The contentious relationship between feminist scholarship and university sexual violence policies: 1980-2021
- Authors: Roberts, Lily May
- Date: 2023-10-13
- Subjects: Sexual assault South Africa History , Women college students Crimes against South Africa , Feminism and higher education South Africa , Educational leadership South Africa , Education, Higher Administration
- Language: English
- Type: Academic theses , Master's theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/425267 , vital:72224
- Description: This thesis tracks the historically contentious relationship between feminist scholarship and university sexual violence policies. It examines the rise of the managerial university in South Africa, and the overlapping development of sexual violence policies through feminist activism from the early 1990s. Through an examination of the sexual violence policies of the University of Cape Town, the University of the Witwatersrand, Rhodes University, Stellenbosch University, and the University of the Western Cape, this thesis argues that these policies are aimed at ‘managing’ the process of reporting, rather than dismantling the broader structures – both within the university and society as a whole – that lead to and enable sexual violence. In this way, sexual violence policies are governed by a managerial discourse, limiting the possibility of addressing the dismantling of structures and discourses that perpetuate sexual violence, which, as I argue, is fundamentally opposed to the intellectual and political project of feminist scholarship from which these sexual violence policies initially emerged. However, this thesis also argues that feminist scholarship is not immune to the influence of managerialism, as discourses of efficiency and effectiveness have shaped Gender and Women’s Studies, where feminist scholarship is often located. I use the #RUReferenceList protests that drew on black feminist scholarship and came under managerial control as an example of the contentious relationship between managerialism and feminist activism. , Thesis (MA) -- Faculty of Humanities, History, 2023
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2023-10-13
- Authors: Roberts, Lily May
- Date: 2023-10-13
- Subjects: Sexual assault South Africa History , Women college students Crimes against South Africa , Feminism and higher education South Africa , Educational leadership South Africa , Education, Higher Administration
- Language: English
- Type: Academic theses , Master's theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/425267 , vital:72224
- Description: This thesis tracks the historically contentious relationship between feminist scholarship and university sexual violence policies. It examines the rise of the managerial university in South Africa, and the overlapping development of sexual violence policies through feminist activism from the early 1990s. Through an examination of the sexual violence policies of the University of Cape Town, the University of the Witwatersrand, Rhodes University, Stellenbosch University, and the University of the Western Cape, this thesis argues that these policies are aimed at ‘managing’ the process of reporting, rather than dismantling the broader structures – both within the university and society as a whole – that lead to and enable sexual violence. In this way, sexual violence policies are governed by a managerial discourse, limiting the possibility of addressing the dismantling of structures and discourses that perpetuate sexual violence, which, as I argue, is fundamentally opposed to the intellectual and political project of feminist scholarship from which these sexual violence policies initially emerged. However, this thesis also argues that feminist scholarship is not immune to the influence of managerialism, as discourses of efficiency and effectiveness have shaped Gender and Women’s Studies, where feminist scholarship is often located. I use the #RUReferenceList protests that drew on black feminist scholarship and came under managerial control as an example of the contentious relationship between managerialism and feminist activism. , Thesis (MA) -- Faculty of Humanities, History, 2023
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2023-10-13
Saul Msane: friend or foe of the people? The life of the late nineteenth to early twentieth centuries South African politician and journalist
- Authors: Mokoatsi, Thapelo
- Date: 2023-03-30
- Subjects: Saul Msane , Elite (Social sciences) , African National Congress , Politicians South Africa Biography , Political dispute , Abantu-Batho , Enemy of the people
- Language: English
- Type: Academic theses , Doctoral theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/409799 , vital:70631 , DOI 10.21504/10962/409802
- Description: Saul Msane was a prominent founding member of the ANC and an active journalist and editor of the ANC newspaper Abantu-Batho. His career generated controversy. Towards the end of his life, he had a feud with his colleagues in the African National Congress (henceforth Congress) that led to him being labelled isitha sabantu, “the enemy of the people” for his refusal to support the Shilling strike of 1918, an accusation which was retracted a year after his death in 1919. The label of isitha sabantu levelled against Msane, had the effect of ending his political prominence in the Transvaal, forcing him to relocate to kwaNongoma where he died shortly thereafter. Msane’s years in the Congress amounted to about seven years, between 1912, the founding of the Congress, and the demise of his career in 1919. Msane’s seven years in Congress were characterised by controversies, clashes, and conflicts owing to his perceived elitism. In Congress historiography Msane is an obscure and elusive figure, he lives here and there in a footnote, as a supporting statement or a mentioned in mere passing. His marginalisation reveals some of the gaps within the history of Congress and invites us to write about those who did not emerge from the history of Congress necessarily as heroes. This thesis sets out to write a biography of Msane and document his political career beyond that one moment in which he came to be “isitha sabantu”. While Msane’s Congress career was comparably short and filled with tensions, an archive of his life exists. This study is an exploration of that archive to reconstruct the biography of a once prominent leader who dies in political exile from the Congress movement. This thesis sets out to do two key things in relation to reconstructing Msane’s life: Firstly, it reconstructs the longer biography of Msane’s political life by drawing on the existing archives, and thus filling