Succession politics and state administration in Africa: the case of Zimbabwe
- Authors: Chikerema, Arthur Fidelis
- Date: 2021-02
- Subjects: Africa -- Politics and government , Public administration , state governments
- Language: English
- Type: Doctoral theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10353/21355 , vital:48494
- Description: The research probes the impact of succession politics on state administration in Africa, Zimbabwe as a case study. Power transition in any political landscape promotes the regeneration and configuration of the political architecture and the functionality of the administrative apparatus of the state. Government performance may thus be viewed as a result of political processes and dynamics that influence governance in a polity. Political succession determines the composition of administrative organs of the state and many political leaders wish to work with administrative apparatus, which are compatible with their ideological orientation. Regular transfer of executive power is the major test of stability, legitimacy and maturity of a nation’s political system, but in Zimbabwe, political leaders have shown a consistent trajectory of violating or amending state and party constitutions to prolong their stay in power (Constitutional coup or a third term tragedy). This has been compelled by ruthless silencing of dissent by suffocating political activism culminating in strong personalities and weak institutions. Succession politics in Zimbabwe resembles executive dominance, egocentrism, excessive appointing powers which are compounded by lack of institutional framework for succession. This undermines the professional independence of the bureaucracy, which in turn inhibits the pursuit of sound governance. Therefore, passing the baton to the next leader has been a challenge; resulting in the personalization of, governments and political parties by leaders. While constitutions provide for elective congress for purposes of electing party leadership and/ or renewing their mandates, there is strong literature pointing to the capture of representative institutions such as Parliaments through strong normative values by leaders. This erodes the role of Parliaments or congresses as a democratic institution, as leaders have used it to “endorse” themselves. The research examines the influence of succession politics on state administration, especially on how the institution of the state and party politics in Zimbabwe conflate with the public administration system leading to state malfunction. This research adopts a qualitative research design that provides an understanding of underlying reasons, opinions, and motivations on political succession and state administration in Zimbabwe. Data was collected through in-depth interviews, complemented by document review and analyzed through thematic content analysis. The study found out that, despite the existence of the legal frameworks that promote seamless power transition, political, societal and historical factors exacerbate Zimbabwe’s succession dilemma. Colonial legacy, societal laxity, the military factor, capture of state institutions by the political elite, lack of a retirement institutional mechanism, the principle of sovereignty and politicization of the succession process were found as the major hindrances to Zimbabwe’s succession trajectory. It recommends broad based and genuine civil service, electoral, security and political (politics with ethics and values) reforms to dismantle the current legacy imbedded in the political system. , Thesis (PhD) (Public Administration) -- University of Fort Hare, 2021
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2021-02
- Authors: Chikerema, Arthur Fidelis
- Date: 2021-02
- Subjects: Africa -- Politics and government , Public administration , state governments
- Language: English
- Type: Doctoral theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10353/21355 , vital:48494
- Description: The research probes the impact of succession politics on state administration in Africa, Zimbabwe as a case study. Power transition in any political landscape promotes the regeneration and configuration of the political architecture and the functionality of the administrative apparatus of the state. Government performance may thus be viewed as a result of political processes and dynamics that influence governance in a polity. Political succession determines the composition of administrative organs of the state and many political leaders wish to work with administrative apparatus, which are compatible with their ideological orientation. Regular transfer of executive power is the major test of stability, legitimacy and maturity of a nation’s political system, but in Zimbabwe, political leaders have shown a consistent trajectory of violating or amending state and party constitutions to prolong their stay in power (Constitutional coup or a third term tragedy). This has been compelled by ruthless silencing of dissent by suffocating political activism culminating in strong personalities and weak institutions. Succession politics in Zimbabwe resembles executive dominance, egocentrism, excessive appointing powers which are compounded by lack of institutional framework for succession. This undermines the professional independence of the bureaucracy, which in turn inhibits the pursuit of sound governance. Therefore, passing the baton to the next leader has been a challenge; resulting in the personalization of, governments and political parties by leaders. While constitutions provide for elective congress for purposes of electing party leadership and/ or renewing their mandates, there is strong literature pointing to the capture of representative institutions such as Parliaments through strong normative values by leaders. This erodes the role of Parliaments or congresses as a democratic institution, as leaders have used it to “endorse” themselves. The research examines the influence of succession politics on state administration, especially on how the institution of the state and party politics in Zimbabwe conflate with the public administration system leading to state malfunction. This research adopts a qualitative research design that provides an understanding of underlying reasons, opinions, and motivations on political succession and state administration in Zimbabwe. Data was collected through in-depth interviews, complemented by document review and analyzed through thematic content analysis. The study found out that, despite the existence of the legal frameworks that promote seamless power transition, political, societal and historical factors exacerbate Zimbabwe’s succession dilemma. Colonial legacy, societal laxity, the military factor, capture of state institutions by the political elite, lack of a retirement institutional mechanism, the principle of sovereignty and politicization of the succession process were found as the major hindrances to Zimbabwe’s succession trajectory. It recommends broad based and genuine civil service, electoral, security and political (politics with ethics and values) reforms to dismantle the current legacy imbedded in the political system. , Thesis (PhD) (Public Administration) -- University of Fort Hare, 2021
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2021-02
Conflict prevention, management and resolution in Africa: a case study of the conflict in the Darfur region of Sudan (2003 – 2013)
- Authors: Chukwunaru, Charles Obinna
- Date: 2017
- Subjects: Conflict management -- Sudan -- Darfur -- 21st century Conflict management -- Africa -- Prevention , Africa -- Politics and government
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10948/14818 , vital:27876
- Description: Africa has witnessed some of the most horrific and devastating conflicts in the world in recent times. This study, concerned about the problem of these seemingly intractable or endemic violent conflicts ravaging the continent of Africa since decolonisation; resulting in poverty, hunger, diseases, massive killing, rape, permanent disability and underdevelopment, examined the issues relating to conflict prevention, management and resolution in Africa. In doing so, it used the conflict in the Darfur region of Sudan as a case study. It examined the role of international organisations, especially that which the African Union and the United Nations played in the prevention, management and resolution of the conflict in the Darfur region of Sudan, as well as the remote and immediate cause of the Darfur conflict and major parties to the Darfur conflict. Other issues examined by this study include the outcome of the United Nations Commission of Inquiry into the violations of international humanitarian law and human rights law, including acts of genocide in Darfur; and the Sudanese government’s response. Moreover, it analysed the implication of the Darfur conflict in the problem of preventing, managing and resolving violent conflict in Africa while drawing some lessons for the African Union, as well as the government of Sudan. However, this research, which adopted the qualitative case study methodology in data collection, presentation and analysis, posits that the protracted violent conflict, which was triggered by some rebel leaders with doubtful motives in the Darfur region of Sudan, who capitalised on the age-long problem of underdevelopment in the Darfur region, as well as low intensity disputes among the tribes over ownership of land and water resources, was avoidable. It further asserts that the African Union lacked the capacity to engage in an effective peace support operation in Africa as witnessed in the failure of its mission in Darfur, which eventually got rescued by the United Nations through the UN-AU Hybrid Mission in Darfur (UNAMID). Further, this study has contributed in narrowing the existing gaps in academic literature on the aspect of conflict prevention management and resolution especially in Africa, even as it introduced the conspiracy theory in the understanding of the issues relating to the conflict in the Darfur region while recommending the immediate operationalisation of the African Union standby force to avert the reoccurrence of the Darfur conflict in Sudan and other parts of Africa, among other strategies aimed at enhancing the capacity and capability of the African Union to prevent, manage and resolve violent conflicts in Africa with or without the intervention of foreign powers. Moreover, this study recommends good governance that will promote political, social and economic justice as well as adherence to the rule of law; against all forms marginalisation, discrimination and other forms of structural violence in Africa. Essentially, this research has made an original contribution to the conflict studies literature with the formulation of the “Violent Intrastate Conflict Model” which explains the conflict dynamics and processes in most violent intrastate conflicts or civil war.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2017
- Authors: Chukwunaru, Charles Obinna
- Date: 2017
- Subjects: Conflict management -- Sudan -- Darfur -- 21st century Conflict management -- Africa -- Prevention , Africa -- Politics and government
