A comparison of representations of the imperative of higher education change as „transformation‟ versus „decolonisation‟ in South African public discourse
- Authors: Makgakge, Rebecca Dineo
- Date: 2020
- Subjects: Education in mass media -- South Africa , Higher education and state -- South Africa , Education, Higher -- Curricula -- South Africa , Discrimination in education -- South Africa , South Africa -- Colonial influence , Educational change -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/142498 , vital:38085
- Description: The context of higher education in South Africa which has been shaped by the legacies of the old apartheid system is faced with a paramount task of the continuous process of restructuring and change. In shaping the restructuring and change of the higher education system the concept of transformation has been a constant theme for the post-apartheid government policies. However more recently we have seen the heightened prominence of the concept of change understood as decolonisation of South African higher education – as opposed to “transformation‘. This thesis was concerned with how these concepts of change, “transformation‘ and “decolonisation‘ have been used in debates surrounding higher education in South Africa. The thesis compares and contrasts the ways and context in which they are used. This study of 177 South African newspaper articles taken form independent media stables from the time 2008 to the present provides an analysis of representations of higher education change as “transformation‘ and as “decolonisation‘ evinced in the corpus. This required using both content and framing analysis as a method to analyse the corpus. Three themes emerged from the analysis that are relevant to the comparison between South African higher education institutional change represented as “transformation‘ and South African higher education institutional change represented at “decolonisation‘: the first theme concerns the differences and similarities in how the two terms are defined; the second theme concerns how the two ideas play themselves out when it comes to curriculum change and the final theme concerns the implications of seeing change as “transformation‘ and seeing change as “decolonisation‘ for changing institutional cultures.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2020
- Authors: Makgakge, Rebecca Dineo
- Date: 2020
- Subjects: Education in mass media -- South Africa , Higher education and state -- South Africa , Education, Higher -- Curricula -- South Africa , Discrimination in education -- South Africa , South Africa -- Colonial influence , Educational change -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/142498 , vital:38085
- Description: The context of higher education in South Africa which has been shaped by the legacies of the old apartheid system is faced with a paramount task of the continuous process of restructuring and change. In shaping the restructuring and change of the higher education system the concept of transformation has been a constant theme for the post-apartheid government policies. However more recently we have seen the heightened prominence of the concept of change understood as decolonisation of South African higher education – as opposed to “transformation‘. This thesis was concerned with how these concepts of change, “transformation‘ and “decolonisation‘ have been used in debates surrounding higher education in South Africa. The thesis compares and contrasts the ways and context in which they are used. This study of 177 South African newspaper articles taken form independent media stables from the time 2008 to the present provides an analysis of representations of higher education change as “transformation‘ and as “decolonisation‘ evinced in the corpus. This required using both content and framing analysis as a method to analyse the corpus. Three themes emerged from the analysis that are relevant to the comparison between South African higher education institutional change represented as “transformation‘ and South African higher education institutional change represented at “decolonisation‘: the first theme concerns the differences and similarities in how the two terms are defined; the second theme concerns how the two ideas play themselves out when it comes to curriculum change and the final theme concerns the implications of seeing change as “transformation‘ and seeing change as “decolonisation‘ for changing institutional cultures.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2020
Choreographies of protest performance as recruitment to activism and the movement of perception during the 2015 re-emergence of student activism at Rhodes University
- Authors: Qoza, Phiwokazi
- Date: 2020
- Subjects: College students -- Political activity -- South Africa , Student protesters -- South Africa , Student movements -- South Africa , Higher education and state -- South Africa , Performance art -- Political aspects -- South Africa , Protest songs -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/141692 , vital:37997
- Description: It has been argued that individuals participate in activism due to an identification with the preferences and interests of an emerging group of actors or in solidarity with a pre-existing network that has resorted to a number of protest repertoires in order to make claims or demands. Additionally, an emerging instance of protest is often linked to an image of previous protest events through the employment of a combination of master frames which function as discursive articulation of the encounter in familiar terms, creating a frame resonance which recruits adherents and constituents. To understand why some bystanders to protest transcended to actors in protest and the development of frames within a protest cycle, a performance ethnography is employed to observe and analyse choreographies of protest which took place at an institution of higher education in South Africa during the 2015 re-emergence of wide-spread student activism. It is found that in encountering an atmosphere of protest there emerged a relation of feeling, referred to as “feeling the vibe or atmosphere”, which those who became protest performers resolved in ways which increased their capacity to act in favour of co-constituting that atmosphere. During the encounter between the bystander body and the atmosphere of protest, non-linear somatic communication, characterised by active and passive gestures and postures, occurred through which protest performers developed contact and connection with other bodies as a result of the displacement of space. This thesis suggests that participation in activism can be about going with the flow of movement in an uncertain and ambiguous moment and is not limited to an identification with the pre-existing organization of preferences and interests as a frame of resonance emerges to signify somatic communication which differentiated bodies in the duration of protest performance. Therefore, this thesis uses the theory of affect to situate student activism in-between the politics of performance and the performance of politics whereupon the rhythm of song creates an opening for the kinaesthetic to create form from spontaneous movement of the body as an event of the movement of perception and the perception of movement.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2020
- Authors: Qoza, Phiwokazi
- Date: 2020
- Subjects: College students -- Political activity -- South Africa , Student protesters -- South Africa , Student movements -- South Africa , Higher education and state -- South Africa , Performance art -- Political aspects -- South Africa , Protest songs -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/141692 , vital:37997
- Description: It has been argued that individuals participate in activism due to an identification with the preferences and interests of an emerging group of actors or in solidarity with a pre-existing network that has resorted to a number of protest repertoires in order to make claims or demands. Additionally, an emerging instance of protest is often linked to an image of previous protest events through the employment of a combination of master frames which function as discursive articulation of the encounter in familiar terms, creating a frame resonance which recruits adherents and constituents. To understand why some bystanders to protest transcended to actors in protest and the development of frames within a protest cycle, a performance ethnography is employed to observe and analyse choreographies of protest which took place at an institution of higher education in South Africa during the 2015 re-emergence of wide-spread student activism. It is found that in encountering an atmosphere of protest there emerged a relation of feeling, referred to as “feeling the vibe or atmosphere”, which those who became protest performers resolved in ways which increased their capacity to act in favour of co-constituting that atmosphere. During the encounter between the bystander body and the atmosphere of protest, non-linear somatic communication, characterised by active and passive gestures and postures, occurred through which protest performers developed contact and connection with other bodies as a result of the displacement of space. This thesis suggests that participation in activism can be about going with the flow of movement in an uncertain and ambiguous moment and is not limited to an identification with the pre-existing organization of preferences and interests as a frame of resonance emerges to signify somatic communication which differentiated bodies in the duration of protest performance. Therefore, this thesis uses the theory of affect to situate student activism in-between the politics of performance and the performance of politics whereupon the rhythm of song creates an opening for the kinaesthetic to create form from spontaneous movement of the body as an event of the movement of perception and the perception of movement.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2020
The Islamic Bloc at the United Nations Human Rights Council
- Authors: Rist, Duncan Graham
- Date: 2020
- Subjects: United Nations Human Rights Council , Organisation of Islamic Cooperation , International relations , International relations -- Moral and ethical aspects , Political leadership -- Moral and ethical aspects , Power (Social sciences) -- United States , Human rights -- International cooperation , Liberalism -- International cooperation
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/142759 , vital:38114