in the South African historical record in that regard. Secondly, at the broader conceptual and historiographical level, it argues that the controversies surrounding Msane’s persona and character illustrate that conceptions of elitism and the nature of being ‘elite’ were key to the politics of Congress at the time. , U-Saul Msane wayengomunye wabasunguli beqembu lika-African National Congress (uKhongolose) futhi eyIntatheli nomhleli wephephandaba i-Abantu-Batho. Umsebenzi ayewenza waba nezingqinamba eziningi ngokwezepolitiki. Ngasekugcineni kwempilo yakhe waba nokungazwani nabaholi ayesebenza nabo kuKhongolose okwadala ukuba abizwe ngesitha sabantu ngenxa yokuba engavumelananga nesiteleka sango-1918 lapho abasebenzi babelwela ukukhushulelwa amaholo. Leligama lokubizwa ngesitha sabantu lahoxiswa ngo 1919 sekudlule unyaka engasekho emhlabeni. Lokubizwa ngesitha sabantu kwalilimaza igama lakhe kwezepolitiki e-Transvaal waze wathutha wayohlala kwaNongoma nokuyilapho ashonela khona. Iminyaka uMsane ayisebenzele uKhongolose yaba isikhombisa, kusukela ekusungulweni kwayo ngo 1912 kuze kufike ekulimaleni komsebenzi wakhe wezepolitiki ngo 1919. Kuleminyaka eyisikhombisa umsebenzi wakhe kuKhongolose wawubhekene nokugxekwa okukhulu nokubukeka njengomuntu onokuzenza ngcono kunabanye abantu. Emlandweni kaKhongolose uMsane akavezwa ngendlela emfanele, kukhulunywa ngaye kudlulwa nje. Lokunganakwa kukaMsane emlandweni kaKhongolose kusiphoqa ukuba sibhale ngabaholi abangaqakanjiswa. Lolucwaningo luveza umlando kaMsane ngokujulile ngaphezu kwangalesikhathi abizwa khona ngesitha sabantu. Noma umsebenzi kaMsane kuKhongolose wabamfushane kunabanye futhi ugcwele izinto kodwa noko ingobo yawo ikhona. Lolucwaningo lucubungula lengobo ukuhlaziya nokubhala kabusha umlando wengqalabutho eyagcina ishonela ngaphandle kombutho kaKhongolose. Loluphando lifisa ukwenza izinto ezimbili: Okokuqala, ibhala kabusha umlando omude wezepolitiki kaMsane kusetshenziswa ulwazi olukhona. Loku kuzosiza ukunothisa umlando wezepolitiki wezwe laseNingizimu Afrika. Okwesibili, ezingeni lobunzululwazi, lolucwaningo luveza ukuthi izinkinga uMsane ahlangabezana nazo zazisukele endleleni okwakubukwa ngayo indaba yokucwasana ngazinga empilo abantu, kwakuyinto ejulile kuKhongolose ukubukeka kwabanye sengathi bazenza ngcono. , Thesis (PhD) -- Faculty of Humanities, History, 2023
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2023-03-30
- Authors: Mokoatsi, Thapelo
- Date: 2023-03-30
- Subjects: Saul Msane , Elite (Social sciences) , African National Congress , Politicians South Africa Biography , Political dispute , Abantu-Batho , Enemy of the people
- Language: English
- Type: Academic theses , Doctoral theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/409799 , vital:70631 , DOI 10.21504/10962/409802
- Description: Saul Msane was a prominent founding member of the ANC and an active journalist and editor of the ANC newspaper Abantu-Batho. His career generated controversy. Towards the end of his life, he had a feud with his colleagues in the African National Congress (henceforth Congress) that led to him being labelled isitha sabantu, “the enemy of the people” for his refusal to support the Shilling strike of 1918, an accusation which was retracted a year after his death in 1919. The label of isitha sabantu levelled against Msane, had the effect of ending his political prominence in the Transvaal, forcing him to relocate to kwaNongoma where he died shortly thereafter. Msane’s years in the Congress amounted to about seven years, between 1912, the founding of the Congress, and the demise of his career in 1919. Msane’s seven years in Congress were characterised by controversies, clashes, and conflicts owing to his perceived elitism. In Congress historiography Msane is an obscure and elusive figure, he lives here and there in a footnote, as a supporting statement or a mentioned in mere passing. His marginalisation reveals some of the gaps within the history of Congress and invites us to write about those who did not emerge from the history of Congress necessarily as heroes. This thesis sets out to write a biography of Msane and document his political career beyond that one moment in which he came to be “isitha sabantu”. While Msane’s Congress career was comparably short and filled with tensions, an archive of his life exists. This study is an exploration of that archive to reconstruct the biography of a once prominent leader who dies in political exile from the Congress movement. This thesis sets out to do two key things in relation to reconstructing Msane’s life: Firstly, it reconstructs the longer biography of Msane’s political life by drawing on the existing archives, and thus filling in the South African historical record in that regard. Secondly, at the broader conceptual and historiographical level, it argues that the controversies surrounding Msane’s persona and character illustrate that conceptions of elitism and the nature of being ‘elite’ were key to the politics of Congress at the time. , U-Saul Msane wayengomunye wabasunguli beqembu lika-African National Congress (uKhongolose) futhi eyIntatheli nomhleli wephephandaba i-Abantu-Batho. Umsebenzi ayewenza waba nezingqinamba eziningi ngokwezepolitiki. Ngasekugcineni kwempilo yakhe waba nokungazwani nabaholi ayesebenza nabo kuKhongolose okwadala ukuba abizwe ngesitha sabantu ngenxa yokuba engavumelananga nesiteleka sango-1918 lapho abasebenzi babelwela ukukhushulelwa amaholo. Leligama lokubizwa ngesitha sabantu lahoxiswa ngo 1919 sekudlule unyaka engasekho emhlabeni. Lokubizwa ngesitha sabantu kwalilimaza igama lakhe kwezepolitiki e-Transvaal waze wathutha wayohlala kwaNongoma nokuyilapho ashonela khona. Iminyaka uMsane ayisebenzele uKhongolose yaba isikhombisa, kusukela ekusungulweni kwayo ngo 1912 kuze kufike ekulimaleni komsebenzi wakhe wezepolitiki ngo 1919. Kuleminyaka eyisikhombisa umsebenzi wakhe kuKhongolose wawubhekene nokugxekwa okukhulu nokubukeka njengomuntu onokuzenza ngcono kunabanye abantu. Emlandweni kaKhongolose uMsane akavezwa ngendlela emfanele, kukhulunywa ngaye kudlulwa nje. Lokunganakwa kukaMsane emlandweni kaKhongolose kusiphoqa ukuba sibhale ngabaholi abangaqakanjiswa. Lolucwaningo luveza umlando kaMsane ngokujulile ngaphezu kwangalesikhathi abizwa khona ngesitha sabantu. Noma umsebenzi kaMsane kuKhongolose wabamfushane kunabanye futhi ugcwele izinto kodwa noko ingobo yawo ikhona. Lolucwaningo lucubungula lengobo ukuhlaziya nokubhala kabusha umlando wengqalabutho eyagcina ishonela ngaphandle kombutho kaKhongolose. Loluphando lifisa ukwenza izinto ezimbili: Okokuqala, ibhala kabusha umlando omude wezepolitiki kaMsane kusetshenziswa ulwazi olukhona. Loku kuzosiza ukunothisa umlando wezepolitiki wezwe laseNingizimu Afrika. Okwesibili, ezingeni lobunzululwazi, lolucwaningo luveza ukuthi izinkinga uMsane ahlangabezana nazo zazisukele endleleni okwakubukwa ngayo indaba yokucwasana ngazinga empilo abantu, kwakuyinto ejulile kuKhongolose ukubukeka kwabanye sengathi bazenza ngcono. , Thesis (PhD) -- Faculty of Humanities, History, 2023
