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Illustrated souvenir of the Industrial and Arts Exhibition held at Grahamstown, December 1898 to January 1899

Date: 1899
Subjects: Commercial products South Africa Grahamstown History , Church buildings South Africa Grahamstown , Schools South Africa Grahamstown , Merchants South Africa Grahamstown , Buildings South Africa Grahamstown , South Africa History 1836-1909 , Grahamstown Literary and Social Institute , Bloukrans Bridge (Eastern Cape, South Africa) -- Pictorial works Pictorial works , Grahamstown (South Africa) Pictorial works
Language: English
Type: book , illustrated works , text
Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/107752 , vital:32887 , Cory Library for Humanities Research, Rhodes University Library, Grahamstown, South Africa
Description: This publication, dated 1899, serves as souvenir publication of the industrial and arts exhibition held at Grahamstown, Cape Colony, between December 1898 and January 1899.
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Date Issued: 1899

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Anniversary bulletin, 1943-1993: Unity Movement 50th year of struggle-and the struggle continues

- New Unity Movement

Authors: New Unity Movement
Date: 19--?
Subjects: New Unity Movement (South Africa) -- Periodicals , Labour -- South Africa -- Periodicals , South Africa -- Social conditions -- Periodicals , South Africa -- Politics and government -- Periodicals
Language: English
Type: text , book
Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/75906 , vital:30481
Description: The Unity Movement was established in 1943 after long and hard struggles of the disfranchised oppressed people in South Africa against foreign domination by first the Dutch and then the British ruling classes. The Non-European Unity Movement (NEUM) as it was named was the first National liberation movement to base itself upon several most important principles and policies: (i) That there could be only ONE SOLUTION for all the people in South Africa to bring freedom, justice and peace. Thus the UNITY of the oppressed and exploited who were denied all citizenship rights was a vital necessity.(ii) That the ruling class and all its agents among us had done everything possible to prevent the oppressed from uniting in their struggles. They had used the tactics of divide-and-rule as a major weapon against our struggles. The struggle for UNITY was always to be one important answer to these divide-and-rule tactics.(iii) That the ruling class used the myths of "race" and the "inferiority" of persons of colour, language, "culture" and separate schools, housing areas, hospitals, churches, jobs, etc., etc., to divide people. The Unity Movement declared war on racism, tribalism and all forms of discrimination. It strove to educate and organise the oppressed to UNDERSTAND WHY AND HOW WE were oppressed. It also strove to teach the oppressed that only a united people could win the freedom struggle; the ruling class were always united; as a disunited people we could never win our liberation struggle. (iv) That our democratic rights had been known for centuries. But we must know them and demand ALL of them. Democracy could not exist if people had some democratic rights and lacked others. We had to know this because dishonest political activists used the masses to get privileges (concessions) for themselves while they pretended to struggle on behalf of the masses. There was a minimum we must always demand, but we could and must strive for even more. (v) That the oppressed were robbed of their land and their possessions (mainly livestock); their homes were destroyed. They were driven into labour camps and mission stations after these wars of dispossession. They were forced to work as cheap labour in the mines and on the farms and in the factories and homes of the conquerors. Landlessness was a feature of all colonies conquered by the warring colonial powers. Today these colonial powers form the basis of World Imperialism. This World Imperialism is the main enemy of every oppressed nation with a history of colonial conquest. It is imperialism that paid for and bought over the collaborators who have been in government since April 1994. But now that they are part of government the collaborators are paid out of the taxes they collect from workers and others they now help to oppress. (vi) That the struggle for the land by the combined unified efforts of workers, landless peasants and the rural poor was a vital part of our struggles. Victory here would help to root out unemployment, homes broken up by the migrant labour system, by a lack of education and necessary skills, poor health, starvation and lack of simple things like drinking water and proper sewage. Thus the struggle for the land (point 7 of our programme) and all the other 9 demands belonged together as part of ONE struggle. That in our struggle the interest of the workers, the landless peasantry and the millions of rural poor are our first concern. And that the struggle against foreign domination (that is, against World Imperialism) was part of our struggle for total liberation. In the light of these founding principles and policies it is clear that a "government of National Unity" set up by the de Klerk Government and World Imperialism (that is, the USA, Canada, Britain, Japan and the European Community) cannot bring liberation peace and justice to us. , Abantu bebanye abasoze boyiswe! = Abantu bemunye abasoze behlulwe!
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Date Issued: 19--?

