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Democracy and party dominance in Kenya and South Africa : a comparative study of the Kenya African National Union and the African National Congres

  • Authors: Mwangi, Oscar Gakuo
  • Date: 2013-08-15
  • Subjects: Kenya African National Union African National Congress Political parties -- South Africa Political parties -- Kenya Democracy -- South Africa Democracy -- Kenya South Africa -- Politics and government Kenya -- Politics and government
  • Language: English
  • Type: Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
  • Identifier: vital:2876 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1008431
  • Description: Kenya and South Africa can be described as dominant party systems, under the dominance of the Kenya African National Union CKANU) and the African National Congress CANC) respectively. A dominant party system is in essence a democracy. The spirit of democracy may, however, apparently be contradicted by the weight of party dominance, thus questioning the content of and prospects for democracy under party dominance in both Kenya and South Africa. The study is a comparative analysis of party dominance in Kenya and South Africa. The main objective is to exan1ine the relationship between party dominance and democracy in both countries. It seeks to find out how party dominance is reproducing itself and surviving the post 1990 transition processes in Kenya and South Africa. More importantly, the study also seeks to find out how party dominance impacts upon institutions that support or uphold democratization and subsequently democracy. The findings of the study demonstrate that party dominance has reproduced itself and survived the post-1990 period, and is also impacting upon democratization and democracy. The dominant parties take a similar trajectory in pursuit of dominance over the state and its apparatuses. However, they differ when it comes to their relationship with the civil society. That between KANU and civil society is antagonistic, as the ruling party seeks to augment political power through authoritarian dominance of the latter to, while that of the ANC and civil society is responsive, as the former seeks to enhance political stability in the country. The impact of party dominance upon institutions that support democracy takes similar and different trajectories in both countries. Similarities arise with respect to the detrimental impact upon institutions of the Executive that ensure accountability and transparency, evident in the increasing cases of corruption, nepotism and political patronage appointments. Similarly, there has been a detrimental impact upon the Legislature regarding parliamentary proceedings. Parliamentary committees and opposition parties are being rendered ineffective as organs of ensuring transparency and accountability, and are often subject to delegitimation. The impact of party dominance on the Judiciary, however, differs in both countries. In Kenya, the judiciary continues to suffer from excessive interference from the Executive and the ruling party, whereas in South Africa the judicial system remains largely independent with regard to the application of justice, despite constant criticisms from the dominant party. The study concludes that South Africa is, gradually, going the Kenyan way. If this condition is left unchecked there is the possibility that South Africa could eventually end up a psuedo-democracy like Kenya, where formal democratic political institutions such as multiparty elections, exist to mask the reality of authoritarian dominance. The thesis recommends that strengthening civil society organizations, opposition political parties, and state institutions in both countries to ensure greater accountability and transparency, will reverse this detrimental effect of party dominance. It also recommends meaningful constitutional reforms that will guarantee greater independence of these institutions, and the decentralization of governmental and political power to check and limit the powers of the dominant party. Also recommended are areas for further research. , KMBT_363 , Adobe Acrobat 9.54 Paper Capture Plug-in
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Conflict, contradiction and crisis: an analysis of the politics of AIDS policy in post-Apartheid South Africa

  • Authors: Fletcher, Haley Kim
  • Date: 2009
  • Subjects: AIDS (Disease) -- Political aspects -- Africa, Southern AIDS (Disease) -- Political aspects -- South Africa AIDS (Disease) -- Government policy -- South Africa Africa -- Politics and government
  • Language: English
  • Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
  • Identifier: vital:2775 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002985
  • Description: Despite the profound impacts of HIV and AIDS on all sectors of South African society, governmental responses to the AIDS epidemic have been inundated with contradiction, conflict and contestation. Though governmental leaders have justified not funding HIV treatment programs because they believe that poverty needs to be dealt with first, social spending has been slashed as part of an adherence to a neo-liberal economic model. Though it would seem that the government would seem to have everything to gain by establishing a cooperative relationship with non-governmental actors regarding the epidemic, the relationship between the government and non-governmental actors has instead been described as nothing short of hostile. Though the government enthusiastically backed Virodene, a supposed treatment for AIDS that turned out to be no more than an industrial solvent, other ‘scientifically backed’ AIDS treatments have been treated with caution and skepticism – to the point where the government even refused to provide funding for programs to prevent mother to child transmission of the virus. And perhaps the most perplexing is that although widely respected for his intellect and cool demeanor, former President Mbeki chose to risk his political career on the AIDS issue by shunning away from the mainstream consensus on the biomedical causes of the epidemic and instead surrounded himself and sought advice from AIDS ‘dissidents’ This thesis will seek explanations for these apparent contradictions. Using Bourdieu’s (1986) typology of capitals, it will build on an argument put forward by Helen Schneider (2002): from the South African government’s perspective, the contestation regarding HIV and AIDS policy and implementation is over symbolic capital, or the right to legitimately hold and exercise political power regarding the epidemic. Though this argument helps explain the conflictual relationship between the government and non-governmental actors regarding the AIDS crisis, in order to understand the perplexing contradictions within the governmental policy response, the political context of policy formation must first be taken into consideration.
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  • Date Issued: 2009