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2023-03-30
A social history of midwifery practices in colonial Ibadan, Nigeria, 1893 - 1960
- Olorunnibe, Folaranmi Flourish
- Authors: Olorunnibe, Folaranmi Flourish
- Date: 2022-10-14
- Subjects: Midwifery Nigeria Ibadan , Nigeria History 1900-1960 , Nigeria Politics and government To 1960 , Nigeria Social conditions To 1960 , Maternal health services Nigeria Ibadan , Ibadan (Nigeria) Colonial influence
- Language: English
- Type: Academic theses , Doctoral theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/408716 , vital:70519 , DOI 10.21504/10962/408716
- Description: This thesis examines the introduction and development of western medical practices in colonial spaces with particular reference to midwifery practices in colonial Ibadan, Nigeria, from 1893 to 1960. This has become necessary because of the importance placed on childbirth and maternal healthcare in the twentieth century. The trends and changes in midwifery and midwifery practices in colonial Ibadan are seen as reflections of other transformations in British African colonies at large. The study begins with a detailed historical analysis of the major metropolitan and local factors that informed the introduction and development of Western obstetrics in colonial Ibadan, Nigeria. It proceeds to examine the development of Western midwifery practices in colonial Ibadan; highlighting the contributions of the Ibadan people to the development of Western midwifery practices and emphasizing policies affecting development, and implementation of Western obstetrics. The thesis goes further to reveal the prejudiced nature of colonial medical policies, and the ways it shaped various responses especially from rural folks who were particularly marginalized since the 1920s when maternal healthcare policies was implemented in the urban areas till the 1950s when a reformed policy for rural medical service scheme was introduced to the rural folks. Thus, influencing the ways they imagined and appropriated ideas of western obstetrics alongside African traditional midwifery practices. The idea is to demonstrate in this thesis the extent to which the precincts in colonial medical policies, most especially the establishment of maternity hospitals, clinics and dispensaries, and the institutionalization of western obstetrics, inspired critical and ingenious responses from colonial doctors, colonial officials, the missionaries, patients, African trained midwives, traditional medical practitioners and the African population in general. Placing all of these historical events within a wider context, this thesis borrows insights from the social history of medicine in an attempt to reconstruct the colonial medical practices in Ibadan, Nigeria, through the sites of midwifery practices and maternal welfare services from 1893 to 1960. This is in addition to its dependence on a comparatively rich, but skewed historical evidence, including a plethora of annual medical reports, official reports of the department of medical and sanitary services, official correspondences within the colonial government in Ibadan and Nigeria, and between the colonial government and the colonial office in the United Kingdom. Details of African responses to medical policies were garnered from oral testimonies, newspaper publications and correspondences between the African public and the colonial government in Ibadan. In exploring this historical evidence, the thesis reveals very interesting details of colonial perceptions about African health and their underlining motives for introducing western medical ideas, the various medical schemes and policies used in driving colonial interest and the ways Africans imagined, re-imagined, and appropriated Western medical practices. , Thesis (PhD) -- Faculty of Humanities, History, 2022
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2022-10-14
- Authors: Olorunnibe, Folaranmi Flourish
- Date: 2022-10-14
- Subjects: Midwifery Nigeria Ibadan , Nigeria History 1900-1960 , Nigeria Politics and government To 1960 , Nigeria Social conditions To 1960 , Maternal health services Nigeria Ibadan , Ibadan (Nigeria) Colonial influence
- Language: English
- Type: Academic theses , Doctoral theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/408716 , vital:70519 , DOI 10.21504/10962/408716
- Description: This thesis examines the introduction and development of western medical practices in colonial spaces with particular reference to midwifery practices in colonial Ibadan, Nigeria, from 1893 to 1960. This has become necessary because of the importance placed on childbirth and maternal healthcare in the twentieth century. The trends and changes in midwifery and midwifery practices in colonial Ibadan are seen as reflections of other transformations in British African colonies at large. The study begins with a detailed historical analysis of the major metropolitan and local factors that informed the introduction and development of Western obstetrics in colonial Ibadan, Nigeria. It proceeds to examine the development of Western midwifery practices in colonial Ibadan; highlighting the contributions of the Ibadan people to the development of Western midwifery practices and emphasizing policies affecting development, and implementation of Western obstetrics. The thesis goes further to reveal the prejudiced nature of colonial medical policies, and the ways it shaped various responses especially from rural folks who were particularly marginalized since the 1920s when maternal healthcare policies was implemented in the urban areas till the 1950s when a reformed policy for rural medical service scheme was introduced to the rural folks. Thus, influencing the ways they imagined and appropriated ideas of western obstetrics alongside African traditional midwifery practices. The idea is to demonstrate in this thesis the extent to which the precincts in colonial medical policies, most especially the establishment of maternity hospitals, clinics and dispensaries, and the institutionalization of western obstetrics, inspired critical and ingenious responses from colonial doctors, colonial officials, the missionaries, patients, African trained midwives, traditional medical practitioners and the African population in general. Placing all