Commodity fetishism and domination: the contributions of Marx, Lukács, Horkheimer, Adorno and Bourdieu
- Authors: Lloyd, Gareth
- Date: 2008
- Subjects: Marx, Karl, 1818-1883 Lukács, György, 1885-1971 Horkheimer, Max, 1895-1973 Adorno, Theodor W., 1903-1969 Bourdieu, Pierre, 1930-2002 Commodity fetishism Capitalism Consumption (Economics) Marxian economics
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2795 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003005
- Description: This thesis seeks to trace domination theory back to the influential work done by Marx on commodity fetishism. Marx's work proves to be an original account of domination that explains how the dominated many accept the rule of the privileged few. The theory of commodity fetishism develops the idea that individuals come to adopt beliefs that bolster and reproduce the status quo of capitalism. For Marx, the way that individuals experience capitalism is different from the way that it actually works because, in fact, lived experience is actually false. Oppression, inequality and exploitation are thus hidden and the main source of conflict between the oppressed many and the privileged few is obscured. I seek to develop this insight of Marx's into a more comprehensive account of how dominating capitalism self maintains. Lukács' theory of reification explains how capitalism has become all-embracing because capitalism has developed its own type of rationality. This specific rationality shapes thought, which in turn, generates false beliefs that favour the continuation of the status quo. Horkheimer and Adorno argue that capitalism extends its influence by means of its deep involvement in modern culture. Today, culture has become an massive industry which inculcates the logic and principles of capitalism into individuals. For these theorists, capitalism has penetrated all areas of life; experience, knowledge and thought have become extensions of capitalism itself. Marx, Lukács, Horkheimer and Adorno give accounts of how false beliefs are put into practice. Hence the importance of the work of Bourdieu. Bourdieu's theory of distinction describes how the status quo in capitalism is maintained by the behaviour of individuals through their daily acts of consumption. I argue that the consumption of commodities reproduces the status quo in two ways: firstly, establishing an upper-class which takes the lead in patterns of consumption, and, secondly, by creating a middle class that follows its example. Finally, I relate Bourdieu's insights to the theories of Marx, Lukács, Horkheimer and Adorno and Bourdieu in order to arrive at a more inclusive account of how.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2008
- Authors: Lloyd, Gareth
- Date: 2008
- Subjects: Marx, Karl, 1818-1883 Lukács, György, 1885-1971 Horkheimer, Max, 1895-1973 Adorno, Theodor W., 1903-1969 Bourdieu, Pierre, 1930-2002 Commodity fetishism Capitalism Consumption (Economics) Marxian economics
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2795 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003005
- Description: This thesis seeks to trace domination theory back to the influential work done by Marx on commodity fetishism. Marx's work proves to be an original account of domination that explains how the dominated many accept the rule of the privileged few. The theory of commodity fetishism develops the idea that individuals come to adopt beliefs that bolster and reproduce the status quo of capitalism. For Marx, the way that individuals experience capitalism is different from the way that it actually works because, in fact, lived experience is actually false. Oppression, inequality and exploitation are thus hidden and the main source of conflict between the oppressed many and the privileged few is obscured. I seek to develop this insight of Marx's into a more comprehensive account of how dominating capitalism self maintains. Lukács' theory of reification explains how capitalism has become all-embracing because capitalism has developed its own type of rationality. This specific rationality shapes thought, which in turn, generates false beliefs that favour the continuation of the status quo. Horkheimer and Adorno argue that capitalism extends its influence by means of its deep involvement in modern culture. Today, culture has become an massive industry which inculcates the logic and principles of capitalism into individuals. For these theorists, capitalism has penetrated all areas of life; experience, knowledge and thought have become extensions of capitalism itself. Marx, Lukács, Horkheimer and Adorno give accounts of how false beliefs are put into practice. Hence the importance of the work of Bourdieu. Bourdieu's theory of distinction describes how the status quo in capitalism is maintained by the behaviour of individuals through their daily acts of consumption. I argue that the consumption of commodities reproduces the status quo in two ways: firstly, establishing an upper-class which takes the lead in patterns of consumption, and, secondly, by creating a middle class that follows its example. Finally, I relate Bourdieu's insights to the theories of Marx, Lukács, Horkheimer and Adorno and Bourdieu in order to arrive at a more inclusive account of how.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2008
Microfinance sustainability versus development objectives: an assessment of the South African environment
- Authors: Hoskinson, Brenda
- Date: 2008
- Subjects: Microfinance -- South Africa South Africa -- Economic conditions -- 1991- Poor -- Finance, Personal Microfinance -- South Africa Case studies
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2782 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002992
- Description: In a world where almost half of the population lives in poverty, the alleviation of poverty is a serious developmental challenge for many states. Microfinance has grown in popularity as a means for achieving poverty reduction all over the world. Due to the success of microfinance institutions, such as the Grameen Bank, in achieving self-sufficiency and improving the lives of its clients, the expectations for similar institutions are high. MFIs attempt to find a balance between business and development goals. It is not necessarily a contradiction to be a business seeking profit as well as being an institution committed to development. However, the values coupled with these two objectives are sometimes conflicting. Thus it is important to see how equilibrium can be achieved and to note what sacrifices must be made in order to reach a balance. This thesis will focus on examining and assessing the challenges faced by South African MFIs in balancing development goals while at the same time having to be self-sufficient. The Small Enterprise Foundation will be used as a case study to consider the particular experiences of a South African MFI. The evaluation of the unique challenges that the South African landscape presents will provide a context in which to understand microfinance operations and a clearer understanding of the particular problems and challenges faced by the South African micro-finance industry in balancing the achievement of development goals against the imperative to be self sustainable in providing services to the poor. Through that understanding the common conception of what makes a “successful” MFI will also be challenged.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2008
- Authors: Hoskinson, Brenda
- Date: 2008
- Subjects: Microfinance -- South Africa South Africa -- Economic conditions -- 1991- Poor -- Finance, Personal Microfinance -- South Africa Case studies
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2782 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002992