The idea of regionalism in West and Southern Africa : a critical social enquiry

  • Authors: Lindsay, Albert Domson
  • Date: 2007
  • Subjects: Regionalism -- Africa, West Regionalism -- Africa, Southern Africa, West -- Politics and government Africa, Southern -- Politics and government Africa -- Foreign relations
  • Language: English
  • Type: Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
  • Identifier: vital:2848 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1006118
  • Description: Traditional views on International Relations dominate regional analyses. These invariably emphasize the dominance of state and market forces in inter-state relations. Experiences and expectations of people are less prominent in these discourses, and the practices they foster. This thesis critically analyses the regional processes in West and southern Africa within the framework of Critical Theory. It argues that these processes are constrained by instability and the increasing legitimacy crises of the State. The thesis demonstrates that the State, through exclusive nationalist practices, hinder the growth of a cosmopolitan order, and it argues that neo-liberal regionalism is a contested phenomenon because of its exclusive nature. Finally, the thesis suggests steps needed to resolve the legitimacy crises and to build an inclusive regional order, based on cosmopolitan values.
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  • Date Issued: 2007

Locating the institution of traditional leadership within the institutional framework of South Africa's new democracy

  • Authors: Mashele, Hlukanisa Prince
  • Date: 2003
  • Subjects: Tribal government -- South Africa , Political leadership -- South Africa , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1994-
  • Language: English
  • Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
  • Identifier: vital:2858 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1007512 , Tribal government -- South Africa , Political leadership -- South Africa , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1994-
  • Description: This study looks into the role of the institution of traditional leadership in post-apartheid South Africa. It seeks to critically engage the debate on how to locate the institution within the new politico-constitutional framework. This is done with the main objective of proposing an altemative to the current state of affairs vis-à-vis traditional leadership and governance in South Africa. In order to clear the ground, the study first deals with the important question of democracy in relation to the institution of traditional leadership. In this regard, the study unearthed that the institution of traditional leadership is fundamentally undemocratic in character, as it is largely based on heredity and devoid of principles of democracy such as equality, accountability, etc. In order to put matters into perspective the study also delves into the history of the institution of traditional leadership with the aim of getting to the role that traditional leaders played in various epochs of South Africa's political development. This investigation reveals that the denting of the integrity of the institution of traditional leadership began with the advent of colonialism and worsened by successive apartheid regimes. It is at these stages of development that the institution was subordinated to a higher authority that sought to use the institution as an instrument of domination and oppression of the black majority. Considering this role, it would seem that the place that the space that the institution occupies in the post-apartheid South African governance framework is a compromise. The institution plays an advisory role at all levels of government - with their houses in both national and provincial legislatures, whilst traditional leaders sit as ex-officio members on local councils. However, traditional leaders fiercely contest this position as, in their view, this limits their powers. The main argument of this study is that for traditional leaders to be given an advisory role in the current and future governance framework of the country is a step in the right direction, as that serves to insulate the institution from active politics. For that reason, the study recommends that the institution of traditional leadership should occupy a cultural space in society - meaning that it should be responsible for the preservation of African customs and culture. This, therefore, means that the institution is better-placed to advise government on cultural and customary aspects of development. Whilst playing this role, the institution of traditional leadership should also -be brought into line with democratic ways of governance.
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  • Date Issued: 2003

Politics of asylum : sovereign considerations in the multilateral and humanitarian practices of refugee protection in post-apartheid South Africa

  • Authors: Oduba, Victor
  • Date: 2003
  • Subjects: Refugees -- Africa , Refugees -- Government policy -- South Africa , Refugees -- Legal status, laws, etc. -- South Africa , Asylum, Right of -- South Africa
  • Language: English
  • Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
  • Identifier: vital:2870 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1007725 , Refugees -- Africa , Refugees -- Government policy -- South Africa , Refugees -- Legal status, laws, etc. -- South Africa , Asylum, Right of -- South Africa
  • Description: Most scholars claim that international human rights norms embodied in formal international declarations and treaties have an important impact on domestic political interests and governmental practices. This reasoning about the impact of global human rights is often applied to the post-apartheid South African immigration and refugee policies. While I acknowledge that the ratification of United Nations Conventions on refugees has altered the traditional sovereignty considerations of South Africa towards asylum seekers, I take issue with the claims that South African refugee and asylum policies are primarily motivated and based on humanitarian considerations. Instead, I argue that these policies are based on sovereign considerations and strategic foreign policy interests. As a result this sovereign interests of South Africa to study has sought to demonstrate that largely explain decisions on the part accept or reject refugees. Although norms diffusion, international advocacy networks, and prestige factors have made a big impact, in practice the refugee policy has continued to reflect South Africa's strategic interests and domestic considerations at all levels. However, I have not argued that South Africa should overlook its national and foreign interests and abide by international human rights norms regardless of the cost of doing so. I have only sought to demonstrate that refugee protection is more when powerful national interests find it conducive to manage the destabilizing refugee flows.
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  • Date Issued: 2003