of these historical events within a wider context, this thesis borrows insights from the social history of medicine in an attempt to reconstruct the colonial medical practices in Ibadan, Nigeria, through the sites of midwifery practices and maternal welfare services from 1893 to 1960. This is in addition to its dependence on a comparatively rich, but skewed historical evidence, including a plethora of annual medical reports, official reports of the department of medical and sanitary services, official correspondences within the colonial government in Ibadan and Nigeria, and between the colonial government and the colonial office in the United Kingdom. Details of African responses to medical policies were garnered from oral testimonies, newspaper publications and correspondences between the African public and the colonial government in Ibadan. In exploring this historical evidence, the thesis reveals very interesting details of colonial perceptions about African health and their underlining motives for introducing western medical ideas, the various medical schemes and policies used in driving colonial interest and the ways Africans imagined, re-imagined, and appropriated Western medical practices. , Thesis (PhD) -- Faculty of Humanities, History, 2022
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2022-10-14
Colonial displacements and African coping strategies: The experience of BaTonga of Binga, Zimbabwe, 1956-2008
- Authors: Dhodho, Codelia Govha
- Date: 2022-10-14
- Subjects: Tonga (Zambezi people) Refugees , Subsistence farming Zambezi River Valley , Hunger Zambezi River Valley , Food security Zambezi River Valley , Adaptability (Psychology) , Food relief Zambezi River Valley , Non-governmental organizations , Kariba Dam (Zambia and Zimbabwe)
- Language: English
- Type: Academic theses , Doctoral theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/327642 , vital:61139 , DOI 10.21504/10962/327642
- Description: This study examines the challenges faced by BaTonga in livelihood reconstruction after involuntary displacement and resettlement from the Zambezi valley to pave way for the Kariba dam reservoir. It shows how they were forcibly evicted without compensation because of the racist policies of Southern Rhodesia. Their resettlement into an arid region infested with marauding elephants, malaria and tsetse fly undermined their complex livelihoods and eroded their self-sufficiency, but the study argues that they were active and resilient agents who adopted complex coping strategies. It shows how they had to adapt to dry-land farming and counter the effects of wildlife which plundered their crops and managed to secure the harvest in the drought-prone region. The study shows that although they adopted precarious livelihoods, they managed to survive under extreme circumstances for decades without any external assistance until the coming of NGOs who began to distribute free food from 1982. It argues that prolonged distribution of emergence food aid may not have been necessary, but its coming for almost three decades largely served political interests of both the NGOs and their governments. This perpetuated poverty as BaTonga also manipulated its distribution as a coping strategy against fragile livelihoods. This caused dependency which further plunged them into chronic food insecurity because they abandoned their traditional coping strategies. The study argues that both the colonial and postcolonial government as well as NGOs failed to address the root causes of livelihood insecurity in Binga for the five decades under study. It is therefore the contention of this study that the problem of food insecurity in Binga was not only an issue of recurring drought but was deeply rooted and pervasive due to multiple complex factors which made it difficult for the people to establish sustainable food production after displacement. , Thesis (PhD) -- Faculty of Humanities, History, 2022
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2022-10-14
- Authors: Dhodho, Codelia Govha
- Date: 2022-10-14
- Subjects: Tonga (Zambezi people) Refugees , Subsistence farming Zambezi River Valley , Hunger Zambezi River Valley , Food security Zambezi River Valley , Adaptability (Psychology) , Food relief Zambezi River Valley , Non-governmental organizations , Kariba Dam (Zambia and Zimbabwe)
- Language: English
- Type: Academic theses , Doctoral theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/327642 , vital:61139 , DOI 10.21504/10962/327642
- Description: This study examines the challenges faced by BaTonga in livelihood reconstruction after involuntary displacement and resettlement from the Zambezi valley to pave way for the Kariba dam reservoir. It shows how they were forcibly evicted without compensation because of the racist policies of Southern Rhodesia. Their resettlement into an arid region infested with marauding elephants, malaria and tsetse fly undermined their complex livelihoods and eroded their self-sufficiency, but the study argues that they were active and resilient agents who adopted complex coping strategies. It shows how they had to adapt to dry-land farming and counter the effects of wildlife which plundered their crops and managed to secure the harvest in the drought-prone region. The study shows that although they adopted precarious livelihoods, they managed to survive under extreme circumstances for decades without any external assistance until the coming of NGOs who began to distribute free food from 1982. It argues that prolonged distribution of emergence food aid may not have been necessary, but its coming for almost three decades largely served political interests of both the NGOs and their governments. This perpetuated poverty as BaTonga also manipulated its distribution as a coping strategy against fragile livelihoods. This caused dependency which further plunged them into chronic food insecurity because they abandoned their traditional coping strategies. The study argues that both the colonial and postcolonial government as well as NGOs failed to address the root causes of livelihood insecurity in Binga for the five decades under study. It is therefore the contention of this study that the problem of food insecurity in Binga was not only an issue of recurring drought but was deeply rooted and pervasive due to multiple complex factors which made it difficult for the people to establish sustainable food production after displacement. , Thesis (PhD) -- Faculty of Humanities, History, 2022
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2022-10-14
Negotiating marginalisation: A socio-economic history of the Kalanga of Mangwe, Zimbabwe, 1940-2015
- Authors: Nyathi, Innocent