- Description: In a world where almost half of the population lives in poverty, the alleviation of poverty is a serious developmental challenge for many states. Microfinance has grown in popularity as a means for achieving poverty reduction all over the world. Due to the success of microfinance institutions, such as the Grameen Bank, in achieving self-sufficiency and improving the lives of its clients, the expectations for similar institutions are high. MFIs attempt to find a balance between business and development goals. It is not necessarily a contradiction to be a business seeking profit as well as being an institution committed to development. However, the values coupled with these two objectives are sometimes conflicting. Thus it is important to see how equilibrium can be achieved and to note what sacrifices must be made in order to reach a balance. This thesis will focus on examining and assessing the challenges faced by South African MFIs in balancing development goals while at the same time having to be self-sufficient. The Small Enterprise Foundation will be used as a case study to consider the particular experiences of a South African MFI. The evaluation of the unique challenges that the South African landscape presents will provide a context in which to understand microfinance operations and a clearer understanding of the particular problems and challenges faced by the South African micro-finance industry in balancing the achievement of development goals against the imperative to be self sustainable in providing services to the poor. Through that understanding the common conception of what makes a “successful” MFI will also be challenged.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2008
South Africa and Malaysia: identity and history in South-South relations
- Authors: Haron, Muhammed
- Date: 2008
- Subjects: Critical theory South Africa -- Foreign relations -- Malaysia Malaysia -- Foreign relations -- South Africa South Africa -- Politics and government -- History Malaysia -- Politics and government -- History South Africa -- Politics and government Malaysia -- Politics and government South Africa -- Social conditions -- History Malaysia -- Social conditions -- History South Africa -- Economic conditions Malaysia -- Economic conditions
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: vital:2780 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002990
- Description: The focus of this thesis is on the bilateral relationship between South Africa and Malaysia. The thesis appropriates ‘critical theory,’ and as a flexible theoretical tool, and, as an open-ended, loose frame in order to give voice to the marginalized and voiceless from the South. The thesis thus looks at the politico-economic ties that have been developed and brings into view the socio-cultural relations that had been established between the peoples of the two sovereign nation-states during the apartheid and post-apartheid eras respectively. The basic purpose of this study was fivefold: (a) to contribute to the extant literature that concentrates on South Africa’s relations with Malaysia, (b) to examine the relationship at political and economic ties in some detail, (c) to demonstrate that apart from the afore-mentioned bonds IR specialists should also take into account the socio-cultural dimensions of international relations, (d) to bring to light the nation-state’s limitations when discussing the role of non-state actors and considering the contributions of other factors such as globalization, and (e) to stimulate further research on bilateral and multilateral relations in the South – particularly between South Africa and other states in Asia and Latin America - that would assist to better understand the past, present and perhaps the future.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2008
- Authors: Haron, Muhammed
- Date: 2008
- Subjects: Critical theory South Africa -- Foreign relations -- Malaysia Malaysia -- Foreign relations -- South Africa South Africa -- Politics and government -- History Malaysia -- Politics and government -- History South Africa -- Politics and government Malaysia -- Politics and government South Africa -- Social conditions -- History Malaysia -- Social conditions -- History South Africa -- Economic conditions Malaysia -- Economic conditions
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: vital:2780 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002990
- Description: The focus of this thesis is on the bilateral relationship between South Africa and Malaysia. The thesis appropriates ‘critical theory,’ and as a flexible theoretical tool, and, as an open-ended, loose frame in order to give voice to the marginalized and voiceless from the South. The thesis thus looks at the politico-economic ties that have been developed and brings into view the socio-cultural relations that had been established between the peoples of the two sovereign nation-states during the apartheid and post-apartheid eras respectively. The basic purpose of this study was fivefold: (a) to contribute to the extant literature that concentrates on South Africa’s relations with Malaysia, (b) to examine the relationship at political and economic ties in some detail, (c) to demonstrate that apart from the afore-mentioned bonds IR specialists should also take into account the socio-cultural dimensions of international relations, (d) to bring to light the nation-state’s limitations when discussing the role of non-state actors and considering the contributions of other factors such as globalization, and (e) to stimulate further research on bilateral and multilateral relations in the South – particularly between South Africa and other states in Asia and Latin America - that would assist to better understand the past, present and perhaps the future.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2008
State sovereignty and alternative community in southern Africa: exploring the Zion Christian Church as the building block for deeper notions of regional community
- Authors: Radebe, Zandisiwe
- Date: 2008
- Subjects: Zionist Christian Church Southern African Development Community Community development -- Africa, Southern Regionalism -- Africa, Southern Sovereignty -- Africa, Southern Africa, Southern -- Economic integration
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2824 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003034
- Description: Regional community in southern Africa has been limited to the region’s states. As a result, deeper notions of community emanating from non-state actors, particularly transnational social movements, continue to be ignored. In an attempt to transcend state centrism, this thesis highlights alternative forms of regional community by exploring the Zion Christian Church (ZCC), one of southern Africa’s biggest and fastest growing cross-border movements. The ZCC is a potential agent for developing regional community from the bottom-up, driving a people-oriented regional integration approach in southern Africa. The ZCC, with its extensive following among the region’s poor, offers a compelling example of a grassroots and truly bottom-up approach to regional community. This thesis explores the possibility of the ZCC as a model of alternative community and identity centred on people’s daily experiences and grounded in a shared history and solidarity. It seeks to highlight the significance of transnational movements like the ZCC to policy makers in the region and it argues that grassroots communities are marching ahead of SADC member states and politicians in the area of integration. There exists a transnational cooperation amongst followers of the ZCC and other grassroots communities across the region and this cooperation transcends the traditional notion of state sovereignty, thereby highlighting deeper notions of what it means to be a community at regional level.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2008