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10948/14818 , vital:27876
- Description: Africa has witnessed some of the most horrific and devastating conflicts in the world in recent times. This study, concerned about the problem of these seemingly intractable or endemic violent conflicts ravaging the continent of Africa since decolonisation; resulting in poverty, hunger, diseases, massive killing, rape, permanent disability and underdevelopment, examined the issues relating to conflict prevention, management and resolution in Africa. In doing so, it used the conflict in the Darfur region of Sudan as a case study. It examined the role of international organisations, especially that which the African Union and the United Nations played in the prevention, management and resolution of the conflict in the Darfur region of Sudan, as well as the remote and immediate cause of the Darfur conflict and major parties to the Darfur conflict. Other issues examined by this study include the outcome of the United Nations Commission of Inquiry into the violations of international humanitarian law and human rights law, including acts of genocide in Darfur; and the Sudanese government’s response. Moreover, it analysed the implication of the Darfur conflict in the problem of preventing, managing and resolving violent conflict in Africa while drawing some lessons for the African Union, as well as the government of Sudan. However, this research, which adopted the qualitative case study methodology in data collection, presentation and analysis, posits that the protracted violent conflict, which was triggered by some rebel leaders with doubtful motives in the Darfur region of Sudan, who capitalised on the age-long problem of underdevelopment in the Darfur region, as well as low intensity disputes among the tribes over ownership of land and water resources, was avoidable. It further asserts that the African Union lacked the capacity to engage in an effective peace support operation in Africa as witnessed in the failure of its mission in Darfur, which eventually got rescued by the United Nations through the UN-AU Hybrid Mission in Darfur (UNAMID). Further, this study has contributed in narrowing the existing gaps in academic literature on the aspect of conflict prevention management and resolution especially in Africa, even as it introduced the conspiracy theory in the understanding of the issues relating to the conflict in the Darfur region while recommending the immediate operationalisation of the African Union standby force to avert the reoccurrence of the Darfur conflict in Sudan and other parts of Africa, among other strategies aimed at enhancing the capacity and capability of the African Union to prevent, manage and resolve violent conflicts in Africa with or without the intervention of foreign powers. Moreover, this study recommends good governance that will promote political, social and economic justice as well as adherence to the rule of law; against all forms marginalisation, discrimination and other forms of structural violence in Africa. Essentially, this research has made an original contribution to the conflict studies literature with the formulation of the “Violent Intrastate Conflict Model” which explains the conflict dynamics and processes in most violent intrastate conflicts or civil war.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2017
Effects of political instability in development in South Sudan
- Authors: Annan, David
- Date: 2015
- Subjects: Political stability -- Africa -- History , Economic development -- Political aspects , Africa -- Politics and government
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:9184 , http://hdl.handle.net/10948/d1020190
- Description: The signing of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) between the Republic of Sudan represented by the National Congress Party (NCP) and the SPLM (Sudan People’s Liberation Movement) which represented the people of the Southern part of Sudan in January 2005 ushered in a rare era of peace and hope for the rebuilding and construction of the war ravaged South Sudan. Coupled with the attainment of Independence for South Sudan through an internationally supervised referendum in January 2011, the objectives of years of struggle by the people of the formerly semi-autonomous region were completed. From 2005 until after the independence of South Sudan however, a period that initially was marked by huge euphoria and broad based anticipation of development boom, the support from both local and international actors for the struggle and the plight of the people of South Sudan is waning and at worst has now turned into despair and hopelessness. After attaining independence in 2011, the highest party organ, the Political Bureau decided to remove candidates who were popularly voted by their constituents and replaced them with their cronies, leading to mass exodus of cadres from the party. On top of that, the wide believe that the elections were rigged for SPLM candidates at the expense of the Independent candidates led to another wave of exodus and open rebellion by many veteran cadres of the movement. Today, these rebellions coupled with some complex problematic societal issues are major concern and a source of political instability and violence in some parts of the country. Secondly, the hasty process of the Disarmament, Demobilization, and Reintegration (DDR) campaign, which in some cases were forcefully done left some communities exposed and venerable to attacks by rival communities. This continue to exacerbate and ignite tribal hatred, tension and stereotypes between communities especially in the traditionally volatile parts of the country that are known for cattle rustling and tribal rivalry as a form of cultural practice. Unresolved post secession issues within the SPLM had resulted to political instability and violence thus having negative economic consequences for South Sudan and all the gains the country had made in the past few years vanished after December 15 2013 political upheaval. This thesis will examine the effects of these mentioned complex political instability and economic dilemma South Sudan is being confronted with in the face of the fact that it is still in the process of nation building having attained its Independence only in July 2011.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2015