- Date: 2022-10-14
- Subjects: Marginalisation , Kalanga (African people) Race identity Zimbabwe , Ethnicity Zimbabwe , Zimbabwe Economic conditions , Zimbabwe Social conditions , Kalanga language (Botswana and Zimbabwe)
- Language: English
- Type: Academic theses , Doctoral theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/408705 , vital:70518 , DOI 10.21504/10962/408705
- Description: The thesis explores the relationship between ethnicity, marginalisation, and survival mechanisms amongst the Kalanga people of Mangwe (southwestern Zimbabwe) from the 1940s up until the turn of the 21st century. The study showed how the Kalanga of Mangwe have used ethnicity as a concept to not only claim access to resources but also develop alternative survival strategies that help them seek to navigate their experiences of marginalisation by both the state and the hegemonic position of the Ndebele who dominate the region politically and linguistically. Using evidence from activities such as cross border migration and the mopane economy, I showed how the Kalanga express their displeasure at being dominated through engagement, as was shown in their attempt to fight for their language, for example in the 1940s through regionalised Kalanga organisations as the Kalanga Language and Cultural Development Society (KLCDS), to disengagement such as migration and illegal informal cross border trade. Using ‘conviviality’ and ‘the everyday’, as well as borrowing from the Race Relations Theory (RRT) of Robert Ezra Park as theoretical underpinnings, I demonstrated how amongst the Kalanga of Mangwe ethnic identity can lead to competition for resources, which in turn leads to marginalisation and discrimination which influences their social, political and economic choices that may in turn reinforce ethnic identity in a cycle like scenario. Everyday economic and social activities amongst the Kalanga of Mangwe that appear mundane and ordinary to an uninterested observer, help shape the everyday discourse of the Kalanga as they navigate marginalisation. , Thesis (PhD) -- Faculty of Humanities, History, 2022
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2022-10-14
- Authors: Nyathi, Innocent
- Date: 2022-10-14
- Subjects: Marginalisation , Kalanga (African people) Race identity Zimbabwe , Ethnicity Zimbabwe , Zimbabwe Economic conditions , Zimbabwe Social conditions , Kalanga language (Botswana and Zimbabwe)
- Language: English
- Type: Academic theses , Doctoral theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/408705 , vital:70518 , DOI 10.21504/10962/408705
- Description: The thesis explores the relationship between ethnicity, marginalisation, and survival mechanisms amongst the Kalanga people of Mangwe (southwestern Zimbabwe) from the 1940s up until the turn of the 21st century. The study showed how the Kalanga of Mangwe have used ethnicity as a concept to not only claim access to resources but also develop alternative survival strategies that help them seek to navigate their experiences of marginalisation by both the state and the hegemonic position of the Ndebele who dominate the region politically and linguistically. Using evidence from activities such as cross border migration and the mopane economy, I showed how the Kalanga express their displeasure at being dominated through engagement, as was shown in their attempt to fight for their language, for example in the 1940s through regionalised Kalanga organisations as the Kalanga Language and Cultural Development Society (KLCDS), to disengagement such as migration and illegal informal cross border trade. Using ‘conviviality’ and ‘the everyday’, as well as borrowing from the Race Relations Theory (RRT) of Robert Ezra Park as theoretical underpinnings, I demonstrated how amongst the Kalanga of Mangwe ethnic identity can lead to competition for resources, which in turn leads to marginalisation and discrimination which influences their social, political and economic choices that may in turn reinforce ethnic identity in a cycle like scenario. Everyday economic and social activities amongst the Kalanga of Mangwe that appear mundane and ordinary to an uninterested observer, help shape the everyday discourse of the Kalanga as they navigate marginalisation. , Thesis (PhD) -- Faculty of Humanities, History, 2022
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2022-10-14
Youth, political violence and ZANU-PF politics in Zimbabwe, c.1950-2018
- Authors: Munyarari, Tinashe
- Date: 2022-10-14
- Subjects: Youth protest movements Zimbabwe , Political violence Zimbabwe , ZANU-PF (Organization : Zimbabwe) , Agent (Philosophy) , Zimbabwe Politics and government , Zimbabwe History
- Language: English
- Type: Academic theses , Doctoral theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/365966 , vital:65806 , DOI https://doi.org/10.21504/10962/365966
- Description: This study is a socio-political aspect of Zimbabwean history. It examines the development of youth political violence starting from the late 1950s when violent forms of African political mobilisation emerged to 2018 when the first election without Robert Mugabe was held. It explores how early nationalist parties such as the Salisbury City Youth League (SCYL), Southern Rhodesia African National Congress (SRANC), National Democratic Party (NDP), Zimbabwe African People’s Union (ZAPU) and later the Zimbabwe African National Union (ZANU) mobilised and socialised youths into political violence to understand the roots of the violent political culture in Zimbabwe. This study shows that youths were an important part of the strategies of these political parties in countering the violence of the colonial state as well as mobilising mass support for the movements during the liberation struggle. It reveals that war collaborators (mujibhas and chimbwidos) were central role players in instigating political violence against innocent and defenceless people during the war. In the 1980s and 1990s, the Youth brigades and the ZANU-PF Youth League became a key constituent for state-socialist developmental goals but they were at times manipulated as a resource for political violence when Mugabe’s power was challenged. The study shows that more grotesque violence occurred in the 2000s era when the National Youth Service (NYS) was introduced and state-sanctioned vigilante groups like Chipangano in Mbare emerged in response to the rise of the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) and diminishing of consensual power. This study argues that youth were not mere victims and perpetrators of political violence, but they were a collection of various interest sub-groups with diverse agendas and a sense of agency. Some joined violent groups for their social mobility, power, impunity and economic opportunities availed to the group members. Data for this study was drawn from Mbare and Highfields (in Harare Province) and Uzumba-Maramba-Pfungwe (in Mashonaland East Province). , Thesis (PhD) -- Faculty of Humanities, History, 2022