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Forest patch on Lynedoch farm, Baviaans River Valley, Bedford

- Skead, C J (Cuthbert John)

Authors: Skead, C J (Cuthbert John)
Date: 19uu
Subjects: Trees -- South Africa , Deforestation -- South Africa -- Lynedoch Farm, Baviaans River Valley, Bedford , Lynedoch Farm, Baviaans River Valley, Bedford (South Africa)
Language: English
Type: mixed material , ephemera
Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/65780 , vital:28837
Description: Extract: “Forest Patch on LYNEDOCH farm, Baviaans River Valley, Bedford. This small patch of what can best be described as Woodland/ Forest by virtue of its hybrid condition as influenced by man's chopping activities down the years, lies at the head of what is called Grootkloof on this farm, and is the last patch of such forest up this otherwise dry valley in which the lower slopes receive a much lower precipitation than the upper heights under which the patch of forest persists by virtue of the extra moisture it receives from passing cloud. The forest patch is 27 km NW of Bedford town, and at about 1 000 m a.s.l.”
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Date Issued: 19uu

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Gardens Youth Congress: proposed code of conduct for Gayco activists

- Gardens Youth Congress

Authors: Gardens Youth Congress
Date: 19--?
Subjects: Youth -- Political activity -- South Africa , Gardens Youth Congress -- Moral and ethical aspects -- South Africa , Youth -- Legal status, laws, etc. -- South Africa
Language: English
Type: text , book
Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/76194 , vital:30519
Description: The aim of this Code of Conduct for activists is to provide a set of basic guidelines as to how activists and members of our organization should conduct themselves; both inside and outside the organization. We feel that it is important in 2 respects: (i) It highlights the dangers of negative tendencies and the desirability of good qualities. In this way we hope to improve the quality of activists involvement in our organization by providing them with a set of rules and methods that will allow them to achieve their political goals easily and effectively. (ii) Activists represent not only their own organization but the cause of the national democratic struggle in general. As such, the way we behave and conduct ourselves reflects on this cause. Activists must therefore be seen to act in a comradely, disciplined and democratic fashion. It must be pointed out that although this code of conduct applies to all members of our organization it is obviously more relevant to those activists who play an active role in the decision making process, regularly come to meetings and volunteer for the different tasks at hand.
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Date Issued: 19--?

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Implementing training for racial equality: for multi-cultural South Africa

- AZAAD Race Consultant

Authors: AZAAD Race Consultant
Date: 19--?
Subjects: Cultural awareness -- South Africa -- Handbooks, manuals, etc. , Racism -- South Africa , Equality -- South Africa , Seminars -- Handbooks, manuals, etc.
Language: English
Type: text , book
Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/75993 , vital:30490
Description: The commitment of Azaad as a Race Consultancy is:- To ensure quality of opportunity for South Africans to fulfil their potential as Empowered Individuals and members of groups and communities; To Educate, enabling South Africans to gain skills, knowledge and attitudes needed to identify, advocate and pursue their rights and responsibilities as individuals and as members of groups and communities locally, nationally and internationally; Designed to create Equal Opportunity-through the challenging of oppression and the celebration of the differences which springs from culture, language, sexual identity, gender, disability, age, religion, and class; To Participate through voluntary relationship with other South Africans in which White and Black South Africans are partners in the learning process and decision making structures which affect their own and other peoples lives; To Empower- Supporting South Africans to understand and act on the personal, social and political issues which affect their lives, the lives of others and the communities they are part of; To Build resources will be a major effort of Azaad as a Race Consultancy. It is our intention to extend the objectives of all racial, cultural, religious, national, ethnic, sexual and political affiliations. All this will be delivered through informal education, through workshops, short courses, seminars, conferences, role play, etc.
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Date Issued: 19--?