- Description: Uncertainty as to the future of the liberal international order and the position of the United States within an international system in which it is not the hegemon remains a topic of debate amongst scholars of International Relations (Acharya: 2017; Duncombe and Dunne: 2018; Ikenberry: 2009, 2011, 2014; Nye: 2012 and Monteiro: 2011/2012). Fukuyama’s (1989: 4) “end of history” has not happened and a resurgence of populist leaders within established liberal democratic countries has contributed to a rapid decline of moral and ethical leadership and has further compromised the future of the liberal international order (Duncombe and Dunne, 2018: 27). As the relative power of the United States declines and the future of the liberal international order becomes increasingly uncertain, support for its future must be sought from outside the West (Duncombe and Dunne, 2018: 25 and Ikenberry: 2009). This thesis seeks to locate where potential non-Western support for the future liberal international order may be found. It does so through an analysis of how Islamic states who are part of the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation vote on the United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC). The OIC has a significant presence at the UNHRC and can influence the direction of the liberal international human rights regime. The evidence examined in this research project suggests that the future liberal international order and human rights regime can indeed expect some form of cooperation from the OIC. However, the OIC, and by extension Islamic states, would likely offer more support at least for human rights, if a more common understanding were to be found.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2020
- Authors: Rist, Duncan Graham
- Date: 2020
- Subjects: United Nations Human Rights Council , Organisation of Islamic Cooperation , International relations , International relations -- Moral and ethical aspects , Political leadership -- Moral and ethical aspects , Power (Social sciences) -- United States , Human rights -- International cooperation , Liberalism -- International cooperation
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/142759 , vital:38114
- Description: Uncertainty as to the future of the liberal international order and the position of the United States within an international system in which it is not the hegemon remains a topic of debate amongst scholars of International Relations (Acharya: 2017; Duncombe and Dunne: 2018; Ikenberry: 2009, 2011, 2014; Nye: 2012 and Monteiro: 2011/2012). Fukuyama’s (1989: 4) “end of history” has not happened and a resurgence of populist leaders within established liberal democratic countries has contributed to a rapid decline of moral and ethical leadership and has further compromised the future of the liberal international order (Duncombe and Dunne, 2018: 27). As the relative power of the United States declines and the future of the liberal international order becomes increasingly uncertain, support for its future must be sought from outside the West (Duncombe and Dunne, 2018: 25 and Ikenberry: 2009). This thesis seeks to locate where potential non-Western support for the future liberal international order may be found. It does so through an analysis of how Islamic states who are part of the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation vote on the United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC). The OIC has a significant presence at the UNHRC and can influence the direction of the liberal international human rights regime. The evidence examined in this research project suggests that the future liberal international order and human rights regime can indeed expect some form of cooperation from the OIC. However, the OIC, and by extension Islamic states, would likely offer more support at least for human rights, if a more common understanding were to be found.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2020
The political thought of Thomas Sankara and its contemporary relevance
- Authors: Kabwato, Levison M
- Date: 2020
- Subjects: Sankara, Thomas , Sankara, Thomas -- Influence , Burkina Faso -- Politics and government -- 1960-1987 , Cabral, Amílcar, 1924-1973 , Fanon, Frantz, 1925-1961 , Nkrumah, Kwame, 1909-1972
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/146556 , vital:38536
- Description: On 4 August 1983, a thirty-three year-old army captain seized power in Burkina Faso and embarked on what can be described a revolutionary journey. Over the next four years, until his assassination in 1987 the government, led by Captain Thomas Sankara, attempted to redeem Burkina Faso from the clutches of neo-colonialism. Through popular mobilisation and organisation, infrastructure (schools, hospitals, bridges) was built, millions of children were vaccinated and diseases such as river blindness were eliminated. Women, long-subjugated by patriarchal systems took up space and led their own initiatives in freedom, including holding senior roles in the public service. On the international stage, practical solidarity was extended to countries either fighting or threatened by neo-colonialism despite the fact that Burkina Faso was poor and was itself threatened by France and her lackeys. What Sankara inherited in August 1983, twenty-three years after Burkina Faso’s independence, was a fragile neo-colonial state which was not allowed by dominant imperialist interests to set an example of what true independence means. So, in just four years, it was all over. Sankara was assassinated by his comrades and the revolutionary project he had led came to a halt. The tragedy of Sankara was the tragedy of all those attempts at revolution which occur before mass movements have had the opportunity to develop and organise themselves independently of the state. Despite this, it is apparent today that Sankara has been influential on current political movements and parties in Africa, from Burkina Faso to South Africa. One of these political movements is the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF) in South Africa. This half-thesis is an investigation of Sankara’s political thought. It also examines the extent to which his answers to questions of nationalism and pan-Africanism both matched and differed from his predecessors. To accomplish the latter, a brief but critical analysis of the writings of Amílcar Cabral, Frantz Fanon, Kwame Nkrumah is made.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2020
- Authors: Kabwato, Levison M
- Date: 2020
- Subjects: Sankara, Thomas , Sankara, Thomas -- Influence , Burkina Faso -- Politics and government -- 1960-1987 , Cabral, Amílcar, 1924-1973 , Fanon, Frantz, 1925-1961 , Nkrumah, Kwame, 1909-1972
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/146556 , vital:38536
- Description: On 4 August 1983, a thirty-three year-old army captain seized power in Burkina Faso and embarked on what can be described a revolutionary journey. Over the next four years, until his assassination in 1987 the government, led by Captain Thomas Sankara, attempted to redeem Burkina Faso from the clutches of neo-colonialism. Through popular mobilisation and organisation, infrastructure (schools, hospitals, bridges) was built, millions of children were vaccinated and diseases such as river blindness were eliminated. Women, long-subjugated by patriarchal systems took up space and led their own initiatives in freedom, including holding senior roles in the public service. On the international stage, practical solidarity was extended to countries either fighting or threatened by neo-colonialism despite the fact that Burkina Faso was poor and was itself threatened by France and her lackeys. What Sankara inherited in August 1983, twenty-three years after Burkina Faso’s independence, was a fragile neo-colonial state which was not allowed by dominant imperialist interests to set an example of what true independence means. So, in just four years, it was all over. Sankara was assassinated by his comrades and the revolutionary project he had led came to a halt. The tragedy of Sankara was the tragedy of all those attempts at revolution which occur before mass movements have had the opportunity to develop and organise themselves independently of the state. Despite this, it is apparent today that Sankara has been influential on current political movements and parties in Africa, from Burkina Faso to South Africa. One of these political movements is the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF) in South Africa. This half-thesis is an investigation of Sankara’s political thought. It also examines the extent to which his answers to questions of nationalism and pan-Africanism both matched and differed from his predecessors. To accomplish the latter, a brief but critical analysis of the writings of Amílcar Cabral, Frantz Fanon, Kwame Nkrumah is made.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2020
Understanding popular resistance to xenophobia in South Africa: ‘people think’ and the possibility of alternative politics
- Authors: Parker, Jemima
- Date: 2020
- Subjects: Xenophobia -- South Africa , Nationalism -- South Africa , Lazarus, Sylvain -- Political and social views , Political culture -- South Africa , Social change -- South Africa -- Political aspects , Discourse analysis -- South Africa -- Political aspects , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1994- , Political science -- Philosophy , Political sociology -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/115006 , vital:34069
- Description: This thesis is concerned with the crisis of xenophobia in South Africa. It argues, firstly, that xenophobia itself is not primarily a reaction to poverty, inequality, or any other set of social conditions. Rather, xenophobia must be considered to be a collective political discourse which has arisen in post-apartheid South Africa from an exclusionary conception of state nationalism. Where this work may be distinguished from the majority of research on xenophobia in South Africa is in the fact that its particular focus is on instances where ‘ordinary’ South Africans have challenged and resisted xenophobic violence in their communities through collective political mobilisation. I suggest that these sites of resistance deserve careful consideration in their own right. I argue that they may demonstrate a subjective break with the oppressive politics of state nationalism through the affirmation of alternative political conceptions. Drawing on the political theory of Sylvain Lazarus, and his principal thesis that people are capable of thinking politics in ways which can subjectively think beyond the social and the extant (underscored by his political and methodological axiom, people think), this thesis argues that these sites of resistance show that people – and especially those who are considered to be marginalised from the domain of legitimate politics – can and do think politically, and it is in the thought of people that new and potentially emancipatory visions of politics may emerge.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2020
- Authors: Parker, Jemima
- Date: 2020
- Subjects: Xenophobia -- South Africa , Nationalism -- South Africa , Lazarus, Sylvain -- Political and social views , Political culture -- South Africa , Social change -- South Africa -- Political aspects , Discourse analysis -- South Africa -- Political aspects , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1994- , Political science -- Philosophy , Political sociology -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/115006 , vital:34069