Psychoanalysis and realism

  • Authors: Rae, Andrew Kenneth McKenzie
  • Date: 2003
  • Subjects: Psychoanalysis Realism Human beings -- Psychology International relations -- Psychological aspects
  • Language: English
  • Type: Thesis , Masters , MSocSc
  • Identifier: vital:2825 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003035
  • Description: International politics has always been characterised by conflict. This has been true regardless of the political systems in place or of any specific time in the history of humanity. Inter-state conflict exists today despite the fact that the vast majority of the states of the world are members of the United Nations and signatories to various treaties aimed at removing conflict as a means of state action. The realist school of thought argues that the international system is characterised by continual state conflict, caused by competition over scarce resources. The propensity towards conflict is argued to be an essential characteristic of human nature and, as such, human nature is considered to be aggressive and conflictual. Thus, for the realist, inter-state competition, coupled with aggressive human nature, constitutes the primary cause of interstate conflict. This thesis aims to examine two criticisms of the realist position in depth. The first concerns the attribution of human nature to states. This logical progression is problematic because it creates a type of „state-nature‟ that cannot be defended without providing a logical link between the individual, the group and the state. It is therefore an aim of this thesis to provide this link, using methodological individualism, in order to provide a basis for the attribution of human nature to states. The second aim of this thesis is to examine the notion of human nature that is offered by the realists. It is not enough to claim that human nature is aggressive and conflictual merely because conflict has characterised international relations throughout history. Rather, one should examine the individual‟s psychological development, in order to gain an understanding of aggressive instincts apparent in human nature. The thesis therefore examines psychoanalysis in order to attempt an understanding both of human nature, and of the conditions under which human nature may manifest itself in an aggressive, conflictual manner. The intention of this thesis, then, is to provide a defence of political realism, highlighting the shortcomings of the two criticisms outlined above.
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  • Date Issued: 2003

Regionalism and conflict resolution in the Horn of Africa : the role of inter-governmental authority on development in the Sudanese civil war

  • Authors: Onyango, Moses
  • Date: 2003
  • Subjects: Africa, Northeast -- Politics and government -- 1900-1974 , Africa, Northeast -- Politics and government -- 1974- , Africa, Northeast -- Foreign relations -- 1974- , Federal government -- Africa, Northeast , Sudan -- History -- Civil War, 1955-1972 , Mediation, International , Culture conflict Sudan
  • Language: English
  • Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
  • Identifier: vital:2869 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1007715 , Africa, Northeast -- Politics and government -- 1900-1974 , Africa, Northeast -- Politics and government -- 1974- , Africa, Northeast -- Foreign relations -- 1974- , Federal government -- Africa, Northeast , Sudan -- History -- Civil War, 1955-1972 , Mediation, International , Culture conflict Sudan
  • Description: This thesis expounds the theoretical underpinnings of problem-solving approach to conflict resolution. It also criticizes the traditional state-centric approach to conflict resolution being followed by the Inter Governmental Authority on Development (IGAD) in the Sudanese civil war. IGAD was initially known as Inter Governmental Authority on Drought and Desertification (IGADD), but was renamed IGAD in 1996. Its objectives were reformulated to give priority to conflict prevention, resolution, and management, and humanitarian affairs. It is stipulated in the thesis that IGAD faces problems that need attention if the Sudanese civil war is to be resolved. A key problem is that while IGAD's objectives were reformulated to give priority to conflict resolution, IGAD's management structure has remained the same. The management structure is state-centric and lacks neutrality, which is a very important ingredient in deep-rooted social conflict resolution. The management structure, which was initially based on combating drought and desertification, was not restructured to conform to the realities of a problem solving approach to conflict resolution. The committee that was formed to look into the Sudanese conflict is composed of states in dispute with Sudan. The other structural problem cited in the thesis is that the IGAD peace process is cumbersome and does not include all aggrieved parties. The meetings involve heads of state, ministers, ambassadors and other government representatives. The peace process is not inclusive of other important players such as other rebel movements. This thesis concludes that: 1. there is a need for peace keeping forces from neutral African Union (AU) member states; 2. conflict resolution specialists are deployed in the region whose main task would be to assist the belligerent groups to reach a common understanding of their problems; 3. the United Nations (UN) acts proactively to create international awareness to the Sudanese problem.
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  • Date Issued: 2003

South Africa within SADC : hegemon or partner?