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Regional educators’ workshop on trade union history in South Africa

Date: 19--?
Subjects: Labour unions -- South Africa -- History , Labour movement -- South Africa -- History
Language: English
Type: text , pamphlet
Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/112014 , vital:33538
Description: The sun is beginning to rise on the workers. Fears of intimidation and victimisation are being dried up by this rising sun of workers strength. I tell this story to remind you of your life. I tell you this story so you will remember your struggle and the story of the struggle we fight. AMANDLA! I came to the urban areas with someone from home. I found the city a strange and ugly place. Finding work was not an easy task. But I found work at the foundry called Rely Precision Castings and I worked there for over seven years until May 1980 when Management fired all of us because of a strike. The work in the foundry was hard and dangerous and the hours were long. But I stuck out the tough and unsafe working conditions because there was no other place to go. We were the only people who could do this kind of work, and this was well known to our employers. Many of them knew migrant workers were the best workers. We were also prepared to do the heaviest of work. But they still treated us badly and still didn’t treat us like human beings but like animals. They knew that as soon as they expelled us we would lose a place of residence, because we would not be able to pay the hostel fees without the money we earned. Then the pass office would be indifferent and instruct us to go back where we came from. That is very painful. But what is more painful is this. It is clear that profits mean more to the bosses than our lives. Our children could die in the countryside but they would still fire us. Our work was tough, especially after the new machine was bought by the bosses in the foundry. But we were not afraid of hard work. We did not complain about the work. The grievances were about those things that prevented us from doing our work. The bad and unsafe working conditions were dangerous to our health and lives. These things are important. But most of our grievances at Rely were about the bad treatment we received from the indunas and foremen. The indunas did not support us when the struggle for better wages and working conditions began. They were only concerned with organising things in the foundry which made their own lives easier. The indunas at Rely were supposed to be the workers’ voice but we have seen that this was not true. So we had no voice. We could not make our complaints heard. That makes a person very angry. And so my fellow workers and I decided to do something about this. We began to stand together and build workers’ strength and unity in the foundry. Our combined strength would be a very loud and confident voice. One day one of us suddenly said: "There is a place that can help us." This worker had been to the Union with his brother-in-law who works at another factory. We wanted to know what that could be. We said we knew a union called ‘Let-us-bury-each-other’. This is a union that cheats people. They say when you have given a lot of money to them then they will build you a big house or buy you a car. The guy said, ‘No. that’s not what I mean.’ ‘It’s a place to go as we are not being treated well in the firm. When we all join they will represent us. They will speak to the employers.’ At first many of the workers at Rely were scared about joining the Union. Others were cautious. We first started joining in twos and threes until we were thirty. The meetings we had with the Union organiser were important. We talked and discussed problems for a long time on Saturday afternoons. Inside the foundry there was even more talk and discussion. During lunchtimes meetings were held over the road from the foundry under the shade of a tree. At these meetings everybody had a chance to speak. Some people wanted to move quickly, while others were more cautious. Some people were afraid for their families and others did not want to lose their jobs in the foundry. Many workers had worked at Rely for a long time and had good service records and so we were hesitant. The discussion was often long and serious. Slowly the fear began to get less as people learned more about the Union from friends and relatives in other factories. Some of these factories were already organised. But it was the meetings among ourselves which helped the most. In the evenings also, at the hostels, people discussed Union business and one thing began to become very clear. Everyone had to stand together and speak with one voice if we were going to be strong inside Rely. After many meetings and much talking we decided there would never be safe conditions if everyone did not join the Union. Wages would never rise without the force of all the workers. But when the indunas saw unity among the workers they were afraid. We even told them that through this unity their postions would soon end. Our unity had already begun to change things in the foundry. The bosses and their children, the impimpis and indunas, were not so sure of their position and began to fear workers. This was happening all over the East Rand where the Metal and Allied Workers Union was building workers’ unity. (In May 1979, the workers went on strike.) We stopped work to ask Management why they fired Zondiwe. Our bosses did not know what to do when 55 workers stood in front of them to protect Zondiwe. They called the Employers’ Association. They called the Department of Labour. They called the police. We were a small group of people. They tried to crush us. But we fought them all in different ways. We were unemployed. And when you are out of a job, you realise that the boss and the government have the power to condemn you to death. If they send you back home, and back home now there’s a drought, and you can’t get any new job, it’s a death sentence. The countryside is pushing you into the cities to stay alive; the cities are pushing you into the countryside to die. You get scared. It’s a fear that you come to know after a week without any food. After six weeks we all went to court. The court found us all guilty of striking illegally. We were all fined. But the Union paid the fines from the subscriptions. We had been fired from our jobs. We had been beaten by the SAP and now we were guilty of striking. We were very sad but we were not defeated. We continued our struggle. Our struggle at Rely was important. We are not afraid to say it. We showed how even a small group for workers can stand up against the bosses. And it was important in another way as well. Our strike was the first in our big strike wave which hit the East Rand. From 1980 and 1981 many, many thousands of us metal workers went on strike. We were not alone in our struggle. It was not just 55 of us at Rely. Our struggle was in May 1980. By the end of that year there were 12 000 in our Union, the Metal and Allied Workers Union. The next year was the year of strikes. From July until the end of 1981 many of our fellow metal workers went on strike. There were 50 strikes. There were 25 000 of us on strike. Next time we will be united. At Rely our struggle started when we united. But in the factory it ended when we were not united to our brothers in other factories. But we have learned. And you too. You must not make the same mistake. The big factories must help the small one. If you are organised in a trade union when you go on strike, unite with those who are not organised. Together call the communities to our side. Then we will be united. And we know that when we make our unity, the sun shall rise for the workers.
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Date Issued: 19--?