- Authors: Radebe, Zandisiwe
- Date: 2008
- Subjects: Zionist Christian Church Southern African Development Community Community development -- Africa, Southern Regionalism -- Africa, Southern Sovereignty -- Africa, Southern Africa, Southern -- Economic integration
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2824 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003034
- Description: Regional community in southern Africa has been limited to the region’s states. As a result, deeper notions of community emanating from non-state actors, particularly transnational social movements, continue to be ignored. In an attempt to transcend state centrism, this thesis highlights alternative forms of regional community by exploring the Zion Christian Church (ZCC), one of southern Africa’s biggest and fastest growing cross-border movements. The ZCC is a potential agent for developing regional community from the bottom-up, driving a people-oriented regional integration approach in southern Africa. The ZCC, with its extensive following among the region’s poor, offers a compelling example of a grassroots and truly bottom-up approach to regional community. This thesis explores the possibility of the ZCC as a model of alternative community and identity centred on people’s daily experiences and grounded in a shared history and solidarity. It seeks to highlight the significance of transnational movements like the ZCC to policy makers in the region and it argues that grassroots communities are marching ahead of SADC member states and politicians in the area of integration. There exists a transnational cooperation amongst followers of the ZCC and other grassroots communities across the region and this cooperation transcends the traditional notion of state sovereignty, thereby highlighting deeper notions of what it means to be a community at regional level.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2008
The African Peer Review Mechanism : towards Africa's governance audit
- Authors: Molete, Nathan Teboho
- Date: 2008
- Subjects: African Peer Review Mechanism New Partnership for Africa's Development Peer review -- Africa Auditing -- Africa Africa -- Politics and government -- 1960-
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2867 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1007681
- Description: The concept of accountability has grown to become an integral part of a broader political and socio-economic transformation. Closely associated to it is the concept of "auditing" which has established itself as a main driving force of accountability and a core means of delivering it. The extent of the rise and expansion of "auditing" has subsequently come to influence every aspect of modern life and this has led to a situation in which practices have had to adapt to the principles of "auditing" processes. Auditing has become prevalent in both the public and private spheres and this impact has far reaching consequences. The concept of "auditing" is evident in the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM) and is central to its review process. This thesis focuses on the concept of "auditing" in order to illustrate how the APRM has borrowed and applied insights from other disciplinary practices so as to enhance an understanding of accountability and transparency as features of "good governance" and to explicate how these concepts are conceived within the framework of the New Partnership for Africa's Development (NEPAD). It also clarifies the relationship that exists between "peer review" and "auditing" and argues that rather than being considered as two poles marked by distance from each other "auditing" and "peer review" are closely related and mutually constitutive.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2008
- Authors: Molete, Nathan Teboho
- Date: 2008
- Subjects: African Peer Review Mechanism New Partnership for Africa's Development Peer review -- Africa Auditing -- Africa Africa -- Politics and government -- 1960-
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2867 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1007681
- Description: The concept of accountability has grown to become an integral part of a broader political and socio-economic transformation. Closely associated to it is the concept of "auditing" which has established itself as a main driving force of accountability and a core means of delivering it. The extent of the rise and expansion of "auditing" has subsequently come to influence every aspect of modern life and this has led to a situation in which practices have had to adapt to the principles of "auditing" processes. Auditing has become prevalent in both the public and private spheres and this impact has far reaching consequences. The concept of "auditing" is evident in the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM) and is central to its review process. This thesis focuses on the concept of "auditing" in order to illustrate how the APRM has borrowed and applied insights from other disciplinary practices so as to enhance an understanding of accountability and transparency as features of "good governance" and to explicate how these concepts are conceived within the framework of the New Partnership for Africa's Development (NEPAD). It also clarifies the relationship that exists between "peer review" and "auditing" and argues that rather than being considered as two poles marked by distance from each other "auditing" and "peer review" are closely related and mutually constitutive.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2008
The political significance of popular illegalities in post-apartheid South Africa
- McMichael, Christopher Bryden
- Authors: McMichael, Christopher Bryden
- Date: 2008
- Subjects: Illegality -- South Africa -- Case studies Legal services -- South Africa Post-apartheid era -- South Africa South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1994-
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2804 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003014
- Description: This thesis discusses the significance of popular illegalities in contemporary South African service delivery. Illegal access to and non-payment of services have been indentified by the government as a major criminal problem which undermines effective service delivery. By contrast, this thesis argues that popular illegalities are positive phenomenon which provides otherwise unobtainable benefits for the poor and also exposes the ability of communities to self-manage their own service provision. The thesis begins by surveying a variety of literature on this issue using both contemporary and historical literature. I then discuss the scope of popular illegalities in South Africa and the methods government has used to curtail them, with a particular emphasis on how this has been influenced by the adoption of neo-liberal cost recovery initiatives. Using case studies of three communities where illegal access is prevalent, I discuss both the motivations behind and significance of illegal water and electricity connections. In conclusion, I argue that popular illegalities are a significant phenomenon in so far as they suggest new methods of delivering services. The prevalence of these illegalities is also important as it highlights many of the failings of official delivery. The thesis concludes on a hopeful note in arguing that illegalities may be inherently progressive in both benefiting the marginal and leading to the creation of radically autonomous spaces which can be viewed as laboratories of radical social change.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2008