  • Authors: Molefi, Tebogo Shadrack
  • Date: 2003
  • Subjects: Southern African Development Community , Political stability -- Africa, Southern , South Africa -- Economic conditions , South Africa -- Foreign relations -- Africa , South Africa -- Economic policy
  • Language: English
  • Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
  • Identifier: vital:2866 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1007674 , Southern African Development Community , Political stability -- Africa, Southern , South Africa -- Economic conditions , South Africa -- Foreign relations -- Africa , South Africa -- Economic policy
  • Description: This study attempts to make a contribution to the debate on the role of South Africa within Southern African Development Community. An attempt is made to analyse this role within the context of regional integration debate. This role has been conceptualised within the dichotomies of hegemon versus partner. The study argues that South Africa is a hegemon in the region of SADC, and that given its overarching economic dominance and it has the potential of establishing its hegemony in the region. It maintains that there are several factors, which could facilitate South Africa's hegemonic dominance such as in military, technology and manufacturing sector. It concludes by arguing that given the changing geopolitical factors both within the region and the globe impedes South Africa from firmly expressing this hegemonic dominance. Furthermore, South Africa's pioneering role in the struggle to change the status quo globally in favour of the Southern states is another crucial factor, which imposes limitations on its hegemonic intentions regionally.
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  • Date Issued: 2003

The individual and the social order in Mill and Hegel : seeking common principles in liberal and communitarian ancestry

  • Authors: Koseff, Justin Adam
  • Date: 2003
  • Subjects: Hegel, Georg Wilhelm Friedrich, 1770-1831 , Mill, John Stuart, 1806-1873 , Liberalism , Communitarianism
  • Language: English
  • Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
  • Identifier: vital:2843 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1005624 , Hegel, Georg Wilhelm Friedrich, 1770-1831 , Mill, John Stuart, 1806-1873 , Liberalism , Communitarianism
  • Description: This thesis seeks to establish a significant commonality and compatibility between the principles underpinning the political and social philosophies of GWF Hegel and John Stuart Mill. The role of the individual and the social order in both their theories is discussed and assessed separately and in turn in reference to their respective seminal works on the proper structure, principles and function of modern political infrastructure. Through an interpretation of the fundamental tenets and goals of their theories of the social order I argue for a coherent modern reconstruction of their doctrines, within which I locate parallels and contrasts as they apply. Both theorists as ultimately put forward similar arguments for freedom as an intersubjectively·developed capacity, the ideal social order as rational framework for the management of ethical and political engagement, linked to a social holism that ties individual and social progress inextricably. A respect for individual particularity of perspective and practice is integral both of their social frameworks, but that such a space must be harmonised within a rational political community worthy of individual obligation. Finally their social and political theories can be understood as complementary, each providing insights which the other lacks. Mill suffers from an insufficient regard for the social basis of identity and interconnected nature of the modern institutional framework, while Hegel displays an insufficient regard for Mill's caveats concerning the repressive potential of institutional structures and the dangers of overly empowered bureaucracies. In conclusion key elements of the two theorists' projects stand as separate but not in any way fundamentally opposed to each other. This points to the possibility of a via media between a politics of individualism and a politics of community, suggesting strong potential for reconciliation between liberal and communitarian perspectives.
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  • Date Issued: 2003

Promotion of liberal values in South African foreign policy : beyond the structural imperatives of the international system?

  • Authors: Mkalipi, Zanethemba
  • Date: 2002
  • Subjects: South Africa -- Foreign relations
  • Language: English
  • Type: Thesis , Masters , MSocSc
  • Identifier: vital:2865 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1007662 , South Africa -- Foreign relations
  • Description: The end of the Cold War in the early 1990s led to a multilateral international system no longer divided by contending forces of capitalism and communism. In the context of South Africa, the end of the Cold War occurred at a juncture where the apartheid government was being challenged by pro-democracy forces that have fought against it for decades. The developments in the international system and in the country led to South Africa adopting universal liberal values not only in its constitution, but also in its international relations. Foreign policy documents and statements by the ministry of Foreign Affairs also reflected the country's aspiration of becoming a mediator, a facilitator for democracy and a peacemaker especially in the context of Africa. International expectation mounted as South Africa was perceived as possessing the capacity to act in a manner that advances democratic values and which gives voice to the weak nations of the world. However, the aura of a post-apartheid South Africa that would act not only in its interest, but also in the interest of the world community never fully materialised. South Africa failed to act in a manner consistent with its stated commitment to democratic values when it recognised Peoples Republic of China, an undemocratic and repressive government. It also marched into Lesotho in 1998, resulting in the destabilisation of this tiny Southern African country. These events led to an increasing criticism of the South African government. Some argued that South Africa was still inexperienced given its recent emergence as a world player. Others blamed the inconsistency on a too broad and ambitious foreign policy that set itself for failure. This study seeks to contribute to the conceptual understanding of the debate regarding the ambiguous nature of South Africa's foreign policy behaviour. It situates the conceptualisation of South Africa's foreign policy within the predominant debates in international relations between realism, political structuralism and pluralism. Firstly, it holds that the end of the Cold War and ascendancy of globalist conceptions of international relations did not lead to the inadequacy of political structuralism as an organising framework. Secondly, it attempts to clarify the gap between South Africa's foreign policy and foreign policy behaviour by employing the assumptions advanced by political structuralism, Thirdly, a case study of South Africa's foreign policy towards China, Lesotho, the Great Lakes and Swaziland is carried out. Here it is demonstrated that the ambiguities of South Africa's foreign policy are a function of the constraints imposed by the political and economic structure of the international system, It draws its conclusion by providing methodological recommendations to South Africa's foreign policy makers and future researchers in the field of foreign policy analysis.
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  • Date Issued: 2002