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Socio-economic processes in the rural areas of Region E

- May, Julian

Authors: May, Julian
Date: 19--?
Subjects: Poverty -- South Africa , Income distribution -- South Africa , Household surveys -- South Africa , Rural poor -- South Africa , South Africa -- Rural conditions
Language: English
Type: text , book
Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/75421 , vital:30416
Description: The social conditions in the rural areas of South Africa are by now widely known and numerous researchers have documented the poverty stricken quality of life which generally prevails amongst black families in these areas (Wilson and Ramphele, 1989). The vast majority of rural households have incomes which are below subsistence levels and in the Homelands, agricultural productive ability has become so eroded that rural household income is now chiefly derived from remittances from migrants in the towns or from the wages of farm labourers (Nattrass and May, 1986). As such, at present the majority of black rural households living in Region E make up consumer communities which must purchase the majority of their subsistence needs, rather than producer communities in which subsistence needs can be met from the utilisation of local resources (Derman and Poultney, 1983). Despite this unpromising situation, the diminishing importance of agricultural production to the South African national economy (Bethlehem, 1989), and the dominance of urbanisation as a social force, it can be argued that the rural areas of Region E will be directly and substantially affected by efforts to restructure the South African economy as a whole. Consequently, revitalising the rural economy in a restructured social and economic system would be a concern in itself, even though the effect of this for a future growth path for South Africa may be uncertain (Kaplinsky, 1991:54). The report will first examine the broad demographic changes in Region E noting the impact of these changes on the rural areas. Thereafter, the economic processes which characterise the rural areas will be discussed, in particular, employment, income levels and income distribution. This will feed into a discussion of the social processes which will include changing dynamics of migration, and a socio-economic profile of rural households. The paper concludes by briefly examining access and usage of basic services and facilities in the rural parts of Region E.
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Date Issued: 19--?