- Description: This thesis is concerned with the crisis of xenophobia in South Africa. It argues, firstly, that xenophobia itself is not primarily a reaction to poverty, inequality, or any other set of social conditions. Rather, xenophobia must be considered to be a collective political discourse which has arisen in post-apartheid South Africa from an exclusionary conception of state nationalism. Where this work may be distinguished from the majority of research on xenophobia in South Africa is in the fact that its particular focus is on instances where ‘ordinary’ South Africans have challenged and resisted xenophobic violence in their communities through collective political mobilisation. I suggest that these sites of resistance deserve careful consideration in their own right. I argue that they may demonstrate a subjective break with the oppressive politics of state nationalism through the affirmation of alternative political conceptions. Drawing on the political theory of Sylvain Lazarus, and his principal thesis that people are capable of thinking politics in ways which can subjectively think beyond the social and the extant (underscored by his political and methodological axiom, people think), this thesis argues that these sites of resistance show that people – and especially those who are considered to be marginalised from the domain of legitimate politics – can and do think politically, and it is in the thought of people that new and potentially emancipatory visions of politics may emerge.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2020
Between drones and al-Shabaab: United States extra-judicial killings in Somalia, sovereignty and the future of liberal intervention
- Authors: Koloko, Mojalefa
- Date: 2019
- Subjects: Somalia -- Politics and government -- 1991- , Somalia -- History -- 1991- , Somalia -- Foreign relations -- United States , Somalia -- Foreign relations -- 1991- , Military assistance, American -- Somalia , Extrajudicial exeutions -- Somalia , Shabaab (Organization)
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/67657 , vital:29125
- Description: This study examines the nature of the United States intervention in Somalia, specifically the use of drone strikes that first targeted the militant Sunni Islamist transnational group, al-Qaeda, which claimed responsibility for the 11 September 2001 attacks on the United States, and now target the Somali organisation, Harakat al-Shabaab al-Mujahidin, commonly known as al-Shabaab. The use of drone strikes in the US led war on terror has raised concerns about sovereignty as the extra-judicial killings are conducted without the consent of the concerned states. Furthermore, drone strikes also raise questions about the processes of liberal intervention as the US conducts them without the approval of the United Nations Security Council. It is argued in this study that what is understood to be the “golden era” of liberal interventionism is a legacy of the post-Cold War unipolar dominance of the United States in global governance and security. It is argued that US unipolarity was accompanied by a shifting perception regarding the security position of weak states, whose weakness becomes understood as a source of global insecurity. This perception that so called “weak” and “fragile” states are sources of threats is a departure in International Relations theory, because the discipline is historically preoccupied with studying the actions of powerful states and their consequence for the global order. It is argued that the discourse on the war on terror, and its focus on “failed states” as breeding grounds for alleged terrorists, represents the height of the repositioning of less powerful states from a peripheral status in IR analysis and practice, to their current position that are now being represented as core sources of threat to international peace and security. Through life history interviews with Somali nationals in Grahamstown, Port Elizabeth and Uitenhage, South Africa, the study examines the consequences of US actions from the eyes of Somali people. The findings of this study show that despite all the controversy surrounding the legitimacy of the war on terror, the manner in which it is conducted, as well as the tactics that it employs, the majority of Somali participants showed an overwhelming support for the US intervention. Participants expressed support for the US extra-judicial killings because they are understood to undermine al-Shabaab strength which is a major source of insecurity. The study also shows that the lack of necessary collaboration between the US intelligence and the Somali ground forces has resulted in high numbers of civilian deaths, which participants fear can be used by al-Shabaab to recruit and radicalise more Somalis. The study also shows that most Somalis resent the presence of the African Union Mission in Somalia because Kenya and Ethiopia are seen as 10 pursuing national interests that are not invested in Somali peace and stability. The study concludes that US extra-judicial killings have failed to constrain the actions of al-Shabaab. Somalis expressed that the leadership of current president, Mohamed Abdullahi Mohamed Farmaajo, holds the unique possibilities of creating national unity that rises above clan divisions and the radical Jihadist ideology of al-Shabaab.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2019
- Authors: Koloko, Mojalefa
- Date: 2019
- Subjects: Somalia -- Politics and government -- 1991- , Somalia -- History -- 1991- , Somalia -- Foreign relations -- United States , Somalia -- Foreign relations -- 1991- , Military assistance, American -- Somalia , Extrajudicial exeutions -- Somalia , Shabaab (Organization)
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/67657 , vital:29125
- Description: This study examines the nature of the United States intervention in Somalia, specifically the use of drone strikes that first targeted the militant Sunni Islamist transnational group, al-Qaeda, which claimed responsibility for the 11 September 2001 attacks on the United States, and now target the Somali organisation, Harakat al-Shabaab al-Mujahidin, commonly known as al-Shabaab. The use of drone strikes in the US led war on terror has raised concerns about sovereignty as the extra-judicial killings are conducted without the consent of the concerned states. Furthermore, drone strikes also raise questions about the processes of liberal intervention as the US conducts them without the approval of the United Nations Security Council. It is argued in this study that what is understood to be the “golden era” of liberal interventionism is a legacy of the post-Cold War unipolar dominance of the United States in global governance and security. It is argued that US unipolarity was accompanied by a shifting perception regarding the security position of weak states, whose weakness becomes understood as a source of global insecurity. This perception that so called “weak” and “fragile” states are sources of threats is a departure in International Relations theory, because the discipline is historically preoccupied with studying the actions of powerful states and their consequence for the global order. It is argued that the discourse on the war on terror, and its focus on “failed states” as breeding grounds for alleged terrorists, represents the height of the repositioning of less powerful states from a peripheral status in IR analysis and practice, to their current position that are now being represented as core sources of threat to international peace and security. Through life history interviews with Somali nationals in Grahamstown, Port Elizabeth and Uitenhage, South Africa, the study examines the consequences of US actions from the eyes of Somali people. The findings of this study show that despite all the controversy surrounding the legitimacy of the war on terror, the manner in which it is conducted, as well as the tactics that it employs, the majority of Somali participants showed an overwhelming support for the US intervention. Participants expressed support for the US extra-judicial killings because they are understood to undermine al-Shabaab strength which is a major source of insecurity. The study also shows that the lack of necessary collaboration between the US intelligence and the Somali ground forces has resulted in high numbers of civilian deaths, which participants fear can be used by al-Shabaab to recruit and radicalise more Somalis. The study also shows that most Somalis resent the presence of the African Union Mission in Somalia because Kenya and Ethiopia are seen as 10 pursuing national interests that are not invested in Somali peace and stability. The study concludes that US extra-judicial killings have failed to constrain the actions of al-Shabaab. Somalis expressed that the leadership of current president, Mohamed Abdullahi Mohamed Farmaajo, holds the unique possibilities of creating national unity that rises above clan divisions and the radical Jihadist ideology of al-Shabaab.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2019
Dangerous liaisons or critical alliances: student perceptions of community engagement at Rhodes University, South Africa
- Authors: Levy, Simone Arielle
- Date: 2018
- Subjects: Rhodes University -- Students -- Public services , Community and college -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , Education, Higher -- Social aspects -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/57411 , vital:26907
- Description: Community Engagement (CE) in South Africa is an increasingly important feature of the relationship between the university and a broader community, and may aid in bridging the entrenched social divisions of this nation. This will only be possible if CE succeeds in uniting the knowledge production interests of the university and the broader community. Through CE, knowledge production and dissemination from within the university should be made more relevant and applicable because it is based on a relationship or engagement with a community. Based on the perceptions of student volunteers in a CE programme at a South African university, this thesis set out to ask whether or not students are transformed through university-community collaboration. This research examines the perceptions and motivations of student volunteers entering community partnership programmes. More importantly, it asks whether these engagements are merely a “weekend special” consisting of shallow engagements, which last only a few hours a week that provide institutional window dressing; or well-intended engagements through which students build meaningful relationships and experience learning opportunities that prepare them for real world civic participation. As this thesis focuses on the student perspective, it explores whether or not CE has an impact, both personally and educationally or academically, on the lives of individual student volunteers. The literature on CE argues that students’ participation in CE opportunities should enhance academic learning, personal growth and promote a sense of citizenship or civic responsibility. Based on the perceptions of a small group of student volunteers at one university, this thesis identifies possible successes and limitations of CE volunteering programmes in order to see if what is promoted in the literature or institutional policies is being experienced or achieved in practice at universities. I argue that students are indeed transformed through processes of CE, often in unexpected ways, and despite many difficulties. Therefore, if CE provides students with more holistic learning opportunities while attending universities for academic ends, it is important to look at in what ways this is achieved.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2018