Reconciling Western and African philosophy : rationality, culture and communitarianism

  • Authors: Vitsha, Xolisa
  • Date: 2002
  • Subjects: Philosophy, African , Africa -- Intellectual life , Philosophy, Comparative , Philosophy , Communitarianism , Self
  • Language: English
  • Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
  • Identifier: vital:2838 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003807 , Philosophy, African , Africa -- Intellectual life , Philosophy, Comparative , Philosophy , Communitarianism , Self
  • Description: This thesis attempts to reconcile Western and African philosophy with specific reference to the issues of rationality, culture and communitarianism. It also discusses the post-Enlightenment, Western philosophical concept of liberal "atomism" and the primacy of the individual and the emergence of a communitarian critique in response. This thesis intends exploring how Western notions of individuality and the communitarian response can be reconciled with contemporary African philosophy and African communitarian thought in particular. To do this, it is necessary to explore the problem of liberal individualism and how African communitarianism might reinforce the Western communitarian critique. African communitarianism has a processual understanding of personhood that underpins its conception of the Self. In contrast to this view, Western communitarianism has a relational conception of the individual Self. Thus, this thesis argues that African communitarianism has a more profound understanding of the constitution of the Self. To demonstrate these claims, this study discusses notions of rationality which inform each of the philosophical traditions. This will enable a comparative analysis of the above-mentioned philosophical traditions with the intention of uncovering the concepts that provide the platform for their reconciliation.
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  • Date Issued: 2002

Restoring democratic governance in Zimbabwe: a critical investigation of the internet as a possible means of creating new sites of struggle for positive democratic change by Zimbabwean media and activists in Zimbabwe

  • Authors: Vennard, Francisca Caroline
  • Date: 2002
  • Subjects: Zimbabwe -- Politics and government -- 1980- , Internet in publicity , Press and politics -- Zimbabwe , Freedom of the press -- Zimbabwe , Digital media
  • Language: English
  • Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
  • Identifier: vital:2837 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003047 , Zimbabwe -- Politics and government -- 1980- , Internet in publicity , Press and politics -- Zimbabwe , Freedom of the press -- Zimbabwe , Digital media
  • Description: This thesis is a reaction to the state of utter lawlessness and the abuse of human rights by those in power in Zimbabwe over the past two years and it investigates the possibility of restoring democratic governance in that country by increasing the freedom of expression and media freedom, which is considered to be one of the most valuable elements in advancing democratization. Its aim is to establish the Internet as the best means possible to increasing media freedom and creating new ‘sites of struggle’ for activists in a context where the substantive freedom of expression does not exist. This in turn is shown to advance levels of democracy. To this end, the value of the freedom of expression to media freedom and the value of the latter to increasing levels of democracy is developed and the lack of democracy in Zimbabwe at all levels of society is considered. The Internet is seen to increase the freedoms of speech and association in new and interesting ways and it is discussed in various examples in which it has already been instrumental in evading the censorship of the media and increasing the ability of activists to express themselves freely and to organize more efficiently. Finally, the resources that Internet technology makes available to African journalists and activists are considered along with lessons gleaned from international examples of successful Internet use and it is shown to already be of use to Zimbabwean journalists and activists as they create to new cyberspaces in which they can struggle for positive democratic change in Zimbabwe. The Internet is also shown to have tremendous potential for future use in that country.
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  • Date Issued: 2002

The evolution of a security community through a process of integration: problems and prospects for the SADC region

  • Authors: Šebek, Vita
  • Date: 2002
  • Subjects: Political stability -- Africa, Southern , Southern African Development Community , National security -- Africa, Southern , Africa, Southern -- Economic integration
  • Language: English
  • Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
  • Identifier: vital:2831 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003041
  • Description: This thesis examines the security problematic of African states and focuses more particularly on the SADC region. It links the security problematic with the transactionalist approach to (supra)national integration and the concept of a security community, introduced into internatIonal relations theory by Karl Deutsch and his colleagues. In relation to the (in)security of SADC member states, the thesis attempts to demonstrate that national integration of these states (i.e. the establishment of an amalgamated security community) has at least to accompany if not precede the establishment of a security community at the regional level (i.e. a pluralistic security community). Since threats to the security of SADC member states are mainly nonmilitary in nature, the 'realist' concept of security is broadened to include political, economic, societal and environmental aspects of security at different levels. Furthermore, Deutsch's concept of a security community is redefined in line with the 'new security thinking' and adapted to the situation in African states. Moreover, this thesis attempts to demonstrate that it is essential for SADC member states to become strong and socio-economically cohesive in order to improve their competitiveness in relation to developed states, especially in their ability to deal with internal and ransnational/regional threats to their security, which are (in)directly caused and perpetuated by the lack of national integration, inefficient state-making and underdevelopment - the sources of their weakness.
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  • Date Issued: 2002