- Authors: McMichael, Christopher Bryden
- Date: 2008
- Subjects: Illegality -- South Africa -- Case studies Legal services -- South Africa Post-apartheid era -- South Africa South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1994-
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2804 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003014
- Description: This thesis discusses the significance of popular illegalities in contemporary South African service delivery. Illegal access to and non-payment of services have been indentified by the government as a major criminal problem which undermines effective service delivery. By contrast, this thesis argues that popular illegalities are positive phenomenon which provides otherwise unobtainable benefits for the poor and also exposes the ability of communities to self-manage their own service provision. The thesis begins by surveying a variety of literature on this issue using both contemporary and historical literature. I then discuss the scope of popular illegalities in South Africa and the methods government has used to curtail them, with a particular emphasis on how this has been influenced by the adoption of neo-liberal cost recovery initiatives. Using case studies of three communities where illegal access is prevalent, I discuss both the motivations behind and significance of illegal water and electricity connections. In conclusion, I argue that popular illegalities are a significant phenomenon in so far as they suggest new methods of delivering services. The prevalence of these illegalities is also important as it highlights many of the failings of official delivery. The thesis concludes on a hopeful note in arguing that illegalities may be inherently progressive in both benefiting the marginal and leading to the creation of radically autonomous spaces which can be viewed as laboratories of radical social change.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2008
The underreporting of sexual violence against women in the Camdeboo
- Authors: Luyt, Derek
- Date: 2008
- Subjects: Women -- Violence against -- South Africa -- Camdeboo, Plains of Abused women -- South Africa -- Camdeboo, Plains of Sexual abuse victims -- South Africa -- Camdeboo, Plains of Camdeboo, Plains of (South Africa)
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2796 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003006
- Description: This thesis examines the underreporting of sexual violence against women in the Camdeboo. It is based on a survey of 971 women living in the Camdeboo aged fifteen and older. The thesis considers, with reference to relevant secondary literature, methodological issues pertinent to conducting survey research into violence against women. While many survey researchers into violence against women argue that behaviourally specific questions lead to higher rates of disclosure, the survey on which this thesis is based employed complex and open-ended questions to allow respondents to record their own definitions of physical and sexual abuse. 31,2 percent of the women surveyed disclosed having experienced sexual abuse, but 76,7 percent did not report this abuse to the police. The thesis explores the patterns of sexual abuse of women in the Camdeboo and the factors influencing the underreporting of such abuse. While it was possible to establish correlations between certain socio-demographic variables and the underreporting of sexual abuse, such correlations should be treated with caution. The survey found that women were far more likely to report (and disclose) sexual assaults by strangers than by people known to them, particularly intimate partners. Sexual abuse in intimate relations was found to be strongly associated with physical abuse, and women who had experienced sexual and physical abuse within intimate relationships were more likely to report their physical abuse to the police than their sexual abuse. However, the majority of women, particularly poor and economically dependent women, believed that reporting their intimate partner abuse to the police would not end it, and might even place them at greater risk. The evidence suggests that these perceptions are accurate. Under current circumstances, reporting sexual abuse to the police may not be the best help-seeking strategy available to many sexually abused women, and alternative sources of help may be more appropriate. Consideration should be given to directing more resources into such alternatives.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2008
- Authors: Luyt, Derek
- Date: 2008
- Subjects: Women -- Violence against -- South Africa -- Camdeboo, Plains of Abused women -- South Africa -- Camdeboo, Plains of Sexual abuse victims -- South Africa -- Camdeboo, Plains of Camdeboo, Plains of (South Africa)
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2796 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003006
- Description: This thesis examines the underreporting of sexual violence against women in the Camdeboo. It is based on a survey of 971 women living in the Camdeboo aged fifteen and older. The thesis considers, with reference to relevant secondary literature, methodological issues pertinent to conducting survey research into violence against women. While many survey researchers into violence against women argue that behaviourally specific questions lead to higher rates of disclosure, the survey on which this thesis is based employed complex and open-ended questions to allow respondents to record their own definitions of physical and sexual abuse. 31,2 percent of the women surveyed disclosed having experienced sexual abuse, but 76,7 percent did not report this abuse to the police. The thesis explores the patterns of sexual abuse of women in the Camdeboo and the factors influencing the underreporting of such abuse. While it was possible to establish correlations between certain socio-demographic variables and the underreporting of sexual abuse, such correlations should be treated with caution. The survey found that women were far more likely to report (and disclose) sexual assaults by strangers than by people known to them, particularly intimate partners. Sexual abuse in intimate relations was found to be strongly associated with physical abuse, and women who had experienced sexual and physical abuse within intimate relationships were more likely to report their physical abuse to the police than their sexual abuse. However, the majority of women, particularly poor and economically dependent women, believed that reporting their intimate partner abuse to the police would not end it, and might even place them at greater risk. The evidence suggests that these perceptions are accurate. Under current circumstances, reporting sexual abuse to the police may not be the best help-seeking strategy available to many sexually abused women, and alternative sources of help may be more appropriate. Consideration should be given to directing more resources into such alternatives.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2008
Tripping over our own feet : a critical discussion of Trade Related Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPS) with specific reference to their impact on South Africa's ability to combat HIV and AIDS
- Authors: Brennan, Jade
- Date: 2008
- Subjects: Agreement on Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights, (1994) Trade regulation -- South Africa Intellectual property -- South Africa HIV (Viruses) -- South Africa AIDS (Disease) -- South Africa Patients -- Civil rights -- South Africa Human rights -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2850 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1006316