- Authors: Annan, David
- Date: 2015
- Subjects: Political stability -- Africa -- History , Economic development -- Political aspects , Africa -- Politics and government
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:9184 , http://hdl.handle.net/10948/d1020190
- Description: The signing of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) between the Republic of Sudan represented by the National Congress Party (NCP) and the SPLM (Sudan People’s Liberation Movement) which represented the people of the Southern part of Sudan in January 2005 ushered in a rare era of peace and hope for the rebuilding and construction of the war ravaged South Sudan. Coupled with the attainment of Independence for South Sudan through an internationally supervised referendum in January 2011, the objectives of years of struggle by the people of the formerly semi-autonomous region were completed. From 2005 until after the independence of South Sudan however, a period that initially was marked by huge euphoria and broad based anticipation of development boom, the support from both local and international actors for the struggle and the plight of the people of South Sudan is waning and at worst has now turned into despair and hopelessness. After attaining independence in 2011, the highest party organ, the Political Bureau decided to remove candidates who were popularly voted by their constituents and replaced them with their cronies, leading to mass exodus of cadres from the party. On top of that, the wide believe that the elections were rigged for SPLM candidates at the expense of the Independent candidates led to another wave of exodus and open rebellion by many veteran cadres of the movement. Today, these rebellions coupled with some complex problematic societal issues are major concern and a source of political instability and violence in some parts of the country. Secondly, the hasty process of the Disarmament, Demobilization, and Reintegration (DDR) campaign, which in some cases were forcefully done left some communities exposed and venerable to attacks by rival communities. This continue to exacerbate and ignite tribal hatred, tension and stereotypes between communities especially in the traditionally volatile parts of the country that are known for cattle rustling and tribal rivalry as a form of cultural practice. Unresolved post secession issues within the SPLM had resulted to political instability and violence thus having negative economic consequences for South Sudan and all the gains the country had made in the past few years vanished after December 15 2013 political upheaval. This thesis will examine the effects of these mentioned complex political instability and economic dilemma South Sudan is being confronted with in the face of the fact that it is still in the process of nation building having attained its Independence only in July 2011.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2015
Revisiting Coloniasm : An exploration of its legacy in four African texts
- Andzongo, Marjorie Debande Eseme
- Authors: Andzongo, Marjorie Debande Eseme
- Date: 2011-01
- Subjects: Colonies -- History , Africa -- Colonisation , Africa -- Politics and government
- Language: English
- Type: Master's theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10353/23282 , vital:57019
- Description: The purpose of this study was to revisit the topic of colonialism once more, in order to ascertain whether it had both negative and positive impacts in Africa. This is so because colonialism is mostly renowned for its negative attributes, therefore, the study attempted to give a more balanced analysis of colonialism and its effects on the colonies and colonised subjects. To this effect, the study examined four African texts: Chinua Achebe’s Things Fall Apart(1967), Ngugi wa Thiong’o and Ngugi Wa Mirri’s I Will Marry When I Want (1982), Mongo Beti’s Mission to Kala (1957) and Sembene Ousmane’s The Last of The Empire (1983). The analysis showed that colonialism did have damaging and constructive impacts on the former colonies. However, these constructive impacts have their limitations where Africans are concerned. The study also came to the conclusion that despite the destructiveness of colonialism there are vital aspects of the Western civilisation that need to be and have been accommodated by Africans. Therefore, amalgamating the positives of various cultures rather than trying to separate them, is the way forward for people of any race as the world has undeniably become a global village. It is easy to see the wrongs and injustices of European Imperialism in Africa. African culture was damaged. The Europeans did not understand tribal differences and tribal customs. They did not even try to understand. The Europeans forced the Africans to learn new ways. They tried to make the Africans feel inferior. They forced the Africans to accept European government, religion, and languages. They drew up colonial boundaries without giving any thought to splitting up tribes. Some of the things the Europeans did in Africa helped the natives. But most of those things were done for the sake of the Europeans. Railway systems, roads, and schools were built and the continent of Africa was opened up to the rest of the world. , Thesis (MA) -- Faculty of Social Sciences and Humanities, 2011