Traditional leaders in post-1996 South Africa, with particular reference to the Eastern Cape

  • Authors: De Sas Kropiwnicki, Zosa Olenka
  • Date: 2002
  • Subjects: Tribal government -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , Political leadership -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , South Africa -- Politics and government
  • Language: English
  • Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
  • Identifier: vital:2857 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1007479 , Tribal government -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , Political leadership -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , South Africa -- Politics and government
  • Description: The failure of democracy in Africa can be partially attributed to the Eurocentric assumptions that belie Western recommendations for Africa. This thesis focuses on the failure of the modernisation school to account for the resiliency of tradition in the modern African state, which is described by Sklar (1991) as amounting to a form of 'mixed government', combining the traditional with the modern to create a uniquely African form of governance. This notion of a 'mixed government' is addressed from the vantage point of traditional leaders in the Eastern Cape. It maps the vacillating relationship between the chiefs, the people and the government through colonialism, Apartheid and democratisation. It concludes that although the Eastern Cape provincial government has subordinated the chiefs, this does not signify a victory for modernity over tradition because the chiefs are not a spent force. History has shown that when the government fails to act in the interests of the people, they seek an alternative authority namely, the chiefs. The ANC government's centralising tendencies have negative implications for democracy and consequently for the people. This opens up space for the chiefs to assert themselves provided they play an active role in furthering democracy, development and modernisation in the interests of the people. Hence, although ' mixed' government in the post-1996 South Africa is currently on the ANC's terms, traditional leaders may someday play a vital role in the modern democratic state.
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  • Date Issued: 2002

Voluntary associations as schools for democracy? : a case study of the Sibanye Development Project

  • Authors: Siwahla, Lindiwe Lillian
  • Date: 2002
  • Subjects: Sibanye Development Project , Non-governmental organizations , Political participation , Non-governmental organizations--South Africa
  • Language: English
  • Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
  • Identifier: vital:2842 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1004778 , Sibanye Development Project , Non-governmental organizations , Political participation , Non-governmental organizations--South Africa
  • Description: This is an empirical study of a voluntary association with a view to interrogate the theories of civil society and participation and their practice. These theories came to dominate debate on African politics and democratisation following disappointment with structural approaches to development and democracy. Disenchantment with the state whose role was emphasised by the structural approach led analysts and technocrats to turn their attention to human agency; hence the salience of the idea of popular participation in the public domain, and preoccupation with the idea of strengthening civil society. This trend gained momentum after the 1989 fall of the Berlin Wall and demise of the communist block, and was accompanied by anti-statist sentiments on a global scale. Civil society organisations are seen as schools for democracy and agents of democratic consolidation, and are accordingly expected to perform two major tasks, namely instilling and disseminating a democratic political culture in and among participants and society at large, and promoting good governance. The aim therefore is to take advantage of the supposed intrinsic and utilitarian benefits of participation. As evident in a number of policy documents and legislation, the incumbent South African government embraces the idea of participatory democracy. However, not all analysts share this confidence in the capacity of civil society to perform these tasks. For some analysts public participation does not always have positive intrinsic benefits. Public participation may instead lead to a corrupted political culture deriving from the participants' attempts to survive in a public sphere characterised by manipulation and subtle political control, and it is civil society organisations lacking in organisational strength that are particularly vulnerable. The study revealed that unity between practice and theories of participation and civil society is a complex matter fraught with a number of ambiguities and contradictions. It revealed that though participation in the voluntary association in question does have educative benefits, those benefits do not extend to all the participants. In addition, the quality of that education is contingent upon a number of factors, some internal, others external. The internal and external factors reinforce one another. The internal factors pertain to the organisational dynamics of the voluntary association itself, and the external factors to the nature of the relationship between the voluntary association concerned and public authorities and other civil society organisations. , KMBT_363 , Adobe Acrobat 9.54 Paper Capture Plug-in
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  • Date Issued: 2002

Failure rather than success : conflict management and resolution in the Democratic Republic of Congo, 1996-1999

