A social realist account of the way smallholder farmers exercised their agency in the adoption of climate-smart agriculture practices in degraded landscapes in Machubeni, Eastern Cape, South Africa
- Authors: Mbengo, Idah
- Date: 2024-10-11
- Subjects: Climate-smart agriculture , Climatic changes South Africa , Climate change adaptation South Africa Eastern Cape , Social realism , Farms, Small South Africa Eastern Cape
- Language: English
- Type: Academic theses , Doctoral theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/466884 , vital:76795 , DOI https://doi.org/10.21504/10962/466884
- Description: Over the last two decades, climate-smart agriculture (CSA) has been promoted as a way to address the challenges of climate change for smallholder farmers' productivity, food security and livelihoods. Given concerns about climate change, many studies have contributed to developing an understanding of resilience building and crop and livestock systems adaptation. Despite evidence of the effectiveness of CSA practices, several studies report on their limited uptake by farmers involved in various projects. The reasons for low rates of adoption remain unclear. In this context, the study on which this thesis is based drew on Bhaskar’s critical realism and Archer’s social realism to explore the way smallholder farmers in five villages in a rural area in South Africa were enabled and constrained as they exercised their agency in a project intended to introduce them to CSA practices. The study was not about adaptation and resilience building per se but rather, following Bhaskar and Archer, sought to identify the generative mechanisms enabling and constraining the adoption of CSA practices. Bhaskar’s critical realism posits a view of reality as layered. The topmost layer of reality is the Empirical. This consists of observations and experiences of the world around us and is understood to be relative. The second layer, the Actual, is the layer of events from which observations and experiences located at the level of the Empirical emerge. Events at the level of the Actual and experiences and observations at the level of the Empirical emerge from an interplay of mechanisms at the deepest layer of reality identified by Bhaskar, as the Real. In positing a layered ontology, critical realism allows for the relativity of experiences and observations while, at the same time, acknowledging the reality of structures and mechanisms, which cannot be directly observed but nonetheless exist. Archer’s work on agency accords personal powers and properties (PEPs) to all individuals. Although all individuals have the power to act in relation to the world around them, they are nonetheless conditioned by their previous histories and experiences as they do so. As individuals set about exercising their agency, they are enabled or constrained by structures and mechanisms in two domains at the level of the Real which are understood to possess their own powers and properties: the structural domain and the cultural domain. In addition to drawing on Archer’s conceptualisation of the interaction between agency, structure and culture, the study also uses her “morphogenetic framework” which allows for the identification of ‘whose conceptual shifts are responsible for which structural changes, when, where and under what conditions’ (Archer, 1998: 361) and for understanding change as a series of never-ending cycles. The first phase of Archer’s morphogenetic framework, entitled T1, involves social and cultural conditioning. In the study, T1 was understood to be the time until 2017 when the project on which the study focused began. The second phase, T2 to T3, is the phase of social and cultural interaction as agents exercise their PEPs to pursue concerns they have identified for themselves and encounter structural emergent powers and properties (SEPs) and cultural emergent powers and properties (CEPs) of mechanisms located in the domains of structure and culture as they do so. The final phase of the framework, T4, allows for an evaluation of what has changed and what has not changed. My claim is that the uptake of CSA practices is impacted by different forms of consciousness or ways of experiencing the world, which is the result of the social and cultural conditioning of different groups involved in the project at T1, and clashes between them. The use of the framework drawing on critical realism and social realism allowed for the identification of these different forms of consciousness in different social groups (project facilitators, elderly farmers and the youth). These different forms of consciousness were understood to condition the agency of the three groups and thus enable or constrain the introduction of CSA practices and how they were taken up. Elderly women in the project had been conditioned to be caregivers and to see their roles tending kitchen gardens as part of their identity. This consciousness led to the uptake of CSA practices in their home gardens. By contrast, young people engaged with the project shared a very different way of experiencing the world. They were better educated and had been socialised into using social media and watching films on electronic devices from a young age. As a result, they valued the role of money in accessing consumer goods and the good life and thus valued paid employment rather than working on the land to provide subsistence. This led to a limited uptake of CSA practices. It is envisaged that insights from the study will offer new ways of understanding what might otherwise be seen as resistance to adopting CSA practices as well as new ways of engaging with different groups of agents involved in projects in the future. The study demonstrates the explanatory power of critical realism and social realism to analyse a climate change adaptation project. , Thesis (PhD) -- Faculty of Science, Environmental Science, 2024