- Authors: Levy, Simone Arielle
- Date: 2018
- Subjects: Rhodes University -- Students -- Public services , Community and college -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , Education, Higher -- Social aspects -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/57411 , vital:26907
- Description: Community Engagement (CE) in South Africa is an increasingly important feature of the relationship between the university and a broader community, and may aid in bridging the entrenched social divisions of this nation. This will only be possible if CE succeeds in uniting the knowledge production interests of the university and the broader community. Through CE, knowledge production and dissemination from within the university should be made more relevant and applicable because it is based on a relationship or engagement with a community. Based on the perceptions of student volunteers in a CE programme at a South African university, this thesis set out to ask whether or not students are transformed through university-community collaboration. This research examines the perceptions and motivations of student volunteers entering community partnership programmes. More importantly, it asks whether these engagements are merely a “weekend special” consisting of shallow engagements, which last only a few hours a week that provide institutional window dressing; or well-intended engagements through which students build meaningful relationships and experience learning opportunities that prepare them for real world civic participation. As this thesis focuses on the student perspective, it explores whether or not CE has an impact, both personally and educationally or academically, on the lives of individual student volunteers. The literature on CE argues that students’ participation in CE opportunities should enhance academic learning, personal growth and promote a sense of citizenship or civic responsibility. Based on the perceptions of a small group of student volunteers at one university, this thesis identifies possible successes and limitations of CE volunteering programmes in order to see if what is promoted in the literature or institutional policies is being experienced or achieved in practice at universities. I argue that students are indeed transformed through processes of CE, often in unexpected ways, and despite many difficulties. Therefore, if CE provides students with more holistic learning opportunities while attending universities for academic ends, it is important to look at in what ways this is achieved.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2018
Lizalise Idinga Lakho [Honour Thy Promise]: The Methodist Church Women’s Manyano, the Bifurcated Public Sphere, Divine Strength, Ubufazi and Motherhood in Post-Apartheid South Africa
- Authors: Ngcobozi, Lihle
- Date: 2017
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/17717 , vital:22271
- Description: This study examines the socio-political role of the Christian church based women’s Manyano organisations in post-apartheid South Africa. Specifically, the study examines the ways in which the women’s Manyano organisations offer black women a site for the performance of citizenship. The study is based on life history interviews conducted with seventeen members of the Methodist Church Women’s Manyano of the Lamontville Circuit in Kwa-Zulu Natal. The study shows that dominant literature on Manyano women is primarily located in the historiography of the formation of Manyano groups within the historical development of the black church from the moment of missionary contact in South Africa. This literature shows that the missionaries used the coming together of black women in the church to promote ideas of devout domesticity that are based on Anglophone Victorian womanhood. This literature also shows that the structural constraints of colonisation and apartheid transformed the black church into a counterpublic space which focused largely on the liberation of the black majority from political, economic, and social exclusion from the colonial and apartheid public sphere. These constraints also transformed the role of women’s Manyano organisations to become an important space from which black women came to resist and defeat apartheid. This study shows that this historical framing of women’s Manyano groups has shaped their role in post-apartheid South Africa. Located in the African feminist theory, the study argues that Manyano women’s publicness is not limited to gendered expressions of the public and private sphere. Instead, Manyano women demonstrate that their publicness in post-apartheid South Africa ought to be understood through a combination of the varied identities that they straddle, such as those of a politically and culturally defined womanhood and communally based motherhood, which express their understanding and performance of citizenship. The thesis, therefore, argues that the contemporary role and functioning of Manyanos is located within both the hegemonic public sphere that is granted by the civil liberties of the new South Africa, and the historical black bifurcated counterpublic -which combined offer black women the ability to devise strategies to confront present-day socioeconomic challenges such as structural poverty that shapes the lives of the majority of black women in post-apartheid South Africa. The study contributes, therefore, to the reconstruction of the concept of the public sphere through the use of Manyano women’s dynamic position in post-apartheid South Africa. It shows that the dualist nature of Manyano women’s position and identity allows for a multifaceted approach in the understanding of citizenship for Manyano women today. Furthermore, and importantly, the study shows that the complex roles that Manyano women navigate within the different spheres complicate the interpretations of womanhood and motherhood as understood in dominant (white western) feminist theory in ways that often lead to the delegitimisation and erasure of Manyano women’s contributions to ideas about post-apartheid feminisms.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2017
- Authors: Ngcobozi, Lihle
- Date: 2017
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/17717 , vital:22271
- Description: This study examines the socio-political role of the Christian church based women’s Manyano organisations in post-apartheid South Africa. Specifically, the study examines the ways in which the women’s Manyano organisations offer black women a site for the performance of citizenship. The study is based on life history interviews conducted with seventeen members of the Methodist Church Women’s Manyano of the Lamontville Circuit in Kwa-Zulu Natal. The study shows that dominant literature on Manyano women is primarily located in the historiography of the formation of Manyano groups within the historical development of the black church from the moment of missionary contact in South Africa. This literature shows that the missionaries used the coming together of black women in the church to promote ideas of devout domesticity that are based on Anglophone Victorian womanhood. This literature also shows that the structural constraints of colonisation and apartheid transformed the black church into a counterpublic space which focused largely on the liberation of the black majority from political, economic, and social exclusion from the colonial and apartheid public sphere. These constraints also transformed the role of women’s Manyano organisations to become an important space from which black women came to resist and defeat apartheid. This study shows that this historical framing of women’s Manyano groups has shaped their role in post-apartheid South Africa. Located in the African feminist theory, the study argues that Manyano women’s publicness is not limited to gendered expressions of the public and private sphere. Instead, Manyano women demonstrate that their publicness in post-apartheid South Africa ought to be understood through a combination of the varied identities that they straddle, such as those of a politically and culturally defined womanhood and communally based motherhood, which express their understanding and performance of citizenship. The thesis, therefore, argues that the contemporary role and functioning of Manyanos is located within both the hegemonic public sphere that is granted by the civil liberties of the new South Africa, and the historical black bifurcated counterpublic -which combined offer black women the ability to devise strategies to confront present-day socioeconomic challenges such as structural poverty that shapes the lives of the majority of black women in post-apartheid South Africa. The study contributes, therefore, to the reconstruction of the concept of the public sphere through the use of Manyano women’s dynamic position in post-apartheid South Africa. It shows that the dualist nature of Manyano women’s position and identity allows for a multifaceted approach in the understanding of citizenship for Manyano women today. Furthermore, and importantly, the study shows that the complex roles that Manyano women navigate within the different spheres complicate the interpretations of womanhood and motherhood as understood in dominant (white western) feminist theory in ways that often lead to the delegitimisation and erasure of Manyano women’s contributions to ideas about post-apartheid feminisms.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2017
Malawi’s foreign policy decision-making: the 2012 Malawi-Tanzania boundary dispute
- Kaunda, Mapopa Charles Martin Sazamleke
- Authors: Kaunda, Mapopa Charles Martin Sazamleke
- Date: 2017
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/59225 , vital:27484
- Description: Expected release date-April 2019
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2017
- Authors: Kaunda, Mapopa Charles Martin Sazamleke
- Date: 2017
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/59225 , vital:27484
- Description: Expected release date-April 2019
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2017
Negotiating the line between information and panic: a case study of vanguard’s coverage of the ebola outbreak in Nigeria
- Authors: Akingbade, Olutobi Elijah
- Date: 2017
- Subjects: Digital media -- Marketing , Marketing -- Technological innovations , Internet marketing , Carbonated beverages -- Marketing , Coca Cola (Trademark) -- Marketing , Social media -- Economic aspects , Soft drink industry -- Internet marketing , Health behavior in adolescence , Advertising -- Carbonated beverages , Obesity in adolescence , Drinking behavior
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/5903 , vital:20986