  • Authors: Munyae, Isaac Muinde
  • Date: 2001
  • Subjects: Conflict management -- Congo (Democratic Republic) , Dispute resolution (Law) -- Congo (Democratic Republic). , Congo (Democratic Republic) -- History -- 1997-
  • Language: English
  • Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
  • Identifier: vital:2856 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1007427 , Conflict management -- Congo (Democratic Republic) , Dispute resolution (Law) -- Congo (Democratic Republic). , Congo (Democratic Republic) -- History -- 1997-
  • Description: History has proven time and time again that conflict is an inevitable aspect of any given society. The seemingly long-standing nature of conflicts in Africa has been changing over time and these conflicts have been either inter-state or intra-state. However, sometimes intrastate wars have escalated into regional conflicts. These scenarios can be seen in the Great Lakes region of Africa where you have the civil war of 1996-7 and the rebellion, which began in 1998 in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). In the DRC there have been at least four stages of conflict. The first is against the Belgians and secondly, the civil strife of the early 1960s. Third, is the civil strife against Mobutu and fourthly, currently against Kabila. The expanding nature of conflict is characterised by power struggles, politicisation of ethnicity, and the impact of external forces. It is noted that the expanding nature of conflict calls for a change in the methods of conflict management and resolution. Initially conflicts were resolved through military intervention. but with the complexity of African wars it has become apparent that peaceful methods are more prudent. With reference to Africa it can be assumed that conflicts need to be increasingly resolved through political means, such as the use of the diplomatic process. The conflict in Chad between 1968 and 1984 is a good example in which military intervention was used but failed, giving way to mediation and negotiation through the use of diplomacy. Both the DRC and Chadian conflicts are similar because they witnessed the influence of external forces (neighbouring countries and non-African states such as France and the US) and African states attempting to find solutions to their own problems. The conflict in the DRC provides a unique example of the changing nature of intra-state conflict in Africa. Thus, the study aims to trace the characteristics of conflict in the DRC and attempts made at conflict management and resolution. The study uses the period bet ween 1996 and 1999 because it highlights this change in the nature and character of conflict.
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  • Date Issued: 2001

KwaZakele: the politics of transition in South Africa: an Eastern Cape case study

  • Authors: Cherry, Janet Mary
  • Date: 2001
  • Subjects: South Africa -- Transition to democracy Democracy -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape Eastern Cape (South Africa) -- Politics and government Port Elizabeth region (South Africa) -- Political aspects
  • Language: English
  • Type: Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
  • Identifier: vital:2766 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002976
  • Description: This thesis examines the transition to democracy in South Africa through the use of case study methodology. The nature of political participation and the form of democracy to emerge at the end of the transition process are the central subjects of inquiry. They are examined through an in-depth study of the African community of Kwazakele, a township in the Nelson Mandela metropolitan area in the Eastern Cape province of South Africa. The study covers the period from 1993 to 2000, and uses as a primary data source five surveys conducted among residents of Kwazakele during that period. The emphasis of the study lies on the experience of political participation of ‘ordinary people’ – in particular, the African urban working-class in South Africa who make up the core support base for the governing African National Congress. The primary findings of the thesis are as follows: * Representative democracy has been successfully consolidated in the community under study. * Levels of political participation by urban Africans in the Eastern Cape are consistently high, both in formal political institutions (primarily elections) and in institutions of civil society. * As politics has normalised at the end of the transition period, forms of direct democratic participation have declined. * Despite the structural constraints on development, there is still potential for a high level of participation by citizens in effecting change at local level. * Drawing on the experience of ordinary people in structures of direct democracy, this level of participation can result in a deeper and stronger form of democracy than exists in many established representative democracies.
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  • Date Issued: 2001

Towards a broader application of decision-making paradigms: a case study of the establishment of ECOWAS Cease-fire Monitoring Group (ECOMOG)

  • Authors: Domson-Lindsay, Albert
  • Date: 2001
  • Subjects: Liberia -- History -- Civil War, 1989-1996 , Liberia -- politics and government -- 1980- , Ecomog , Economic community of west african states
  • Language: English
  • Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
  • Identifier: vital:2771 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002981 , Liberia -- History -- Civil War, 1989-1996 , Liberia -- politics and government -- 1980- , Ecomog , Economic community of west african states
  • Description: The thesis in the main, looks at the decision-making process which underlined the Economic Community of West African States' attempt to end the Liberian crisis. It examines the establishment of ECOMOG to intervene in the Liberian civil crisis and the various pacific attempts to resolve the Liberian question. It does so through the medium of decision - making theory and some of the conceptual models that have flowed out of it. The thesis' focus on the decisional process of a regional body marks an attempt to broaden the scope of application of decision - making paradigms, which are usually employed to analyse decisions of national governments. The imperative for analysing the decisional process of ECOWAS in its quest to find solution to the Liberian problem has in part been dictated by the novelty of the ECOMOG concept. It marks the first major attempt of a sub - regional economic organization to successfully find solution to a civil conflict, as a result, there are numerous lessons to be gleaned from its failures and successes. Its relevance in the African context, with its intractable conflicts cannot be overemphasized. It has also been motivated by the fact that more works need to be produced on the decision-making processes of governments and regional bodies within the continent. The thesis argues that, both rational and "irrational" elements infused the decisional process of ECOW AS in its bid to solve the Liberian Crisis. Among other things, Policy-makers were influenced in their choice of decision by rational calculations based on national interest. It examines the clash of interests which characterized the establishment ofECOMOG as an tntervention force, the impasse this fostered and how it was eventually resolved. It postulates that exteljIlal actors influenced the decision process and that policy :Qiakers were aided to make the decisions they made by other organs in the decisional chain. The "irrational" component of the process, among other things, could be seen from the fact that the Liberian question was solved in " bits and pieces". Besides, blunders were committed through defective decision - making mechanism. The thesis concludes by offering suggestions to improve the quality of ECOW AS decision-making process with regard to conflict resolution and how to achieve regional consensus.
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  • Date Issued: 2001