- Description: This thesis aims to look at the agreement on Trade Related Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPS) with specific reference to their impact on South Africa's ability to combat HIV and AIDS. It begins by looking at the history of patents and intellectual property rights and illustrates why and how the TRIPS Agreement came into existence. The TRIPS Agreement exemplifies the disparities between developed and developing countries and this can clearly be seen with regard to the provision of anti-HIV and AIDS drugs. The developing world deals with the bulk of the HIV and AIDS epidemic whilst the developed world holds most of the patents on the medication needed to treat those living with HIV and AIDS. This situation lends itself to a rift between patient rights on the one hand, and patent rights on the other. Traditionally the state has been the provider of rights such as health, but TRIPS alters this to include strong patent protection that is in line with neo liberal doctrine. The thesis examines these tensions with specific reference to South Africa's ability successfully to implement programmes to combat HIV and AIDS.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2008
- Authors: Brennan, Jade
- Date: 2008
- Subjects: Agreement on Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights, (1994) Trade regulation -- South Africa Intellectual property -- South Africa HIV (Viruses) -- South Africa AIDS (Disease) -- South Africa Patients -- Civil rights -- South Africa Human rights -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2850 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1006316
- Description: This thesis aims to look at the agreement on Trade Related Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPS) with specific reference to their impact on South Africa's ability to combat HIV and AIDS. It begins by looking at the history of patents and intellectual property rights and illustrates why and how the TRIPS Agreement came into existence. The TRIPS Agreement exemplifies the disparities between developed and developing countries and this can clearly be seen with regard to the provision of anti-HIV and AIDS drugs. The developing world deals with the bulk of the HIV and AIDS epidemic whilst the developed world holds most of the patents on the medication needed to treat those living with HIV and AIDS. This situation lends itself to a rift between patient rights on the one hand, and patent rights on the other. Traditionally the state has been the provider of rights such as health, but TRIPS alters this to include strong patent protection that is in line with neo liberal doctrine. The thesis examines these tensions with specific reference to South Africa's ability successfully to implement programmes to combat HIV and AIDS.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2008
The European Union trade, development and cooperation agreement (TDCA) with South Africa : promoting development or self interest?
- Authors: Mavura, Mike Tigere
- Date: 2007
- Subjects: European Union Economic development -- South Africa European Union countries -- Foreign economic relations -- South Africa South Africa -- Foreign economic relations -- European Union countries
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2859 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1007572
- Description: This research analyses development cooperation between the European Union (EU) and South Africa with the objective of determining which between the two entities, ultimately benefits more out of this arrangement The research goes beyond the altruistic reasons offered by the EU as the rationale for development cooperation to investigate whether South Africa's development is actually being promoted by this cooperation. Further, the research investigates whether there is also EU self-interest that informs this development cooperation. This research is conceptualised within the development aid debate framework. The research argues that this development cooperation is important to South Africa even though its impact is in real terms has not been extensive due to a number of factors. It further contends that there are EU political, security and economic interests amongst others that are being promoted by this development cooperation. The research concludes by asserting that this development cooperation promotes the mutual interests of the EU and South Africa. This conclusion challenges the paradigms of the debate on development aid which is premised in black and white terms of development aid promoting either donor or recipient interests.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2007
- Authors: Mavura, Mike Tigere
- Date: 2007
- Subjects: European Union Economic development -- South Africa European Union countries -- Foreign economic relations -- South Africa South Africa -- Foreign economic relations -- European Union countries
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2859 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1007572
- Description: This research analyses development cooperation between the European Union (EU) and South Africa with the objective of determining which between the two entities, ultimately benefits more out of this arrangement The research goes beyond the altruistic reasons offered by the EU as the rationale for development cooperation to investigate whether South Africa's development is actually being promoted by this cooperation. Further, the research investigates whether there is also EU self-interest that informs this development cooperation. This research is conceptualised within the development aid debate framework. The research argues that this development cooperation is important to South Africa even though its impact is in real terms has not been extensive due to a number of factors. It further contends that there are EU political, security and economic interests amongst others that are being promoted by this development cooperation. The research concludes by asserting that this development cooperation promotes the mutual interests of the EU and South Africa. This conclusion challenges the paradigms of the debate on development aid which is premised in black and white terms of development aid promoting either donor or recipient interests.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2007
The politics of planning in Eastern Cape local government: a case study of Ngqushwa and Buffalo City, 1998-2004
- Authors: Hollands, Glenn Delroy
- Date: 2007
- Subjects: Buffalo City (South Africa) Local government -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape -- Case studies Municipal government -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape -- Case studies Political planning -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape Eastern Cape (South Africa) -- History -- 20th century Eastern Cape (South Africa) -- History -- 21st century
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2875 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1008199