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The limits of capitalists reform in South Africa

- University of the Western Cape

Authors: University of the Western Cape
Date: 19--?
Subjects: Capitalism -- Political aspects -- South Africa -- Congresses , Marx, Karl,1818-1883 , Marx, Karl,1818-1883 -- Influence , Democracy -- South Africa -- Congresses , Socialism -- South Africa -- Congresses , Communism -- South Africa -- Congresses
Language: English
Type: text , book
Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/76027 , vital:30493
Description: Until a few years ago, it was widely held that, ‘apartheid cannot be reformed, it can only be destroyed’. Today, all participants in the negotiation process are agreed that one fundamental characteristic of the social order must be preserved: the new South Africa is to be a capitalist society; the productive wealth of the country will be the private property of a small number of capitalists, and the vast majority will try to sell their labour for a wage to capitalists who will buy it only when that labour can contribute to their profits. There is still disagreement about how small or large the number of capitalists will be; about the colour of their skins; about who they will appoint to manage their mines, banks, factories and farms for them; about the rules that will govern disputes over wages; and above all about the use that the state will make of the taxes paid from their profits. There is also disagreement about the extent to which capitalism can afford to meet popular needs. But all of these disagreements take place within the framework of a common belief that the future is capitalist. The aim of this seminar series, held by the Marxist Theory Seminar at the University of the Western Cape in April/May 1993, was to pose the question: What are the limits of social reform in a capitalist South Africa? Can the fundamental needs and aspirations of the vast majority of South Africans be met within a capitalist framework? Very often these questions are brushed aside with the argument that, given the present balance of local and international forces, there is no alternative to capitalism in SA today. Even if this argument is correct, it still remains necessary to ask what can be achieved within the framework of the capitalist society to which there is no alternative. If that question is not posed in the most rigorous way, all kinds of illusions will be created about what the future holds in store for us. The question of the limits of capitalist reform in SA is posed as it concerns five different areas; democracy, education, economic growth and employment, land and the oppression of women. What will democracy mean in a new SA which depends on foreign investment and capitalist profitability? Can the education crisis be resolved while meeting the needs of capitalist growth? Will economic growth take place in a capitalist SA, and will this lead to the creation of jobs and a higher standard of living for the majority? Can land be restored to the dispossessed, the virtual slavery of millions of farm workers ended, and land used in a way that produces food for all? What are the prospects of ending the oppression of women in a capitalist South Africa? MTS does not believe that there are simple answers to these questions. Certainly, these questions cannot be answered by a general condemnation of the inequality and inhumanity of capitalism. In each case, it is necessary to give clear answers to such questions as: Has capitalism served historically to support the struggle for democracy or to oppose it? How has it affected education in SA? What are the present interests of the capitalists in solving the land question, or giving women control of their lives? To what extent can capitalism be forced to make concessions - to provide jobs, for example - by the struggles of the oppressed? In the past, capitalism has shown itself to be much more flexible than its critics have supposed. That does not mean that capitalism can do anything it likes, nor that the working class can force it to meet whatever demands it has. One of the indispensable insights of Marxism is that processes of social change are not determined by the intentions or integrity of political leaders, but rather by the fundamental relationships of society and the ability of the major classes to pursue their interests created by these relationships. We hope that the publication of this seminar series contributes to making this insight available to a wider audience. , Marxist theory seminar
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Date Issued: 19--?