A new role for the non-aligned movement in a post-cold war era

  • Authors: Chetty, Mahesh
  • Date: 2000
  • Subjects: Non-Aligned Movement , Nonalignment , Nonalignment -- Developing countries , International police
  • Language: English
  • Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
  • Identifier: vital:2767 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002977 , Non-Aligned Movement , Nonalignment , Nonalignment -- Developing countries , International police
  • Description: With the disappearance of the superpower conflict that characterised the Cold War era, many observers have begun to question whether the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM) has a role to play in the post Cold War era. However the emergence of a number of issues on the international agenda, such as United Nations peacekeeping operations, global environmental issues and an increasing unwillingness on the part of the major economic powers to abide by GATT/WTO rules, have increasingly become of concern to non-aligned states. However whilst the United States has recognised that these issues require leadership in dealing with them, it has not been willing to supply that leadership. It shall therefore be argued that the changing nature of hegemony in world politics has set conditions that allow non-aligned middle powers and institutions greater scope for action and influence. The emergence of these issues has provided a scope for non-aligned middle powers, acting in accordance with their interests to play alternate leadership roles within an expanded scope for institutions, such as organisations, regimes and multilateralism, in addressing the interests of non-aligned states. Firstly in looking at an expanded role for organisations, the United States has increasingly been unwilling to play a leadership role within UN peacekeeping operations. The continuing importance of the neutrality of UN peacekeeping operations has provided a scope for nonaligned middle powers to play a burden-sharing role with the great powers in addressing the concerns of non-aligned states with regard to these operations. Secondly in looking at an expanded scope for regimes, the emergence of a regime in the issue of ozone depletion may provide a foundation to analyse how non-aligned middle powers may play a bridge-building role between North and South in the issue of climate change. Middle powers could therefore play this role in the absence of United States leadership within this issue. Thirdly, the role of the Cairns Group within the Uruguay Round in addressing non-aligned states’ interests of maintaining stable agricultural trade, can be seen as a model of small group multilateralism in bridging the divide between the major powers in issue specific areas.
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  • Date Issued: 2000

Constitutional frameworks and democratization in Africa since independence

  • Authors: Neirynck, Karim
  • Date: 2000
  • Subjects: Democracy -- Africa , Constitutions -- Africa , Africa -- Politics and government -- 1960-
  • Language: English
  • Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
  • Identifier: vital:2816 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003026 , Democracy -- Africa , Constitutions -- Africa , Africa -- Politics and government -- 1960-
  • Description: The subject of this thesis is international studies, specifically a study of constitutional frameworks in Africa in the second half of the 20th century, focussing on a statistical correlation between constitutional frameworks, party systems, electoral systems and the Index of Democracy. The struggle to consolidate new democracies - especially those in Eastern Europe, Latin America and Asia - has given rise to a wide-ranging debate about the hard choices concerning democratic political institutions and political markets. According to Stepan and Skach " this literature has produced provocative hypotheses about the effects of institutions on democracy" (Stepan and Skach, 1993 : 1). It forms part of the' new institutionalism I literature in comparative politics that'holds as a premise that political democracy depends not only on economic and social conditions but also on the design of political institutions (Koelble, 1995 : 231-243). " One fundamental political-institutional question that has only received serious scholarly attention concerns the impact of different constitutional frameworks on democratic consolidation. Although the topic has been increasingly debated and discussed, little systematic cross-regional evidence [especially for our field of research: Africa] has been brought to bear on it " (Stepan and Skach, 1993 : 1-2). So far, only the book"on regime transitions in Africa written by Bratton and Van De Walle seeks to fill this empirical gap (Bratton and Van De Walle, 1997, preface xiii). In this thesis, we paid particular attention to the dichotomy between (pure) parliamentarism and (pure) presidentialism. Each type has fundamental characteristics, and for the purposes of classification these characteristics are necessary and sufficient. It was not our purpose to weigh the benefits and drawbacks of parliamentarism and presidentialism. Our intention was to report and analyse different sources of data, and we based our case exclusively on statistic correlatiohs between regime type and the record of democratic success and failure. We collected a data set about constitutional frameworks (matrix1), democracy indices (matrix2), party systems (matrix3) and election systems (matrix4). The basis for matrix 1 was the constitutions of the African countries (over time) and relevant literature. The basis for matrix 2 was the annual Freedom House ratings made by Raymond D. Gastil and others. The basis for matrix 3 and 4 was relevant literature. Once these matrices had been composed, we compared them and calculated statistic correlations. This long-dyration model allowed us to estimate whether African constitutional frameworks, party systems and electoral systems exhibit positive or negative correlation with the index of democracy.
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  • Date Issued: 2000
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