimbabwe are the colonial legacy which seems to have had its negative on the politics of the country just ten years into democracy; the crisis of governance which led to political and economic decay as the ruling party tried by all means to solicit political support; the Lancaster House agreement and the land question which are related to the question of colonial legacy and among the primary reasons Zimbabwe has reached political impasse; the crisis of elites which this directly links to the political crisis; structural adjustment programmes and corruption and fraud.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2009
- Authors: Mcakuvana, Malibongwe Patrick
- Date: 2009
- Subjects: Political violence -- Zimbabwe , Zimbabwe -- Politics and government -- 1995-2005 , Zimbabwe -- Social conditions -- 1995-2005 , Zimbabwe -- History
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPhil
- Identifier: vital:8213 , http://hdl.handle.net/10948/1069 , Political violence -- Zimbabwe , Zimbabwe -- Politics and government -- 1995-2005 , Zimbabwe -- Social conditions -- 1995-2005 , Zimbabwe -- History
- Description: This study investigates the main causes of the present political crisis in Zimbabwe with particular reference to the crisis as a direct result of a crisis of authority or governance. The economy and the political environments in the former Rhodesia have been in a healthy state until the early 1990s when the ruling ZANU-PF had its rule under siege when the economy dwindled and the opposition became rife. The broad questions that the study sought to answer were: What have been the primary reasons for the political crisis in Zimbabwe between 1995 and 2005? What role has the political elite played in the country’s development? What contribution did the Economic Structural Adjustment Programme make to the economic development of Zimbabwe? Are there any other important factors that have played a role in the development process of Zimbabwe? As a way of investigation, this study uses qualitative research techniques to make a clinical examination of the main causes of the political crisis that has reduced the formerly self-sustaining and democratically highly rated country to a pariah citizen (state) of the world. A number of primary sources have been used and have had their responses/input supplemented by relatively reliable secondary sources that gave authenticity to the argument of the research. This study makes a ten year review of the political and economic situation in Zimbabwe, as this is the period whence the political crisis became apparent and restricts its investigation of the causes of the political crisis to this period albeit some of these reasons are connected to the past i.e. the period from 1980 to 1995. Since this is a deductive scholarly account, the study tests the theory of organic crisis as an explanation for state collapse in Africa with particular reference to Zimbabwe. Finally the study reveals that the major causes of the political crisis in Zimbabwe are the colonial legacy which seems to have had its negative on the politics of the country just ten years into democracy; the crisis of governance which led to political and economic decay as the ruling party tried by all means to solicit political support; the Lancaster House agreement and the land question which are related to the question of colonial legacy and among the primary reasons Zimbabwe has reached political impasse; the crisis of elites which this directly links to the political crisis; structural adjustment programmes and corruption and fraud.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2009
The link between economic development programmes (RDP & GEAR) and poverty reduction : (Airport Valley as an illustrative case)
- Authors: Bayti, Thelma Thokozile
- Date: 2009
- Subjects: Economic assistance, Domestic -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , Poverty -- Government policy -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , Economic development projects -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , Poverty -- Economic aspects -- South Africa , Poverty -- Social aspects -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPhil
- Identifier: vital:8225 , http://hdl.handle.net/10948/921 , Economic assistance, Domestic -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , Poverty -- Government policy -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , Economic development projects -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , Poverty -- Economic aspects -- South Africa , Poverty -- Social aspects -- South Africa
- Description: The key debates after apartheid have been on the successes and shortcomings of the social and economic policies that were adopted after apartheid. The ANC government decided to approach poverty reduction by closing the inequality gap between racial groups in the country. It planned to provide services that would improve the poor people’s lives and also create employment to sustain development. To provide the necessary services, the government formulated two broad, but linked macroeconomic policies namely: the RDP and GEAR which focused on the demand and supply side respectively (Venter and Landsberg (2006). This indicated the importance with which the people’s welfare and growth were regarded by the South African government. It indicated that the government believed in pro-poor growth. The purpose of this study was to gain better and deeper understanding about poverty reduction since the 1994 political transition, from the poor people of Airport Valley (in the Nelson Mandela Metropolital Municipality), who experience poverty from the real world. The study attempted to find out from these people if there was improvement in their lives since democratisation. This qualitative and quantitative study used three methods of collecting data namely: a questionnaire, interviews and observation. The results of the study suggest that there has been lack of commitment by RDP and GEAR, as the conditions under which the people live and therefore their standard of living have not improved. The study recommends that the government should speed up the process of service delivery at Airport Valley and also include the people in decision making about the future of Airport Valley.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2009
- Authors: Bayti, Thelma Thokozile
- Date: 2009
- Subjects: Economic assistance, Domestic -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , Poverty -- Government policy -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , Economic development projects -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , Poverty -- Economic aspects -- South Africa , Poverty -- Social aspects -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPhil
- Identifier: vital:8225 , http://hdl.handle.net/10948/921 , Economic assistance, Domestic -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , Poverty -- Government policy -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , Economic development projects -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , Poverty -- Economic aspects -- South Africa , Poverty -- Social aspects -- South Africa
- Description: The key debates after apartheid have been on the successes and shortcomings of the social and economic policies that were adopted after apartheid. The ANC government decided to approach poverty reduction by closing the inequality gap between racial groups in the country. It planned to provide services that would improve the poor people’s lives and also create employment to sustain development. To provide the necessary services, the government formulated two broad, but linked macroeconomic policies namely: the RDP and GEAR which focused on the demand and supply side respectively (Venter and Landsberg (2006). This indicated the importance with which the people’s welfare and growth were regarded by the South African government. It indicated that the government believed in pro-poor growth. The purpose of this study was to gain better and deeper understanding about poverty reduction since the 1994 political transition, from the poor people of Airport Valley (in the Nelson Mandela Metropolital Municipality), who experience poverty from the real world. The study attempted to find out from these people if there was improvement in their lives since democratisation. This qualitative and quantitative study used three methods of collecting data namely: a questionnaire, interviews and observation. The results of the study suggest that there has been lack of commitment by RDP and GEAR, as the conditions under which the people live and therefore their standard of living have not improved. The study recommends that the government should speed up the process of service delivery at Airport Valley and also include the people in decision making about the future of Airport Valley.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2009
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