- Description: This study titled ‘Negotiating the line between information and panic: A case study of Vanguard’s coverage of the Ebola Outbreak in Nigeria’ investigates and evaluates Vanguard’s coverage of the 2014 Ebola Virus Disease (EVD) outbreak in Nigeria. This study was conducted to understand how Vanguard negotiated the line between the dissemination of actual EVD information and the possibility of creating panic and fear during the coverage of the outbreak. Using qualitative content analysis and interview embedded within a qualitative research design, the study was carried out against the backdrop of relevant literature that asserts that the mass media is an important carrier, prime mover and producer of tensions, anxieties, fears and panics while the print media specifically is argued to have as part of its history the business of irrational fear mongering and the creation of panic about social problems. Vanguard, rated as one of the ten largest newspapers in Nigeria, was purposively selected for this study. Vanguard did substantial reporting and dissemination of the 2014 EVD outbreak and it was possible to draw on the availability and accessibility of the electronic archives of the EVD articles. Using the theory of moral panic, the normative theories of the media and theories about essential constituents of journalism culture as a theoretical framework, the study reveals that Vanguard’s coverage of the 2014 EVD outbreak was challenging and more demanding compared to coverage of previous outbreaks of viral diseases in Nigeria by the print medium. The study shows that lack of sufficient understanding of the science that underlies EVD, the initial exclusion of the media from the national response to contain the outbreak, and the lack of sufficient proactive measures by government and the print medium were powerful factors in how the epidemic was reported. The study also shows an interesting dimension in Vanguard’s early and latter coverage of the EVD outbreak while it lasted in Nigeria. This dimension reveals a high number of EVD articles with the propensity to inspire fear and panic in the early days of the coverage compared to EVD articles with the propensity to douse fear and panic in the early and latter days of the outbreak. The study shows that while the challenges encountered stem from Ebola’s mode of transmission, lack of scientific and medically proven cure and early coverage amidst uncertainties, the inherent tensions and anxieties that characterised the outbreak coupled with Vanguard’s fire brigade approach led to the relatively high number of EVD articles with the propensity to inspire fear and panic. The study recommends the mass media’s inclusion in national responses to epidemics and ongoing training for health journalists to update their knowledge base about emerging and infectious diseases. The study also recommends for further study a reception analysis to enhance the socio-cultural understanding of how the EVD articles were received.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2017
- Authors: Akingbade, Olutobi Elijah
- Date: 2017
- Subjects: Digital media -- Marketing , Marketing -- Technological innovations , Internet marketing , Carbonated beverages -- Marketing , Coca Cola (Trademark) -- Marketing , Social media -- Economic aspects , Soft drink industry -- Internet marketing , Health behavior in adolescence , Advertising -- Carbonated beverages , Obesity in adolescence , Drinking behavior
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/5903 , vital:20986
- Description: This study titled ‘Negotiating the line between information and panic: A case study of Vanguard’s coverage of the Ebola Outbreak in Nigeria’ investigates and evaluates Vanguard’s coverage of the 2014 Ebola Virus Disease (EVD) outbreak in Nigeria. This study was conducted to understand how Vanguard negotiated the line between the dissemination of actual EVD information and the possibility of creating panic and fear during the coverage of the outbreak. Using qualitative content analysis and interview embedded within a qualitative research design, the study was carried out against the backdrop of relevant literature that asserts that the mass media is an important carrier, prime mover and producer of tensions, anxieties, fears and panics while the print media specifically is argued to have as part of its history the business of irrational fear mongering and the creation of panic about social problems. Vanguard, rated as one of the ten largest newspapers in Nigeria, was purposively selected for this study. Vanguard did substantial reporting and dissemination of the 2014 EVD outbreak and it was possible to draw on the availability and accessibility of the electronic archives of the EVD articles. Using the theory of moral panic, the normative theories of the media and theories about essential constituents of journalism culture as a theoretical framework, the study reveals that Vanguard’s coverage of the 2014 EVD outbreak was challenging and more demanding compared to coverage of previous outbreaks of viral diseases in Nigeria by the print medium. The study shows that lack of sufficient understanding of the science that underlies EVD, the initial exclusion of the media from the national response to contain the outbreak, and the lack of sufficient proactive measures by government and the print medium were powerful factors in how the epidemic was reported. The study also shows an interesting dimension in Vanguard’s early and latter coverage of the EVD outbreak while it lasted in Nigeria. This dimension reveals a high number of EVD articles with the propensity to inspire fear and panic in the early days of the coverage compared to EVD articles with the propensity to douse fear and panic in the early and latter days of the outbreak. The study shows that while the challenges encountered stem from Ebola’s mode of transmission, lack of scientific and medically proven cure and early coverage amidst uncertainties, the inherent tensions and anxieties that characterised the outbreak coupled with Vanguard’s fire brigade approach led to the relatively high number of EVD articles with the propensity to inspire fear and panic. The study recommends the mass media’s inclusion in national responses to epidemics and ongoing training for health journalists to update their knowledge base about emerging and infectious diseases. The study also recommends for further study a reception analysis to enhance the socio-cultural understanding of how the EVD articles were received.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2017
Political correctness and freedom of expression
- Authors: Embling, Geoffrey
- Date: 2017
- Subjects: Political correctness , Freedom of speech , Political correctness -- South Africa , Freedom of speech -- South Africa , Censorship , Censorship -- South Africa , South Africa -- Politics and government , Political satire, South African , Fanatacism , Toleration
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/40873 , vital:25035
- Description: A brief history of political correctness is discussed along with various definitions of it, ranging from political correctness being a benign attempt to prevent offense and avert discrimination to stronger views equating it with Communist censorship or branding it as "cultural Marxism". The aim of the research is to discover what political correctness is, how it relates to freedom of expression and what wider implications and effects it has on society. The moral foundations of rights and free speech in particular are introduced in order to set a framework to determine what authority people and governments have to censor others' expression. Different philosophical views on the limits of free speech are discussed, and arguments for and against hate speech are analysed and related to political correctness. The thesis looks at political correctness on university campuses, which involves speech codes, antidiscrimination legislation and changing the Western canon to a more multicultural syllabus. The recent South African university protests involving issues such as white privilege, university fees and rape are discussed and related to political correctness. The thesis examines the role of political correctness in the censorship of humour, it discusses the historical role of satire in challenging dogmatism and it looks at the psychology behind intolerance. Political correctness appeals to tolerance, which is sometimes elevated at the expense of truth. Truth and tolerance are therefore weighed up, along with their altered definitions in today's relativistic society. The last part of the thesis looks at South Africa's unique brand of political correctness, along with Black Economic Empowerment, colonialism and white guilt, and the research concludes that political correctness is a distinct form of censorship which has developed in modern democracies. The new forms of justice and morality seen in political correctness are distortions of left-wing liberalism, which appeal to different values to those of traditional liberalism.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2017
- Authors: Embling, Geoffrey
- Date: 2017
- Subjects: Political correctness , Freedom of speech , Political correctness -- South Africa , Freedom of speech -- South Africa , Censorship , Censorship -- South Africa , South Africa -- Politics and government , Political satire, South African , Fanatacism , Toleration
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/40873 , vital:25035
- Description: A brief history of political correctness is discussed along with various definitions of it, ranging from political correctness being a benign attempt to prevent offense and avert discrimination to stronger views equating it with Communist censorship or branding it as "cultural Marxism". The aim of the research is to discover what political correctness is, how it relates to freedom of expression and what wider implications and effects it has on society. The moral foundations of rights and free speech in particular are introduced in order to set a framework to determine what authority people and governments have to censor others' expression. Different philosophical views on the limits of free speech are discussed, and arguments for and against hate speech are analysed and related to political correctness. The thesis looks at political correctness on university campuses, which involves speech codes, antidiscrimination legislation and changing the Western canon to a more multicultural syllabus. The recent South African university protests involving issues such as white privilege, university fees and rape are discussed and related to political correctness. The thesis examines the role of political correctness in the censorship of humour, it discusses the historical role of satire in challenging dogmatism and it looks at the psychology behind intolerance. Political correctness appeals to tolerance, which is sometimes elevated at the expense of truth. Truth and tolerance are therefore weighed up, along with their altered definitions in today's relativistic society. The last part of the thesis looks at South Africa's unique brand of political correctness, along with Black Economic Empowerment, colonialism and white guilt, and the research concludes that political correctness is a distinct form of censorship which has developed in modern democracies. The new forms of justice and morality seen in political correctness are distortions of left-wing liberalism, which appeal to different values to those of traditional liberalism.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2017
Walking the Spatial Triad: how do Rhodians experience Rhodes University as a place?