- Description: This thesis examines the political implications of the integrated development planning process embarked upon by South African municipalities in the period 1998-2004. Through the use of case study methodology that focuses on the Eastern Cape municipalities of Buffalo City and Ngqushwa, the conventions of municipal planning are examined. This inquiry into municipal planning draws upon official government documents and reports and publications from the nongovernment sector. The thesis is particularly focused on the claims made in policy documents and related secondary sources and compares these to more critical reports and publication as well as the author's personal experience of the integrated development planning process. Of key interest is the possibility that planning serves political interests and the material needs of an emerging municipal elite and that this is seldom acknowledged in official planning documentation or government sanctioned publications on the topic. The primary findings of the thesis are as follows: • That the 'reason' of expert policy formulations that accompanied integrated development planning has weakened political economy as a prism of understanding and separated itself from the institutional reality of municipal government • That the dominant critique of planning and other post-apartheid municipal policy is concerned with the triumph of neoliberalism but this critique, while valid, does not fully explain successive policy failures especially in the setting of Eastern Cape local government • That function of policy and its relationship to both the state and civil society is usually understood only in the most obvious sense and not as an instrument for wielding political power • That planning still derives much of its influence from its claim to technical rationality and that this underpinned the 'authority' of the integrated development planning project in South Africa and reinforced its power to make communities governable.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2007
- Authors: Hollands, Glenn Delroy
- Date: 2007
- Subjects: Buffalo City (South Africa) Local government -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape -- Case studies Municipal government -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape -- Case studies Political planning -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape Eastern Cape (South Africa) -- History -- 20th century Eastern Cape (South Africa) -- History -- 21st century
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2875 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1008199
- Description: This thesis examines the political implications of the integrated development planning process embarked upon by South African municipalities in the period 1998-2004. Through the use of case study methodology that focuses on the Eastern Cape municipalities of Buffalo City and Ngqushwa, the conventions of municipal planning are examined. This inquiry into municipal planning draws upon official government documents and reports and publications from the nongovernment sector. The thesis is particularly focused on the claims made in policy documents and related secondary sources and compares these to more critical reports and publication as well as the author's personal experience of the integrated development planning process. Of key interest is the possibility that planning serves political interests and the material needs of an emerging municipal elite and that this is seldom acknowledged in official planning documentation or government sanctioned publications on the topic. The primary findings of the thesis are as follows: • That the 'reason' of expert policy formulations that accompanied integrated development planning has weakened political economy as a prism of understanding and separated itself from the institutional reality of municipal government • That the dominant critique of planning and other post-apartheid municipal policy is concerned with the triumph of neoliberalism but this critique, while valid, does not fully explain successive policy failures especially in the setting of Eastern Cape local government • That function of policy and its relationship to both the state and civil society is usually understood only in the most obvious sense and not as an instrument for wielding political power • That planning still derives much of its influence from its claim to technical rationality and that this underpinned the 'authority' of the integrated development planning project in South Africa and reinforced its power to make communities governable.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2007
Transcending state-centrism: new regionalism and the future of Southern African regional integration
- Authors: Blaauw, Lesley
- Date: 2007
- Subjects: Southern African Development Community Southern African Customs Union Southern African Development Coordination Conference Regionalism -- Africa, Southern Africa, Southern -- Economic integration
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: vital:2761 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002971
- Description: This dissertation argues that in the 1990s and beyond, the character and functions of regions and regionalism have experienced a major transformation. This requires a reconceptualisation of regions and regionalism that transcends state-centrism. The argument here is that the definition of regions and regionalism needs to recognise that other actors also participate in the construction of regions and the practise of regionalism. Up to now, however, theories of integration incompletely deal with outcomes appropriate to developing countries, states and regions. In the context where people remain vulnerable to top-down forms of regionalism driven by the forces of globalisation, this calls for a new approach in the analytical study of regionalism in a transnational context. The contention is that new regionalism, and its variant, developmental regionalism pay attention to the role those organised civil society actors and those marginalised by both globalisation and regionalisation play in promoting regionalism in a transnational context. Historically, state-centric regionalism in southern Africa was not aimed at achieving developmental objectives. In the case of SACU, the argument is that South Africa used its economic strength in a hegemonial way. To counter-act apartheid South Africa’s economic hegemony, SADCC was formed. SADCC achieved limited success in the fields of infrastructural development and in attracting donor aid. The end of the Cold War and the downfall of apartheid compelled these organisations to recast their objectives and purpose. For SACU this meant changing from an organisation dominated by South Africa to a fully-fledged inter-state one. Disconcertedly, however, about the reforms undertook by SACU, is that the disposition of member states remain important in determining the content and scope of regionalism. SADC, on the other hand, has also not sufficiently reform itself to achieve the ambitious goals it set-out for itself. Moreover, while SADC has since its inception in 1992 set-out to involve non-state actors in its regional integration efforts, limited institutional reform in 2000 and beyond, and elites at the forefront of institutional restructuring make it difficult for non-state actors to contribute to sustainable regional integration. In conclusion, this dissertation maintains that sustainable regionalist orders are best built by recognising that beyond the geometry of state-sovereignty, civil society organisations with a regional focus and the ordinary people of the region also contribute to regioness and as such to the re-conceptualisation of regional community in southern Africa.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2007
Transcending state-centrism: new regionalism and the future of Southern African regional integration
- Authors: Blaauw, Lesley
- Date: 2007
- Subjects: Southern African Development Community Southern African Customs Union Southern African Development Coordination Conference Regionalism -- Africa, Southern Africa, Southern -- Economic integration
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: vital:2761 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002971