- Full Text:
- Authors: Andzongo, Marjorie Debande Eseme
- Date: 2011-01
- Subjects: Colonies -- History , Africa -- Colonisation , Africa -- Politics and government
- Language: English
- Type: Master's theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10353/23282 , vital:57019
- Description: The purpose of this study was to revisit the topic of colonialism once more, in order to ascertain whether it had both negative and positive impacts in Africa. This is so because colonialism is mostly renowned for its negative attributes, therefore, the study attempted to give a more balanced analysis of colonialism and its effects on the colonies and colonised subjects. To this effect, the study examined four African texts: Chinua Achebe’s Things Fall Apart(1967), Ngugi wa Thiong’o and Ngugi Wa Mirri’s I Will Marry When I Want (1982), Mongo Beti’s Mission to Kala (1957) and Sembene Ousmane’s The Last of The Empire (1983). The analysis showed that colonialism did have damaging and constructive impacts on the former colonies. However, these constructive impacts have their limitations where Africans are concerned. The study also came to the conclusion that despite the destructiveness of colonialism there are vital aspects of the Western civilisation that need to be and have been accommodated by Africans. Therefore, amalgamating the positives of various cultures rather than trying to separate them, is the way forward for people of any race as the world has undeniably become a global village. It is easy to see the wrongs and injustices of European Imperialism in Africa. African culture was damaged. The Europeans did not understand tribal differences and tribal customs. They did not even try to understand. The Europeans forced the Africans to learn new ways. They tried to make the Africans feel inferior. They forced the Africans to accept European government, religion, and languages. They drew up colonial boundaries without giving any thought to splitting up tribes. Some of the things the Europeans did in Africa helped the natives. But most of those things were done for the sake of the Europeans. Railway systems, roads, and schools were built and the continent of Africa was opened up to the rest of the world. , Thesis (MA) -- Faculty of Social Sciences and Humanities, 2011
- Full Text:
A comparison of ethical models for conflict resolution in the African context
- Authors: Mbangu, Muyingi
- Date: 2008
- Subjects: Africa -- Politics and government , Conflict management
- Language: English
- Type: Master's theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10353/25052 , vital:63948
- Description: Remarkably little research has been done about the potential of ethical models for violent conflict resolution in the African context. I will argue here that ethical models such as Utilitarianism, Deontologism, Virtue ethics, and African ethics can exert influence to help resolve conflict situations peacefully for the sake of African civilians generally and the DRC civilians in particular. This influence firstly becomes visible in the fact that ethical models can guide conflict resolution attempts to bring about conditions of peace, justice and freedom among African civilians in whichever nations state they find themselves. Secondly, ethical models can be established in the resolution of conflict for a lasting peace in the African context, and lastly, ethical models can be proposed as a guideline for all African leaders to lead their countries in peace. The conclusion I draw is that a normative framework of ethical models can be applied in conflict resolution in the African context. This framework draws on all four models, but leans toward deontology because of its strictness or rigour of universal rules or principles in any situation. , Thesis (MA) -- Faculty of Social Sciences and Humanities, 2008
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2008
- Authors: Mbangu, Muyingi
- Date: 2008
- Subjects: Africa -- Politics and government , Conflict management
- Language: English
- Type: Master's theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10353/25052 , vital:63948
- Description: Remarkably little research has been done about the potential of ethical models for violent conflict resolution in the African context. I will argue here that ethical models such as Utilitarianism, Deontologism, Virtue ethics, and African ethics can exert influence to help resolve conflict situations peacefully for the sake of African civilians generally and the DRC civilians in particular. This influence firstly becomes visible in the fact that ethical models can guide conflict resolution attempts to bring about conditions of peace, justice and freedom among African civilians in whichever nations state they find themselves. Secondly, ethical models can be established in the resolution of conflict for a lasting peace in the African context, and lastly, ethical models can be proposed as a guideline for all African leaders to lead their countries in peace. The conclusion I draw is that a normative framework of ethical models can be applied in conflict resolution in the African context. This framework draws on all four models, but leans toward deontology because of its strictness or rigour of universal rules or principles in any situation. , Thesis (MA) -- Faculty of Social Sciences and Humanities, 2008