- Authors: Mtolo, Siyathokoza
- Date: 2017
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/36082 , vital:24476
- Description: Globally and locally the documentation of the experience of the tertiary education institution as a place in the human or cultural geography sense of the word is an under-utilised academic exercise. Locally, however, with the 2015 #RhodesMustFall moment which highlighted South Africa's tertiary education institutions as places of meaning and accompanying experience, the documentation of such overlooked place experience became ever more pressing. The purpose of this thesis is to document how some members of the population of one South African tertiary education, the Rhodians of Rhodes University, experience that university as the place that it is to them. This is a phenomenological documentation of experience as the thesis makes it a point to look at a selection of Rhodians and their experience of emplacement in the place that is Rhodes University. In-depth mobile interviews, closely related to transect walks, were conducted with 12 Rhodians randomly selected in the hope for maximum sample variation. The interviews were conducted with the aid of a camera recording each participant’s daily transit route through campus as they reflected on their experience of Rhodes University as the place it is for them. The thesis finds that the experience of Rhodes University as a place is highly informed by the university's built and decorated environment being a visual experience that is both walked through as part of living in the place, and wherein people find themselves engaging in social relations with other Rhodians. The thesis also finds that the experience of Rhodes University as a place is also highly informed by previous experiences of places as visual and social activity entities - that the participants bring other places with them into this place. The Rhodians who participated in this research experience the placeness of Rhodes University as an emplacement that is part old, part modern, part intrigue, and part contest. Socially the university is found to be both challenging and negotiable in line with what the individual Rhodian is and is not willing to do in accordance with their emplacement and its social demands. Ultimately, the experience of Rhodes University as a place is highly determined by the individual Rhodian's past experiences of emplacement and the expectations that they bring with them which shape what their present place is to them.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2017
- Authors: Mtolo, Siyathokoza
- Date: 2017
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/36082 , vital:24476
- Description: Globally and locally the documentation of the experience of the tertiary education institution as a place in the human or cultural geography sense of the word is an under-utilised academic exercise. Locally, however, with the 2015 #RhodesMustFall moment which highlighted South Africa's tertiary education institutions as places of meaning and accompanying experience, the documentation of such overlooked place experience became ever more pressing. The purpose of this thesis is to document how some members of the population of one South African tertiary education, the Rhodians of Rhodes University, experience that university as the place that it is to them. This is a phenomenological documentation of experience as the thesis makes it a point to look at a selection of Rhodians and their experience of emplacement in the place that is Rhodes University. In-depth mobile interviews, closely related to transect walks, were conducted with 12 Rhodians randomly selected in the hope for maximum sample variation. The interviews were conducted with the aid of a camera recording each participant’s daily transit route through campus as they reflected on their experience of Rhodes University as the place it is for them. The thesis finds that the experience of Rhodes University as a place is highly informed by the university's built and decorated environment being a visual experience that is both walked through as part of living in the place, and wherein people find themselves engaging in social relations with other Rhodians. The thesis also finds that the experience of Rhodes University as a place is also highly informed by previous experiences of places as visual and social activity entities - that the participants bring other places with them into this place. The Rhodians who participated in this research experience the placeness of Rhodes University as an emplacement that is part old, part modern, part intrigue, and part contest. Socially the university is found to be both challenging and negotiable in line with what the individual Rhodian is and is not willing to do in accordance with their emplacement and its social demands. Ultimately, the experience of Rhodes University as a place is highly determined by the individual Rhodian's past experiences of emplacement and the expectations that they bring with them which shape what their present place is to them.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2017
What are the barriers and prospects for integrating environmental sustainability into the curriculum?
- Authors: Rorke, Joshua
- Date: 2017
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/5522 , vital:20938
- Description: This study attempts to investigate the extent to which environmental sustainability has been integrated into the curriculum of the Humanities Faculty at Rhodes University as well as the barriers and prospects for further integration. This thesis argues that the integration of environmental sustainability has been very limited. The three main components of environmental sustainability, namely environmental content, interdisciplinarity and participatory curriculum formation, are all lacking in most departments' curricula. This is despite all departments' affirmation that environmental issues are among the most critical problems the world faces today. Most of the departments are arguably only paying lip-service to environmental issues while making little to no effort toward integrating the environment into their curriculum. A lack of space in the curriculum is a frequently suggested barrier to introducing environmental sustainability into a course. However, this thesis argues that the environmentally conscious transformation of a curriculum cannot be achieved simply by adding content to the existing syllabus, but requires a restructuring of the curriculum itself. Many of the other barriers found by this study can be overcome through sufficient will on the part of departments to change their curricula. However, generating this will is difficult, as students are not ostensibly interested in environmental concerns. It is then incumbent on the lecturers themselves to educate the students on critical environmental issues, as well as on students to urge their lecturers to bring about change.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2017
- Authors: Rorke, Joshua
- Date: 2017
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/5522 , vital:20938
- Description: This study attempts to investigate the extent to which environmental sustainability has been integrated into the curriculum of the Humanities Faculty at Rhodes University as well as the barriers and prospects for further integration. This thesis argues that the integration of environmental sustainability has been very limited. The three main components of environmental sustainability, namely environmental content, interdisciplinarity and participatory curriculum formation, are all lacking in most departments' curricula. This is despite all departments' affirmation that environmental issues are among the most critical problems the world faces today. Most of the departments are arguably only paying lip-service to environmental issues while making little to no effort toward integrating the environment into their curriculum. A lack of space in the curriculum is a frequently suggested barrier to introducing environmental sustainability into a course. However, this thesis argues that the environmentally conscious transformation of a curriculum cannot be achieved simply by adding content to the existing syllabus, but requires a restructuring of the curriculum itself. Many of the other barriers found by this study can be overcome through sufficient will on the part of departments to change their curricula. However, generating this will is difficult, as students are not ostensibly interested in environmental concerns. It is then incumbent on the lecturers themselves to educate the students on critical environmental issues, as well as on students to urge their lecturers to bring about change.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2017
Accelerated development programmes for Black academics: Interrupting or reproducing social and cultural dominance?
- Authors: Booi, Masixole
- Date: 2016
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/3338 , vital:20483
- Description: A wide body of research literature on transformation of higher education institutions in South Africa has focused on institutional reform and restructuring, change in employment legislation and policies, transforming institutional culture(s) and student and staff demographics (Portnoi, 2009:373; Viljoen and Rothmann, 2002:3; Badat, 2007; 2010; Cloete, Muller, Makgoba and Ekong, 1997; Nieman, 2010). The literature on transformation of higher education institutions shows that the underrepresentation, recruiting and retaining of blacks and women in senior posts is still the major challenge faced by the project of transforming higher education, particularly in Historically White Institutions (HWIs). Universities have introduced a variety of ‘accelerated development’ programmes to meet this challenge and accelerate the entry into academia of black academics. The present study draws on Pierre Bourdieu’s notions of cultural capital, field and social capital to interpret the lived experiences of participants in the Accelerated Development Programme (ADP) of one HWI. In particular the study is interested in how, in the participants’ experience, they, as members of the programme, have or have not been able to contribute to the transformation of the culture(s) of the institution. The study critically examines the assumption that the institutional practices, values and norms can be changed only by socialising ‘new’ lecturers into an already existing dominant culture rather than seeing the need to socialise existing lecturers into a new culture informed by a democratic ethos.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2016
- Authors: Booi, Masixole
- Date: 2016
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/3338 , vital:20483
- Description: A wide body of research literature on transformation of higher education institutions in South Africa has focused on institutional reform and restructuring, change in employment legislation and policies, transforming institutional culture(s) and student and staff demographics (Portnoi, 2009:373; Viljoen and Rothmann, 2002:3; Badat, 2007; 2010; Cloete, Muller, Makgoba and Ekong, 1997; Nieman, 2010). The literature on transformation of higher education institutions shows that the underrepresentation, recruiting and retaining of blacks and women in senior posts is still the major challenge faced by the project of transforming higher education, particularly in Historically White Institutions (HWIs). Universities have introduced a variety of ‘accelerated development’ programmes to meet this challenge and accelerate the entry into academia of black academics. The present study draws on Pierre Bourdieu’s notions of cultural capital, field and social capital to interpret the lived experiences of participants in the Accelerated Development Programme (ADP) of one HWI. In particular the study is interested in how, in the participants’ experience, they, as members of the programme, have or have not been able to contribute to the transformation of the culture(s) of the institution. The study critically examines the assumption that the institutional practices, values and norms can be changed only by socialising ‘new’ lecturers into an already existing dominant culture rather than seeing the need to socialise existing lecturers into a new culture informed by a democratic ethos.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2016