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2024-10-11
- Authors: Mbengo, Idah
- Date: 2024-10-11
- Subjects: Climate-smart agriculture , Climatic changes South Africa , Climate change adaptation South Africa Eastern Cape , Social realism , Farms, Small South Africa Eastern Cape
- Language: English
- Type: Academic theses , Doctoral theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/466884 , vital:76795 , DOI https://doi.org/10.21504/10962/466884
- Description: Over the last two decades, climate-smart agriculture (CSA) has been promoted as a way to address the challenges of climate change for smallholder farmers' productivity, food security and livelihoods. Given concerns about climate change, many studies have contributed to developing an understanding of resilience building and crop and livestock systems adaptation. Despite evidence of the effectiveness of CSA practices, several studies report on their limited uptake by farmers involved in various projects. The reasons for low rates of adoption remain unclear. In this context, the study on which this thesis is based drew on Bhaskar’s critical realism and Archer’s social realism to explore the way smallholder farmers in five villages in a rural area in South Africa were enabled and constrained as they exercised their agency in a project intended to introduce them to CSA practices. The study was not about adaptation and resilience building per se but rather, following Bhaskar and Archer, sought to identify the generative mechanisms enabling and constraining the adoption of CSA practices. Bhaskar’s critical realism posits a view of reality as layered. The topmost layer of reality is the Empirical. This consists of observations and experiences of the world around us and is understood to be relative. The second layer, the Actual, is the layer of events from which observations and experiences located at the level of the Empirical emerge. Events at the level of the Actual and experiences and observations at the level of the Empirical emerge from an interplay of mechanisms at the deepest layer of reality identified by Bhaskar, as the Real. In positing a layered ontology, critical realism allows for the relativity of experiences and observations while, at the same time, acknowledging the reality of structures and mechanisms, which cannot be directly observed but nonetheless exist. Archer’s work on agency accords personal powers and properties (PEPs) to all individuals. Although all individuals have the power to act in relation to the world around them, they are nonetheless conditioned by their previous histories and experiences as they do so. As individuals set about exercising their agency, they are enabled or constrained by structures and mechanisms in two domains at the level of the Real which are understood to possess their own powers and properties: the structural domain and the cultural domain. In addition to drawing on Archer’s conceptualisation of the interaction between agency, structure and culture, the study also uses her “morphogenetic framework” which allows for the identification of ‘whose conceptual shifts are responsible for which structural changes, when, where and under what conditions’ (Archer, 1998: 361) and for understanding change as a series of never-ending cycles. The first phase of Archer’s morphogenetic framework, entitled T1, involves social and cultural conditioning. In the study, T1 was understood to be the time until 2017 when the project on which the study focused began. The second phase, T2 to T3, is the phase of social and cultural interaction as agents exercise their PEPs to pursue concerns they have identified for themselves and encounter structural emergent powers and properties (SEPs) and cultural emergent powers and properties (CEPs) of mechanisms located in the domains of structure and culture as they do so. The final phase of the framework, T4, allows for an evaluation of what has changed and what has not changed. My claim is that the uptake of CSA practices is impacted by different forms of consciousness or ways of experiencing the world, which is the result of the social and cultural conditioning of different groups involved in the project at T1, and clashes between them. The use of the framework drawing on critical realism and social realism allowed for the identification of these different forms of consciousness in different social groups (project facilitators, elderly farmers and the youth). These different forms of consciousness were understood to condition the agency of the three groups and thus enable or constrain the introduction of CSA practices and how they were taken up. Elderly women in the project had been conditioned to be caregivers and to see their roles tending kitchen gardens as part of their identity. This consciousness led to the uptake of CSA practices in their home gardens. By contrast, young people engaged with the