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2008
The politics in and around governance in the New Partnership for Africa's Development
- Authors: Roussel, Jean Thierry Kevin
- Date: 2006
- Subjects: New Partnership for Africa's Development , Sustainable development -- Africa , Economic development -- Africa , Africa -- Foreign economic relations , Africa -- Economic conditions , Africa -- Politics and government
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2827 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003037 , New Partnership for Africa's Development , Sustainable development -- Africa , Economic development -- Africa , Africa -- Foreign economic relations , Africa -- Economic conditions , Africa -- Politics and government
- Description: This study examines the prominence of the term governance and its use in multilateral organisations, in particular the New Partnership for African Development. It argues that the term governance is contentious and needs to be reviewed. This is in light of the elevation of governance as a requisite for development, which has come about through the development of NEPAD. This is primarily a study on the position of the state in multilateral regimes and how governance will affect the state and non-state actors. The politics in and around governance are therefore important in any assessment of African development as governance becomes a developmental necessity. The African Rennaisance and African Union have become ‘beacons of hope’ for Africa and these have been discussed here. We can see NEPAD as a historical development that fits into the African Renaissance. This has been a mechanism to ensure state survival and the states that drive NEPAD have played a significant role in providing legitimacy to Africa’s calls for development. This thesis attempts to explain the shift in developmental policy in that NEPAD has seemingly become the first African development strategy that has the support of the West. Through this thesis, we will examine the role that the Post Washington consensus has played in getting this phase of African development started. What becomes significant here is the way in which governance has been accepted as the gauge for support in development. This study therefore aims to offer a means by which to analyse governance in multilateral organisations. As the term is contentious, three paradigms on governance will be provided in order to refine governance in such a way that it can be applied in analysis. This thesis shows that governance can be refined into corporatist, prebendal and conciliar forms. The form of governance that NEPAD will take has implications for the type of reconfiguration of the state brought about by governance.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2006
- Authors: Roussel, Jean Thierry Kevin
- Date: 2006
- Subjects: New Partnership for Africa's Development , Sustainable development -- Africa , Economic development -- Africa , Africa -- Foreign economic relations , Africa -- Economic conditions , Africa -- Politics and government
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2827 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003037 , New Partnership for Africa's Development , Sustainable development -- Africa , Economic development -- Africa , Africa -- Foreign economic relations , Africa -- Economic conditions , Africa -- Politics and government
- Description: This study examines the prominence of the term governance and its use in multilateral organisations, in particular the New Partnership for African Development. It argues that the term governance is contentious and needs to be reviewed. This is in light of the elevation of governance as a requisite for development, which has come about through the development of NEPAD. This is primarily a study on the position of the state in multilateral regimes and how governance will affect the state and non-state actors. The politics in and around governance are therefore important in any assessment of African development as governance becomes a developmental necessity. The African Rennaisance and African Union have become ‘beacons of hope’ for Africa and these have been discussed here. We can see NEPAD as a historical development that fits into the African Renaissance. This has been a mechanism to ensure state survival and the states that drive NEPAD have played a significant role in providing legitimacy to Africa’s calls for development. This thesis attempts to explain the shift in developmental policy in that NEPAD has seemingly become the first African development strategy that has the support of the West. Through this thesis, we will examine the role that the Post Washington consensus has played in getting this phase of African development started. What becomes significant here is the way in which governance has been accepted as the gauge for support in development. This study therefore aims to offer a means by which to analyse governance in multilateral organisations. As the term is contentious, three paradigms on governance will be provided in order to refine governance in such a way that it can be applied in analysis. This thesis shows that governance can be refined into corporatist, prebendal and conciliar forms. The form of governance that NEPAD will take has implications for the type of reconfiguration of the state brought about by governance.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2006
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