Landscapes of division: social movements and the politics of urban and rural space in the Grahamstown region of the Eastern Cape
- Authors: O’Halloran, Paddy
- Date: 2016
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/3950 , vital:20572
- Description: This thesis investigates the politics of two grassroots social movements, the Unemployed People’s Movement (UPM), based in Grahamstown, and the Rural People’s Movement (RPM), based in the rural areas near Peddie, forty miles east. Observing that urban and rural are political designations, the primary question of this thesis is: Do the politics of these social movements challenge the conception of urban and rural as discrete political spaces? To some extent, it responds to and complicates Mamdani’s theory of a bifurcated state in post-apartheid South Africa in which urban zones are the site of civil society and rural zones the site of traditional authorities, and only the former a democratised space (1996). Three themes—race, space, and citizenship—are employed and interrogated in the process of answering the principal question. Broadly historical in nature, and understanding the present political context to be a product of historical processes, the thesis begins with an historical study of the Grahamstown region from the time of the town’s founding in 1812 until the end of apartheid in 1994, keeping the three key themes in focus. Then the politics of UPM and RPM are explored through a series of interviews aimed at understanding the context and experience of movement members and seeking their insight into the question of urban and rural space. Their responses are presented as a dialogue employing a theoretical strategy from Aguilar (2014) that distinguishes between and provides a framework to measure the ‘practical scope’ and the ‘interior horizon’ of movements. The thesis concludes with a discussion of important themes arising in the interviews: citizenship, NGOs, and political parties, and, of course, space. The backdrop to this concluding discussion is the xenophobic violence which occurred in Grahamstown in October 2015, helping situate the research and themes within the broader context of South African politics.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2016
- Authors: O’Halloran, Paddy
- Date: 2016
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/3950 , vital:20572
- Description: This thesis investigates the politics of two grassroots social movements, the Unemployed People’s Movement (UPM), based in Grahamstown, and the Rural People’s Movement (RPM), based in the rural areas near Peddie, forty miles east. Observing that urban and rural are political designations, the primary question of this thesis is: Do the politics of these social movements challenge the conception of urban and rural as discrete political spaces? To some extent, it responds to and complicates Mamdani’s theory of a bifurcated state in post-apartheid South Africa in which urban zones are the site of civil society and rural zones the site of traditional authorities, and only the former a democratised space (1996). Three themes—race, space, and citizenship—are employed and interrogated in the process of answering the principal question. Broadly historical in nature, and understanding the present political context to be a product of historical processes, the thesis begins with an historical study of the Grahamstown region from the time of the town’s founding in 1812 until the end of apartheid in 1994, keeping the three key themes in focus. Then the politics of UPM and RPM are explored through a series of interviews aimed at understanding the context and experience of movement members and seeking their insight into the question of urban and rural space. Their responses are presented as a dialogue employing a theoretical strategy from Aguilar (2014) that distinguishes between and provides a framework to measure the ‘practical scope’ and the ‘interior horizon’ of movements. The thesis concludes with a discussion of important themes arising in the interviews: citizenship, NGOs, and political parties, and, of course, space. The backdrop to this concluding discussion is the xenophobic violence which occurred in Grahamstown in October 2015, helping situate the research and themes within the broader context of South African politics.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2016
“Just trying to live our lives”: gay, lesbian and bisexual students’ experiences of being “at home” in university residence life
- Authors: Munyuki, Chipo Lidia
- Date: 2016
- Subjects: Homosexuality and education -- South Africa , Gay students , Lesbian students , Bisexual students , Transsexual students , Student housing , Discrimination in higher education -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2893 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1020341
- Description: Higher education in South Africa is faced with a paramount task to help erode the social and structural inequalities that have been inherited from the Apartheid system (Department of Education 1997; Council on Higher Education 2000:12). The findings from the Soudien Report (2008:116-117) point out that the post-Apartheid higher education system in South Africa is characterised by various forms of discrimination and institutional cultures that marginalise some members of institutions resulting in pervasive feelings of alienation. In the South African higher education field, the concept of a “home” for all has been used by a variety of commentators to depict a vision of what transformed, inclusive higher education institutional cultures might look like. In this thesis, I interpret the experiences of residence life on the part of gay, lesbian and bisexual students on a largely residential campus. I ask how gay, lesbian and bisexual students experience being “at home” in the campus’s residence system. The thesis is based on 18 in-depth qualitative interviews with students who self-identify as gay/lesbian or bisexual who have experienced residence life on the campus for a period longer than six months. A wide literature exists on the concept of “home”. Drawing from many different disciplines including anthropology, history, philosophy, geography, psychology, architecture and sociology, I distil the essential features of “at homeness” as incorporating comfort, privacy, security, acceptance, companionship and community. The research was concerned to inquire into how central the idea of home is to human flourishing and then into how gay, lesbian and bisexual students are routinely denied many of the essential comforts associated with being “at home” that heterosexual students have the privilege of taking for granted.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2016
- Authors: Munyuki, Chipo Lidia
- Date: 2016
- Subjects: Homosexuality and education -- South Africa , Gay students , Lesbian students , Bisexual students , Transsexual students , Student housing , Discrimination in higher education -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2893 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1020341
- Description: Higher education in South Africa is faced with a paramount task to help erode the social and structural inequalities that have been inherited from the Apartheid system (Department of Education 1997; Council on Higher Education 2000:12). The findings from the Soudien Report (2008:116-117) point out that the post-Apartheid higher education system in South Africa is characterised by various forms of discrimination and institutional cultures that marginalise some members of institutions resulting in pervasive feelings of alienation. In the South African higher education field, the concept of a “home” for all has been used by a variety of commentators to depict a vision of what transformed, inclusive higher education institutional cultures might look like. In this thesis, I interpret the experiences of residence life on the part of gay, lesbian and bisexual students on a largely residential campus. I ask how gay, lesbian and bisexual students experience being “at home” in the campus’s residence system. The thesis is based on 18 in-depth qualitative interviews with students who self-identify as gay/lesbian or bisexual who have experienced residence life on the campus for a period longer than six months. A wide literature exists on the concept of “home”. Drawing from many different disciplines including anthropology, history, philosophy, geography, psychology, architecture and sociology, I distil the essential features of “at homeness” as incorporating comfort, privacy, security, acceptance, companionship and community. The research was concerned to inquire into how central the idea of home is to human flourishing and then into how gay, lesbian and bisexual students are routinely denied many of the essential comforts associated with being “at home” that heterosexual students have the privilege of taking for granted.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2016
NGOs and the depoliticisation of development : the case of GADRA education in Grahamstown
- Authors: Nqaba, Patronella Pinky
- Date: 2015
- Subjects: GADRA Education (Grahamstown, South Africa) , Non-governmental organizations -- South Africa -- Grahamstown , Non-governmental organizations -- Political aspects , Education -- South Africa -- History , Right to education -- South Africa , Educational change -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2890 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1017865
- Description: Non-governmental organisations (NGOs) have been criticised for depoliticising development through focusing on alleviating suffering rather than on addressing the root causes of poverty and underdevelopment. This research explores whether and how NGOs can act in ways that do not depoliticise development. The research focuses on education NGOs and in particular on the NGO GADRA education in Grahamstown, South Africa, to provide insights into ways in which politically conscious leadership of NGOs attempt to deal with the contradictions that are inherent in this field of work. This research provides a brief history of the South African Education system as a means to set a basis for the discussion of the role of education NGOs in the country. Furthermore it looks at the work that is done by GADRA education in the Grahamstown community. The thesis makes the argument that education NGOs can act in ways that do not depoliticise development because by providing access to education for people who are structurally excluded from education, they contribute to shifting power. This research found that although the leadership of GADRA Education acknowledge that they are confronted with great challenges in terms of how to bring about changes in the education system, they are hopeful that advocating for quality education will bring about the potential for the disruption of power relations as they exist between the state organs and the public.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2015
- Authors: Nqaba, Patronella Pinky
- Date: 2015
- Subjects: GADRA Education (Grahamstown, South Africa) , Non-governmental organizations -- South Africa -- Grahamstown , Non-governmental organizations -- Political aspects , Education -- South Africa -- History , Right to education -- South Africa , Educational change -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2890 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1017865
- Description: Non-governmental organisations (NGOs) have been criticised for depoliticising development through focusing on alleviating suffering rather than on addressing the root causes of poverty and underdevelopment. This research explores whether and how NGOs can act in ways that do not depoliticise development. The research focuses on education NGOs and in particular on the NGO GADRA education in Grahamstown, South Africa, to provide insights into ways in which politically conscious leadership of NGOs attempt to deal with the contradictions that are inherent in this field of work. This research provides a brief history of the South African Education system as a means to set a basis for the discussion of the role of education NGOs in the country. Furthermore it looks at the work that is done by GADRA education in the Grahamstown community. The thesis makes the argument that education NGOs can act in ways that do not depoliticise development because by providing access to education for people who are structurally excluded from education, they contribute to shifting power. This research found that although the leadership of GADRA Education acknowledge that they are confronted with great challenges in terms of how to bring about changes in the education system, they are hopeful that advocating for quality education will bring about the potential for the disruption of power relations as they exist between the state organs and the public.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2015