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2022-10-14
- Authors: Munyarari, Tinashe
- Date: 2022-10-14
- Subjects: Youth protest movements Zimbabwe , Political violence Zimbabwe , ZANU-PF (Organization : Zimbabwe) , Agent (Philosophy) , Zimbabwe Politics and government , Zimbabwe History
- Language: English
- Type: Academic theses , Doctoral theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/365966 , vital:65806 , DOI https://doi.org/10.21504/10962/365966
- Description: This study is a socio-political aspect of Zimbabwean history. It examines the development of youth political violence starting from the late 1950s when violent forms of African political mobilisation emerged to 2018 when the first election without Robert Mugabe was held. It explores how early nationalist parties such as the Salisbury City Youth League (SCYL), Southern Rhodesia African National Congress (SRANC), National Democratic Party (NDP), Zimbabwe African People’s Union (ZAPU) and later the Zimbabwe African National Union (ZANU) mobilised and socialised youths into political violence to understand the roots of the violent political culture in Zimbabwe. This study shows that youths were an important part of the strategies of these political parties in countering the violence of the colonial state as well as mobilising mass support for the movements during the liberation struggle. It reveals that war collaborators (mujibhas and chimbwidos) were central role players in instigating political violence against innocent and defenceless people during the war. In the 1980s and 1990s, the Youth brigades and the ZANU-PF Youth League became a key constituent for state-socialist developmental goals but they were at times manipulated as a resource for political violence when Mugabe’s power was challenged. The study shows that more grotesque violence occurred in the 2000s era when the National Youth Service (NYS) was introduced and state-sanctioned vigilante groups like Chipangano in Mbare emerged in response to the rise of the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) and diminishing of consensual power. This study argues that youth were not mere victims and perpetrators of political violence, but they were a collection of various interest sub-groups with diverse agendas and a sense of agency. Some joined violent groups for their social mobility, power, impunity and economic opportunities availed to the group members. Data for this study was drawn from Mbare and Highfields (in Harare Province) and Uzumba-Maramba-Pfungwe (in Mashonaland East Province). , Thesis (PhD) -- Faculty of Humanities, History, 2022
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2022-10-14
A biography on inkosi Albert John Mvumbi Luthuli as an African intellectual
- Mngadi, Samkelo Ntobeko Vukani
- Authors: Mngadi, Samkelo Ntobeko Vukani
- Date: 2022-04-07
- Subjects: Luthuli, A J (Albert John), 1898-1967 , Luthuli, A J (Albert John), 1898-1967 Political and social views , Africans Intellectual life , South Africa History , South Africa Politics and government , African National Congress Biography , Apartheid South Africa , Political activists South Africa Biography , Intellectuals Political activity South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Academic theses , Master's theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/294493 , vital:57226
- Description: [Excerpt taken from Introduction] The purpose of this study is to take a look at one of these African leaders, inkosi Albert Luthuli through a biographical lens to assess whether he should be recognised as an African intellectual. Sifiso Mxolisi Ndlovu states that inkosi Luthuli is recognised as the father of South Africa’s non-racialism. He used his moral authority in a historic fashion to influence the liberation movement to adopt non-violent resistance. During his time as President-General, he became the beacon of non-violent resistance. As the president of the liberation organisation, he delivered speeches that steered the African National Congress (ANC) and the liberation movement when the State escalated its oppression against Africans. The State retaliated by deposing him as an elected Chief, imprisoned him, imposed multiple bans on him in attempts to silence him. His intellect proved to be a threat to the State. He spoke out boldly against the apartheid state and advocated for chiefs, African people, African women, sugar farmers, and all oppressed racial groups. Inkosi Luthuli used his speeches to deliver political concepts like non-racialism, multiracialism, African nationalism and democracy into the public space. He cemented ANC’s cooperation policy that created the environment for the existence of the Congress Alliance that produced the Freedom Charter. He spoke out against the oppression of not just South Africans but Africa and all oppressed groups internationally. He illustrated that he possessed geopolitics that would gain the attention of the world. He illustrated his geopolitics through his internationalism philosophy gained the international community’s attention. Inkosi Luthuli was revered and respected by his Groutville community, the African community, South Africans of all racial groups and the international community. His impact can be seen through him being the first African-born Nobel Peace Prize recipient. He pushed for the international community to place economic sanctions and believed that international sanctions were the appropriate non-violent method the global community could get involved in fighting apartheid.5 The purpose of this study will be to explore how a Christian Zulu Chief’s intellectual thinking was able to move South Africa towards a multiracial democracy using non-violent resistance as a strategy to gain Africa and the world’s attention—looking at him from the vantage point of being an African intellectual. , Thesis (MA) -- Faculty of Humanities, History, 2022
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2022-04-07
- Authors: Mngadi, Samkelo Ntobeko Vukani
- Date: 2022-04-07
- Subjects: Luthuli, A J (Albert John), 1898-1967 , Luthuli, A J (Albert John), 1898-1967 Political and social views , Africans Intellectual life , South Africa History , South Africa Politics and government , African National Congress Biography , Apartheid South Africa , Political activists South Africa Biography , Intellectuals Political activity South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Academic theses , Master's theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/294493 , vital:57226