project shared a very different way of experiencing the world. They were better educated and had been socialised into using social media and watching films on electronic devices from a young age. As a result, they valued the role of money in accessing consumer goods and the good life and thus valued paid employment rather than working on the land to provide subsistence. This led to a limited uptake of CSA practices. It is envisaged that insights from the study will offer new ways of understanding what might otherwise be seen as resistance to adopting CSA practices as well as new ways of engaging with different groups of agents involved in projects in the future. The study demonstrates the explanatory power of critical realism and social realism to analyse a climate change adaptation project. , Thesis (PhD) -- Faculty of Science, Environmental Science, 2024
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2024-10-11
Competing policy imperatives in Post-Apartheid South Africa: An analysis of the effects and larger significance of ESKOM restructuring on the South African automotive industry, 2005-2014
- Authors: Sibuyi, Lucas Nkosana
- Date: 2021-10-29
- Subjects: Eskom (Firm) , South Africa Colonial influence , Electric power Conservation South Africa , Electric utilities Government ownership South Africa , Electric utilities Privatization South Africa , Import substitution South Africa , Government business enterprises South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Doctoral theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/192911 , vital:45278 , 10.21504/10962/192911
- Description: The state has played an indispensable, major role in the industrialisation of South Africa, and its transformation from an economy of agriculture and mining to one based on manufacturing and services by the 1970s. Large state-owned corporations in communications and transportation, finance, industry and power have been key to this process, which also involved an extensive (and racist form of) import substitution industrialisation (ISI) from the 1920s. The 1970s saw a shift towards neoliberal policies, first under the National-Party-led apartheid government and then under the African-National-Congress-led democratic government formed in 1994. Since the 1980s, this restructuring has profoundly affected state-owned enterprises (SOEs), including the monopoly electricity utility ESKOM, and manufacturing industries, such as the automotive sector. This thesis examines the evolution of and interaction between different areas of neoliberal policy, and their evolution over time through a consideration of the relationship between the restructuring of SOEs and manufacturing, with a focus on ESKOM and autotomotives respectively. Relying on interviews with senior officials, policymakers, union leaders and industrialists, as well as primary documents, the study examines the responses of OEMs in South Africa (BMW, Ford, General Motors, Mercedes Benz/Daimler, Nissan, Toyota and Volkswagen) to ESKOM’s actions, and analyses the root of these actions. It argues that while restructuring has been framed by a common framework, policy development and implementation is not coordinated or cohesive. ESKOM, for example, gutted investment in electricity and maintenance generation capacity to become profitable and create space for Independent Power Providers (IPPs) – neoliberal measures for which it was rewarded and lauded. This took place at a time when national policy emphasised the need to grow manufacturing and attract direct investment by creating an investor-friendly climate resting on infrastructure. It also took place when the Department of Trade and Industry (DTI) rolled out highly successful plans – also praised and rewarded – to help adjust automotives to open markets; the sector grew much larger than under ISI, while other sectors like textiles collapsed. ESKOM’s measures, however, led to a rapid decline in the capacity and stability of the power system, and directly contradicted the drive to expand and globalise manufacturing, in which automotives was now the leading edge. Corruption in the utility worsened, much of it through subcontracting measures rooted in neoliberal reforms, but this did not cause the basic problems. It is argued that this situation of competing policy imperatives reflects deeper, long-term problems in the South African state, including contradictory policies, uneven capacity and a lack of coordination. For example, there was no coordination between the DTI and stakeholder departments that regulate ESKOM, being the shareholder ministry, the Department of Public Enterprises (DPE) and its policy ministry, and the Department of Mineral Resources and Energy (DMRE). These types of problems did not start postapartheid, and post-1994 reforms have not adequately addressed them. What exists is not a “developmental” state, as policymakers hope, but a fractured state of an intermediate type that combines “developmental” and “predatory” features in a oneparty dominant system in which lines between ruling party and state blur, and state resources are leveraged for elite class formation. Such was the case under apartheid skippered by the NP, with Afrikanerisation, and it continues today post-apartheid under the ANC with BEE. Major reforms are needed, but not just in SOE governance or budgets, as many have suggested. If we are to take the nation forward, the basic design of the state must be reformed. The state needs professionalised, coherent policy-making and implementation, proper coordination of state entities and hard decisions. It should manage high levels of public infrastructure, guarantee political stability and credit ratings, and provide policy certainty and predictability. Without big reforms it will remain a chronic underperformer. , Thesis (PhD) -- Faculty of Humanities, Sociology, 2021