- Description: This dissertation argues that in the 1990s and beyond, the character and functions of regions and regionalism have experienced a major transformation. This requires a reconceptualisation of regions and regionalism that transcends state-centrism. The argument here is that the definition of regions and regionalism needs to recognise that other actors also participate in the construction of regions and the practise of regionalism. Up to now, however, theories of integration incompletely deal with outcomes appropriate to developing countries, states and regions. In the context where people remain vulnerable to top-down forms of regionalism driven by the forces of globalisation, this calls for a new approach in the analytical study of regionalism in a transnational context. The contention is that new regionalism, and its variant, developmental regionalism pay attention to the role those organised civil society actors and those marginalised by both globalisation and regionalisation play in promoting regionalism in a transnational context. Historically, state-centric regionalism in southern Africa was not aimed at achieving developmental objectives. In the case of SACU, the argument is that South Africa used its economic strength in a hegemonial way. To counter-act apartheid South Africa’s economic hegemony, SADCC was formed. SADCC achieved limited success in the fields of infrastructural development and in attracting donor aid. The end of the Cold War and the downfall of apartheid compelled these organisations to recast their objectives and purpose. For SACU this meant changing from an organisation dominated by South Africa to a fully-fledged inter-state one. Disconcertedly, however, about the reforms undertook by SACU, is that the disposition of member states remain important in determining the content and scope of regionalism. SADC, on the other hand, has also not sufficiently reform itself to achieve the ambitious goals it set-out for itself. Moreover, while SADC has since its inception in 1992 set-out to involve non-state actors in its regional integration efforts, limited institutional reform in 2000 and beyond, and elites at the forefront of institutional restructuring make it difficult for non-state actors to contribute to sustainable regional integration. In conclusion, this dissertation maintains that sustainable regionalist orders are best built by recognising that beyond the geometry of state-sovereignty, civil society organisations with a regional focus and the ordinary people of the region also contribute to regioness and as such to the re-conceptualisation of regional community in southern Africa.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2007
"How did I get this lucky?" : issues of power, intimacy and sexuality in the construction of young women's identities within their heterosexual relationships
- Authors: McEwen, Caryn
- Date: 2006
- Subjects: Foucault, Michel, 1926-1984 -- Criticism and interpretation Heterosexuality Heterosexual women Women -- Sexual behavior Feminism -- Political aspects Sex role -- Political aspects Feminist psychology Sex (Psychology)
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2861 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1007595
- Description: This thesis seeks to explore how young, educated and seemingly liberated women construct their identities and make sense of their futures around their heterosexual relationships. Using the experiences of eight women participants engaged in long-term heterosexual relationships, combined with relevant secondary literature, issues of sexuality, identity, power and intimacy are discussed. Emphasis is placed on the implications of their identity construction and how they 'perform' their roles as women in society. How their sexual stories reflect their positioning in society is premised by the phrase, 'the personal is political' . Through analysis of the participants' experiences mixed with theoretical arguments, this thesis finds that young women are apparently sexually, economically and intellectually liberated but locked into discourses that provide highly unequal, limiting, disempowering and oppressive understandings of masculinity, femininity and sexuality. They live and experience a reality which is far from liberated.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2006
- Authors: McEwen, Caryn
- Date: 2006
- Subjects: Foucault, Michel, 1926-1984 -- Criticism and interpretation Heterosexuality Heterosexual women Women -- Sexual behavior Feminism -- Political aspects Sex role -- Political aspects Feminist psychology Sex (Psychology)
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2861 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1007595
- Description: This thesis seeks to explore how young, educated and seemingly liberated women construct their identities and make sense of their futures around their heterosexual relationships. Using the experiences of eight women participants engaged in long-term heterosexual relationships, combined with relevant secondary literature, issues of sexuality, identity, power and intimacy are discussed. Emphasis is placed on the implications of their identity construction and how they 'perform' their roles as women in society. How their sexual stories reflect their positioning in society is premised by the phrase, 'the personal is political' . Through analysis of the participants' experiences mixed with theoretical arguments, this thesis finds that young women are apparently sexually, economically and intellectually liberated but locked into discourses that provide highly unequal, limiting, disempowering and oppressive understandings of masculinity, femininity and sexuality. They live and experience a reality which is far from liberated.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2006
Democracy in Lesotho: theory and practice of opposition
- Authors: Mohapi, Refiloe Alphonce
- Date: 2006
- Subjects: Democracy -- Lesotho , Political parties -- Lesotho , Lesotho -- Politics and government
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2806 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003016 , Democracy -- Lesotho , Political parties -- Lesotho , Lesotho -- Politics and government
- Description: Using theoretical insights from elsewhere, this thesis examines and explains Lesotho’s opposition. It argues that the decline of single-member constituency and the rise of Mixed Member Proportionality (MMP) has weakened the prospects for a strong opposition in Lesotho; more parties in parliament have strengthened the hold of the ruling party. These parties cannot overturn the parliamentary decisions of the ruling Lesotho Congress for Democracy (LCD), which continues to win more than 90% of majority seats in successive elections. So, most bills and motions passed in parliament have support of the majority of the MPs of LCD. Opposition parties have little legislative impact in challenging the policies of government. Paradoxically, MPs of the LCD are often the only source of opposition in the country’s parliament.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2006
- Authors: Mohapi, Refiloe Alphonce
- Date: 2006
- Subjects: Democracy -- Lesotho , Political parties -- Lesotho , Lesotho -- Politics and government
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2806 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003016 , Democracy -- Lesotho , Political parties -- Lesotho , Lesotho -- Politics and government
- Description: Using theoretical insights from elsewhere, this thesis examines and explains Lesotho’s opposition. It argues that the decline of single-member constituency and the rise of Mixed Member Proportionality (MMP) has weakened the prospects for a strong opposition in Lesotho; more parties in parliament have strengthened the hold of the ruling party. These parties cannot overturn the parliamentary decisions of the ruling Lesotho Congress for Democracy (LCD), which continues to win more than 90% of majority seats in successive elections. So, most bills and motions passed in parliament have support of the majority of the MPs of LCD. Opposition parties have little legislative impact in challenging the policies of government. Paradoxically, MPs of the LCD are often the only source of opposition in the country’s parliament.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2006