- Description: [Excerpt taken from Introduction] The purpose of this study is to take a look at one of these African leaders, inkosi Albert Luthuli through a biographical lens to assess whether he should be recognised as an African intellectual. Sifiso Mxolisi Ndlovu states that inkosi Luthuli is recognised as the father of South Africa’s non-racialism. He used his moral authority in a historic fashion to influence the liberation movement to adopt non-violent resistance. During his time as President-General, he became the beacon of non-violent resistance. As the president of the liberation organisation, he delivered speeches that steered the African National Congress (ANC) and the liberation movement when the State escalated its oppression against Africans. The State retaliated by deposing him as an elected Chief, imprisoned him, imposed multiple bans on him in attempts to silence him. His intellect proved to be a threat to the State. He spoke out boldly against the apartheid state and advocated for chiefs, African people, African women, sugar farmers, and all oppressed racial groups. Inkosi Luthuli used his speeches to deliver political concepts like non-racialism, multiracialism, African nationalism and democracy into the public space. He cemented ANC’s cooperation policy that created the environment for the existence of the Congress Alliance that produced the Freedom Charter. He spoke out against the oppression of not just South Africans but Africa and all oppressed groups internationally. He illustrated that he possessed geopolitics that would gain the attention of the world. He illustrated his geopolitics through his internationalism philosophy gained the international community’s attention. Inkosi Luthuli was revered and respected by his Groutville community, the African community, South Africans of all racial groups and the international community. His impact can be seen through him being the first African-born Nobel Peace Prize recipient. He pushed for the international community to place economic sanctions and believed that international sanctions were the appropriate non-violent method the global community could get involved in fighting apartheid.5 The purpose of this study will be to explore how a Christian Zulu Chief’s intellectual thinking was able to move South Africa towards a multiracial democracy using non-violent resistance as a strategy to gain Africa and the world’s attention—looking at him from the vantage point of being an African intellectual. , Thesis (MA) -- Faculty of Humanities, History, 2022
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2022-04-07
Umzi ka Mama Family property transfer practices and the historical significance of title deeds to African female heads of household in Fingo Village: a participatory theatre approach
- Authors: Hellemann, Phemelo Cordelia
- Date: 2022-04-07
- Subjects: Public history South Africa Eastern Cape , Oral history South Africa Eastern Cape , Women Housing South Africa Eastern Cape , Feminism Africa , Apartheid Law and legislation South Africa , Participatory theater South Africa Eastern Cape , Playback theater , Theater and society South Africa Eastern Cape , History Citizen participation , South Africa. Group Areas Act, 1950
- Language: English
- Type: Academic theses , Doctoral theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/294537 , vital:57230 , DOI https://doi.org/10.21504/10962/294537
- Description: Many everyday stories and experiences of African women remain underrepresented and undocumented. For example, the omission of Fingo Village women’s names from official deeds records silenced their voices. African women faced gender and racial discrimination that denied them fundamental human rights and limited their participation in urban life. Title deed records constitute one type of public record where African women’s names were omitted for centuries by the colonial and apartheid governments. Under apartheid, African women occupied the social status of minors; hence, the government denied them urban land rights. This African feminist study enlists narratives of a sample of seven African female heads of households residing in Fingo Village who are also property owners. Fingo Village is an atypical environment where African people had a rare legal advantage of owning title deeds dating back to 1855. This study employed an interdisciplinary approach by mixing oral history methodology and applied theatre methods to record, interpret and present Fingo Village women’s narratives of family property inheritance and the significance of title deed documentation in the suburb. The multiple technique approach created opportunities for authentic dialogue between the researcher and the participants beyond the inherent limitations of public history oral interviews. The traditional oral history interview and the participatory theatre methods helped uncover unconventional practices in family property relations. Though customary transfers of family homes to custodians were prevalent, title deed registration of family property was also acknowledged as a vital practice that empowered women legally. The researcher used participatory theatre techniques inspired by playback, image and forum theatre to enhance the researcher and participants’ relationship. These methods encouraged the researcher and respondents’ shared authority as they embarked on an extended participatory research project. In this regard, through dialogical and performance-based activities, the participants and the researcher became co-creators of untold Fingo Village stories. Moreover, the theatre techniques became interpretation and analysis tools that ensured that the participants’ untold stories were well represented. The first phase of the research involved engaging with the literature about the title deeds history of Fingo Village and conducting oral history interviews that served as data. In the second phase, the interviews were analysed and packaged in a documentary format. The third phase was a playback theatre inspired session in a 10-minute performance based on themes from the participants’ filmed interviews. Additionally, the performance was a catalyst for forum theatre activities that allowed the participants to interact with the performer and suggest solutions to the dilemma posed by the performer regarding family property use. The participants were decision-makers and family property relations experts within this imagined context. In the fourth phase, the