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2021-10-29
- Authors: Sibuyi, Lucas Nkosana
- Date: 2021-10-29
- Subjects: Eskom (Firm) , South Africa Colonial influence , Electric power Conservation South Africa , Electric utilities Government ownership South Africa , Electric utilities Privatization South Africa , Import substitution South Africa , Government business enterprises South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Doctoral theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/192911 , vital:45278 , 10.21504/10962/192911
- Description: The state has played an indispensable, major role in the industrialisation of South Africa, and its transformation from an economy of agriculture and mining to one based on manufacturing and services by the 1970s. Large state-owned corporations in communications and transportation, finance, industry and power have been key to this process, which also involved an extensive (and racist form of) import substitution industrialisation (ISI) from the 1920s. The 1970s saw a shift towards neoliberal policies, first under the National-Party-led apartheid government and then under the African-National-Congress-led democratic government formed in 1994. Since the 1980s, this restructuring has profoundly affected state-owned enterprises (SOEs), including the monopoly electricity utility ESKOM, and manufacturing industries, such as the automotive sector. This thesis examines the evolution of and interaction between different areas of neoliberal policy, and their evolution over time through a consideration of the relationship between the restructuring of SOEs and manufacturing, with a focus on ESKOM and autotomotives respectively. Relying on interviews with senior officials, policymakers, union leaders and industrialists, as well as primary documents, the study examines the responses of OEMs in South Africa (BMW, Ford, General Motors, Mercedes Benz/Daimler, Nissan, Toyota and Volkswagen) to ESKOM’s actions, and analyses the root of these actions. It argues that while restructuring has been framed by a common framework, policy development and implementation is not coordinated or cohesive. ESKOM, for example, gutted investment in electricity and maintenance generation capacity to become profitable and create space for Independent Power Providers (IPPs) – neoliberal measures for which it was rewarded and lauded. This took place at a time when national policy emphasised the need to grow manufacturing and attract direct investment by creating an investor-friendly climate resting on infrastructure. It also took place when the Department of Trade and Industry (DTI) rolled out highly successful plans – also praised and rewarded – to help adjust automotives to open markets; the sector grew much larger than under ISI, while other sectors like textiles collapsed. ESKOM’s measures, however, led to a rapid decline in the capacity and stability of the power system, and directly contradicted the drive to expand and globalise manufacturing, in which automotives was now the leading edge. Corruption in the utility worsened, much of it through subcontracting measures rooted in neoliberal reforms, but this did not cause the basic problems. It is argued that this situation of competing policy imperatives reflects deeper, long-term problems in the South African state, including contradictory policies, uneven capacity and a lack of coordination. For example, there was no coordination between the DTI and stakeholder departments that regulate ESKOM, being the shareholder ministry, the Department of Public Enterprises (DPE) and its policy ministry, and the Department of Mineral Resources and Energy (DMRE). These types of problems did not start postapartheid, and post-1994 reforms have not adequately addressed them. What exists is not a “developmental” state, as policymakers hope, but a fractured state of an intermediate type that combines “developmental” and “predatory” features in a oneparty dominant system in which lines between ruling party and state blur, and state resources are leveraged for elite class formation. Such was the case under apartheid skippered by the NP, with Afrikanerisation, and it continues today post-apartheid under the ANC with BEE. Major reforms are needed, but not just in SOE governance or budgets, as many have suggested. If we are to take the nation forward, the basic design of the state must be reformed. The state needs professionalised, coherent policy-making and implementation, proper coordination of state entities and hard decisions. It should manage high levels of public infrastructure, guarantee political stability and credit ratings, and provide policy certainty and predictability. Without big reforms it will remain a chronic underperformer. , Thesis (PhD) -- Faculty of Humanities, Sociology, 2021
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2021-10-29
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