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The role of the educator

- National Union of MetalWorkers of South Africa

Authors: National Union of MetalWorkers of South Africa
Date: 19--?
Subjects: Capitalism and education , Black people -- Education -- South Africa , Teachers, Black -- Psychology
Language: English
Type: text , pamphlet
Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/110914 , vital:33350
Description: In South Africa, like all other capitalist societies, workers are forced to work for wages to buy the things they need to survive. The land, factories, mines, etc are privately owned by the capitalists. Because the capitalists own the land, factories and mines they control the wealth that is produced. With this wealth, as well as with the ownership of several newspapers and investment in radio and television stations, the capitalists can try and influence how people think. The capitalists also use the political rights and the wealth they have to influence how the government behaves. In South Africa, black workers have no political rights, because of apartheid. So they cannot influence the government in the same way as the capitalists. Workers standing on their own are also weak against their employers because the employers do not need any one particular worker. But the employers cannot do without all their workers. Machines without workers are useless. So if all workers can organise themselves to act together, to act collectively as it is called, then the balance of power changes. Capitalism needs the labour of workers to survive. So organised workers can be the most powerful weapon against capitalism. But the capitalists in South Africa are very powerful. They have a good friend in the apartheid state. Workers need to be well organised to challenge the power of the capitalists. But to build this strength, we need unity. We also need discipline and clear direction. The first step in making a union strong is for the union to have a very large membership. But the members cannot be sleeping members. They must understand the broader aims and objectives of the union and how the union fits into the wider struggle in South Africa. They must also have the skills and knowledge to be able to participate actively in all the activities of the union. Democratic practices increase the strength of workers' organisations and make them more effective. Democratic organisations are also necessary for building democratic societies because they make it possible for the masses of the people to participate in decisions about their lives.
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Date Issued: 19--?

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Three important principles for trade unionism: unity, independence and democratic methods

Date: 19--?
Subjects: Labour unions -- South Africa , Quality of work life
Language: English
Type: text , pamphlet
Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/111235 , vital:33418
Description: The first principle of trade unionism is unity: the unity of workers, or put another way, solidarity, “one for all, all for one. With solid unity, many things can be achieved by the workers. Without unity, nothing of significance can be achieved by an individual worker. What this means in practice is: the organizational objective of a union is 100 percent membership.The strength and influence of a trade union in its relationship to employers depend on the extent the employees of the company concerned are unionized. The higher the proportion of unionized workers to non-unionized workers, the greater the strength. Apart from numbers, strength also come from organizing the key, skilled workers in the enterprise. Depending on what the basis of organization of the union is—whether it be craft occupation, a specific industry, an undertaking, a common employer or general labor —all workers should be united into one union, irrespective of race, religion, creed, sex, skill, etc. All are equal in the eyes of the organization. Trade unions should also operate nationally because local or regional unions cannot develop sufficient bargaining power or competence over a whole range of issues to adequately safeguard the interest of workers. Trade unions should not be considered as closed societies. They should not be an instrument of privileged or elite workers, jealously guarding member’s privileges against nonmember workers who receive lower wages and are unorganized. They should be open to all workers, otherwise, these same underprivileged workers could be used as scabs against organized workers in the event of a serious conflict. If an organization is to serve the needs of its members, it must be controlled by the members themselves, for who but they themselves can best define and guard their own interests? If a union intends to truly achieve the principles and objectives upon which it was founded, it should not allow itself to be dominated or controlled by external interests, be it government, employers, political parties, religious, communal or fraternal organizations, or individual persons. A government may or may not be well disposed to trade unions, but in general, it is very responsive to the interests of the powerful groups in society, usually the employers. Moreover, if a government can control the operation and policies of a trade union, it becomes an instrument of the government rather than of the workers for whom it was originally set up. There are cases where a so-called “union” is organized by the employer for the employees. This kind of union is a “yellow union” (company dominated union). It is dominated by the management or its stooges. It is usually a local union (or a one-shop union), which means that only employees of that undertaking are allowed to join it. Needless to say, this kind of union is totally useless because its basic purpose is not to promote the workers’ interest but to prevent them from setting up a genuine one. When management starts to pressure employees to join a local union, the signals are clear: it is a yellow union. Equally, the union should resist any attempt by any political party to control and dominate it. The interests of the political party are not necessarily the same as those of the union. Even if there are some areas of shared interests, the ultimate aim of a trade union is to serve its members. This aim may be distorted under the domination of a political party whose basic aim is to obtain support from all sectors to secure power.
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Date Issued: 19--?

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