image theatre adaptation and memory work activities were essential tools. The tools aided the visuals and information from an existing Fingo Village exhibition as additional resources that prompted dialogue and discussions. The exhibition encouraged participants to share their personal experiences and memories of the Group Areas Act (GAA) era. The findings showed that the GAA era saw many families revert to communal tenure practices as a strategy to evade forced sales; as such, this gave rise to undocumented family property transfers. Additionally, the findings revealed that though customary practices are often patriarchal, there are circumstances favouring women as the preferred family property custodian. These are embedded in the social status of women who are traditional healers, firstborn daughters, and those from families with just daughters. This study contributes to the growing literature that advocates for positive representation of African women’s stories by using active research methodologies that strengthen partnerships and shared authority between the researcher and the public. This methodology could inspire other researchers to explore theatre techniques to create more profound and meaningful engagements with their participants. The links to the video materials accompanying this thesis are provided on the contents page. , Thesis (PhD) -- Faculty of Humanities, History, 2022
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2022-04-07
- Authors: Hellemann, Phemelo Cordelia
- Date: 2022-04-07
- Subjects: Public history South Africa Eastern Cape , Oral history South Africa Eastern Cape , Women Housing South Africa Eastern Cape , Feminism Africa , Apartheid Law and legislation South Africa , Participatory theater South Africa Eastern Cape , Playback theater , Theater and society South Africa Eastern Cape , History Citizen participation , South Africa. Group Areas Act, 1950
- Language: English
- Type: Academic theses , Doctoral theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/294537 , vital:57230 , DOI https://doi.org/10.21504/10962/294537
- Description: Many everyday stories and experiences of African women remain underrepresented and undocumented. For example, the omission of Fingo Village women’s names from official deeds records silenced their voices. African women faced gender and racial discrimination that denied them fundamental human rights and limited their participation in urban life. Title deed records constitute one type of public record where African women’s names were omitted for centuries by the colonial and apartheid governments. Under apartheid, African women occupied the social status of minors; hence, the government denied them urban land rights. This African feminist study enlists narratives of a sample of seven African female heads of households residing in Fingo Village who are also property owners. Fingo Village is an atypical environment where African people had a rare legal advantage of owning title deeds dating back to 1855. This study employed an interdisciplinary approach by mixing oral history methodology and applied theatre methods to record, interpret and present Fingo Village women’s narratives of family property inheritance and the significance of title deed documentation in the suburb. The multiple technique approach created opportunities for authentic dialogue between the researcher and the participants beyond the inherent limitations of public history oral interviews. The traditional oral history interview and the participatory theatre methods helped uncover unconventional practices in family property relations. Though customary transfers of family homes to custodians were prevalent, title deed registration of family property was also acknowledged as a vital practice that empowered women legally. The researcher used participatory theatre techniques inspired by playback, image and forum theatre to enhance the researcher and participants’ relationship. These methods encouraged the researcher and respondents’ shared authority as they embarked on an extended participatory research project. In this regard, through dialogical and performance-based activities, the participants and the researcher became co-creators of untold Fingo Village stories. Moreover, the theatre techniques became interpretation and analysis tools that ensured that the participants’ untold stories were well represented. The first phase of the research involved engaging with the literature about the title deeds history of Fingo Village and conducting oral history interviews that served as data. In the second phase, the interviews were analysed and packaged in a documentary format. The third phase was a playback theatre inspired session in a 10-minute performance based on themes from the participants’ filmed interviews. Additionally, the performance was a catalyst for forum theatre activities that allowed the participants to interact with the performer and suggest solutions to the dilemma posed by the performer regarding family property use. The participants were decision-makers and family property relations experts within this imagined context. In the fourth phase, the image theatre adaptation and memory work activities were essential tools. The tools aided the visuals and information from an existing Fingo Village exhibition as additional resources that prompted dialogue and discussions. The exhibition encouraged participants to share their personal experiences and memories of the Group Areas Act (GAA) era. The findings showed that the GAA era saw many families revert to communal tenure practices as a strategy to evade forced sales; as such, this gave rise to undocumented family property transfers. Additionally, the findings revealed that though customary practices are often patriarchal, there are circumstances favouring women as the preferred family property custodian. These are embedded in the social status of women who are traditional healers, firstborn daughters, and those from families with just daughters. This study contributes to the growing literature that advocates for positive representation of African women’s stories by using active research methodologies that strengthen partnerships and shared authority between the researcher and the public. This methodology could inspire other researchers to explore theatre techniques to create more profound and meaningful engagements with their participants. The links to the video materials accompanying this thesis are provided on the contents page. , Thesis (PhD) -- Faculty of Humanities, History, 2022
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2022-04-07
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