The ‘obesity epidemic’ : an analysis of representations of obesity in mainstream South African newspapers post-1997
- Authors: Malan, Chantelle Therese
- Date: 2015
- Subjects: Obesity -- South Africa , Obesity -- Press coverage -- South Africa , Obesity -- Social aspects -- South Africa , Discrimination against overweight persons -- South Africa , Social medicine -- South Africa , Agent (Philosophy) , Social control -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2892 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1019751
- Description: This study of 449 newspaper articles from South Africa from 1997 provides an analysis of the representations of obesity evinced in the corpus. The research argues that obesity is overwhelmingly framed as being diseased and that there are four main refrains within this frame, namely, statistics on obesity, the naturalisation of negative assumptions about fat, the social dysfunction of fat and the use of crisis metaphors to describe fatness. This framing lends itself to representations of obesity which are raced, gendered and classed. Fat bodies are portrayed as being in deficit and fat people as lacking agency. The disproportional focus on black bodies in the corpus can be attributed to assumptions of ‘incivility’ which are premised on racial stereotypes which construct black people as being unintelligent, irrational, lacking agency and being largely dependent on others to survive. This disproportional focus on black bodies can also be understood in the context of emerging markets. This study argues that the medicalisation of obesity has contributed to many oversimplifications and contradictions in the representation of obesity in the corpus, which seem to go unquestioned, such as the conflation of weight and health, something I argue is one of the main contributors to the negative consequences of the dominant framing of obesity. Framing obesity as medicalised also promotes fat shaming and acts as a form of social control which maintains existing power relations through the use of discursive practices for the identification and control of deviants. These representations are problematic chiefly because they promote the dehumanisation of fat people, but also because that they do not promote good health as they claim to do.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2015
- Authors: Malan, Chantelle Therese
- Date: 2015
- Subjects: Obesity -- South Africa , Obesity -- Press coverage -- South Africa , Obesity -- Social aspects -- South Africa , Discrimination against overweight persons -- South Africa , Social medicine -- South Africa , Agent (Philosophy) , Social control -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2892 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1019751
- Description: This study of 449 newspaper articles from South Africa from 1997 provides an analysis of the representations of obesity evinced in the corpus. The research argues that obesity is overwhelmingly framed as being diseased and that there are four main refrains within this frame, namely, statistics on obesity, the naturalisation of negative assumptions about fat, the social dysfunction of fat and the use of crisis metaphors to describe fatness. This framing lends itself to representations of obesity which are raced, gendered and classed. Fat bodies are portrayed as being in deficit and fat people as lacking agency. The disproportional focus on black bodies in the corpus can be attributed to assumptions of ‘incivility’ which are premised on racial stereotypes which construct black people as being unintelligent, irrational, lacking agency and being largely dependent on others to survive. This disproportional focus on black bodies can also be understood in the context of emerging markets. This study argues that the medicalisation of obesity has contributed to many oversimplifications and contradictions in the representation of obesity in the corpus, which seem to go unquestioned, such as the conflation of weight and health, something I argue is one of the main contributors to the negative consequences of the dominant framing of obesity. Framing obesity as medicalised also promotes fat shaming and acts as a form of social control which maintains existing power relations through the use of discursive practices for the identification and control of deviants. These representations are problematic chiefly because they promote the dehumanisation of fat people, but also because that they do not promote good health as they claim to do.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2015
"Totally unacceptable" : representations of homosexuality in South African public discourse
- Mutambanengwe, Simbarashe Abel
- Authors: Mutambanengwe, Simbarashe Abel
- Date: 2014
- Subjects: Independent Online , Homosexuality -- South Africa , Sexual minorities in mass media -- South Africa , Mass media and gays -- South Africa , Homophobia -- Press coverage -- South Africa , Electronic newspapers -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2882 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1013259
- Description: The 1996 Constitution of South Africa is ranked as one of the most liberal and democratic constitutions in the world. The right to freedom of sexual orientation, equality and the freedom of association amongst other rights is in its Bill of Rights and are thus inherently assured and protected in post- apartheid, democratic South Africa. However, the Lesbian Gay Bisexual and Transgender (LGBT) community continue to face discrimination and prejudice despite this newly established constitutional order. The present study is interested in how, in the light of the equality clause in the South African constitution, homosexuality is represented and constructed in the South African media. The thesis examines representations of homosexuality between the years 1999-2013 in articles collected from the Independent Online media site which incorporates 30 newspapers. The approach focuses on the topics, overall news report schemata, local meanings, style and rhetoric of the news reports. The results of the study show that negative attitudes towards homosexuality are framed in three main ways: homosexuality is represented as "unAfrican"; "ungodly" and "unnatural". I argue that rather than extreme forms of violence (such as "corrective rape" and murder) directed against LGBT citizens being interpreted as the aberrant behaviour of a few, these need to be understood in the context of the circulation of the above justificatory narratives.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2014
- Authors: Mutambanengwe, Simbarashe Abel
- Date: 2014
- Subjects: Independent Online , Homosexuality -- South Africa , Sexual minorities in mass media -- South Africa , Mass media and gays -- South Africa , Homophobia -- Press coverage -- South Africa , Electronic newspapers -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2882 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1013259
- Description: The 1996 Constitution of South Africa is ranked as one of the most liberal and democratic constitutions in the world. The right to freedom of sexual orientation, equality and the freedom of association amongst other rights is in its Bill of Rights and are thus inherently assured and protected in post- apartheid, democratic South Africa. However, the Lesbian Gay Bisexual and Transgender (LGBT) community continue to face discrimination and prejudice despite this newly established constitutional order. The present study is interested in how, in the light of the equality clause in the South African constitution, homosexuality is represented and constructed in the South African media. The thesis examines representations of homosexuality between the years 1999-2013 in articles collected from the Independent Online media site which incorporates 30 newspapers. The approach focuses on the topics, overall news report schemata, local meanings, style and rhetoric of the news reports. The results of the study show that negative attitudes towards homosexuality are framed in three main ways: homosexuality is represented as "unAfrican"; "ungodly" and "unnatural". I argue that rather than extreme forms of violence (such as "corrective rape" and murder) directed against LGBT citizens being interpreted as the aberrant behaviour of a few, these need to be understood in the context of the circulation of the above justificatory narratives.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2014
Beyond black and white: black solidarity in post-apartheid South Africa
- Authors: Majavu, Phumlani
- Date: 2014
- Subjects: Black nationalism -- South Africa , Race relations -- South Africa , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 21st century
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2887 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1016359
- Description: Almost 20 years after the white Nationalist government was voted out, some black South Africans believe that black solidarity is still necessary in South Africa. These people argue that since post-apartheid South Africa is still marred with racial injustice, it makes sense for blacks to advocate for black solidarity. Although it is true that black solidarity played an important role in the struggle against apartheid, in this thesis I argue that the struggle against current forms of racial injustice does not necessarily require black solidarity. This is not to deny the prevailing racialized oppression in the post-apartheid era, nor to deny the importance of black solidarity in the past; rather the point I am making is that the current form of racial oppression is somewhat different from the one before 1994. Hence I argue in this thesis that the current form of racial oppression requires us to do certain things differently. Doing things differently means improving upon the strategies of the past. For this to happen, I argue that every human being who believes in and is committed to racial justice ought to be included in the struggle for justice. Change, after all, is brought about when committed human beings work together for liberation and justice.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2014
- Authors: Majavu, Phumlani
- Date: 2014
- Subjects: Black nationalism -- South Africa , Race relations -- South Africa , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 21st century
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2887 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1016359
- Description: Almost 20 years after the white Nationalist government was voted out, some black South Africans believe that black solidarity is still necessary in South Africa. These people argue that since post-apartheid South Africa is still marred with racial injustice, it makes sense for blacks to advocate for black solidarity. Although it is true that black solidarity played an important role in the struggle against apartheid, in this thesis I argue that the struggle against current forms of racial injustice does not necessarily require black solidarity. This is not to deny the prevailing racialized oppression in the post-apartheid era, nor to deny the importance of black solidarity in the past; rather the point I am making is that the current form of racial oppression is somewhat different from the one before 1994. Hence I argue in this thesis that the current form of racial oppression requires us to do certain things differently. Doing things differently means improving upon the strategies of the past. For this to happen, I argue that every human being who believes in and is committed to racial justice ought to be included in the struggle for justice. Change, after all, is brought about when committed human beings work together for liberation and justice.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2014