Explaining South Africa's quiet diplomacy towards Zimbabwe since 2000: the dilemma of a pluralist middle power
- Authors: Gcoyi, Thembinkosi
- Date: 2006
- Subjects: Middle powers , Conflict management , Zimbabwe -- Foreign relations -- South Africa , South Africa -- Foreign relations -- Zimbabwe , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1994- , Zimbabwe -- Politics and government -- 1980-
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2777 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002987 , Middle powers , Conflict management , Zimbabwe -- Foreign relations -- South Africa , South Africa -- Foreign relations -- Zimbabwe , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1994- , Zimbabwe -- Politics and government -- 1980-
- Description: This study is a contribution to the literature on South Africa's foreign policy since 2000-2004. It provides a theoretical framework within which South Africa's foreign policy should be understood. It attempts to explain the contradictions that have been apparent in South Africa's foreign policy by looking at the constraints inherent in South Africa's position as an emerging middle power. It argues that South Africa's pluralist inclinations are constrained by Africa's evolving multilateral forums and that South Africa's preference for such undermines the realization and achievement of her foreign policy principles and goals. It also argues that as a realist middle power, South Africa is constrained the ambivalence shown by the region towards her exercising leadership in the region. This is due to South Africa's history of destruction in Southern Africa in the 1980's. South Africa's quiet diplomacy towards Zimbabwe provides the focal point for the study. The study argues that it is not the case that South Africa is not concerned with human rights abuses in Zimbabwe. Instead, this concern has been expressed in ways that do not tarnish South Africa's own image in Africa. This has been done by engaging Zimbabweans through multilateral forums. This study concludes that this strategy failed to bring about resolution to the Zimbabwean crisis.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2006
- Authors: Gcoyi, Thembinkosi
- Date: 2006
- Subjects: Middle powers , Conflict management , Zimbabwe -- Foreign relations -- South Africa , South Africa -- Foreign relations -- Zimbabwe , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1994- , Zimbabwe -- Politics and government -- 1980-
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2777 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002987 , Middle powers , Conflict management , Zimbabwe -- Foreign relations -- South Africa , South Africa -- Foreign relations -- Zimbabwe , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1994- , Zimbabwe -- Politics and government -- 1980-
- Description: This study is a contribution to the literature on South Africa's foreign policy since 2000-2004. It provides a theoretical framework within which South Africa's foreign policy should be understood. It attempts to explain the contradictions that have been apparent in South Africa's foreign policy by looking at the constraints inherent in South Africa's position as an emerging middle power. It argues that South Africa's pluralist inclinations are constrained by Africa's evolving multilateral forums and that South Africa's preference for such undermines the realization and achievement of her foreign policy principles and goals. It also argues that as a realist middle power, South Africa is constrained the ambivalence shown by the region towards her exercising leadership in the region. This is due to South Africa's history of destruction in Southern Africa in the 1980's. South Africa's quiet diplomacy towards Zimbabwe provides the focal point for the study. The study argues that it is not the case that South Africa is not concerned with human rights abuses in Zimbabwe. Instead, this concern has been expressed in ways that do not tarnish South Africa's own image in Africa. This has been done by engaging Zimbabweans through multilateral forums. This study concludes that this strategy failed to bring about resolution to the Zimbabwean crisis.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2006
Mapping Grahamstown's security governance network : prospects and problems for democratic policing
- Brereton, Catherine Margaret
- Authors: Brereton, Catherine Margaret
- Date: 2006
- Subjects: Democracy -- South Africa , Police -- South Africa , Police administration -- South Africa -- Grahamstown , Police-community relations -- South Africa -- Grahamstown , Crime prevention -- South Africa -- Grahamstown , Police patrol -- South Africa -- Grahamstown , Private security services -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2851 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1006323 , Democracy -- South Africa , Police -- South Africa , Police administration -- South Africa -- Grahamstown , Police-community relations -- South Africa -- Grahamstown , Crime prevention -- South Africa -- Grahamstown , Police patrol -- South Africa -- Grahamstown , Private security services -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape
- Description: The security of its citizens is often regarded as the democratic state's primary raison d'etre. However, with increasing crime and perceptions of insecurity among citizens, along with actual and perceived state policing inadequacies, citizens around the world have sought to make alternative arrangements for their security. The explosion of private alternatives to state policing has resulted in the need for the replacement of former static definitions of policing by more fluid understandings of what policing entails. Policing is no longer an activity undertaken exclusively by the 'state police.' Policing needs to be understood within a framework which recognises the existence of a variety of state, commercial, community groups and individuals which exist within loose and sometimes informal, sometimes formal, networks to provide for the security of citizens. Preceding the country's transition to democracy in 1994 'state' policing in South Africa was aimed at monitoring and suppressing the black population and as a result it conducted itself in a largely militaristic way. When the government of national unity assumed power in 1994 it was indisputable that the South African Police had to undergo major reform if it was to play an effective, co-operative and accountable role in a democratic South Africa. While state policing has unquestionably undergone enormous changes since the advent of democracy in 1994, so too has non-state policing. It is widely accepted that the dividing line between state and non-state policing in South Africa is increasingly blurred. Policing, by its very nature, holds the potential to threaten democracy. Consequently it is important that policing is democratically controlled. According to the Law Commission of Canada four values and principles - justice, equality, accountability, and efficiency - should support policing in a democracy. This thesis is a case study of policing in Grahamstown, a small city in South Africa's Eastern Cape province. It will be shown that the policing problem that currently plagues Grahamstown, and by extension South Africa, is not simply the result of a shortage of providers but rather a problem of co-coordinating and monitoring security governance to ensure that the city does not further develop into a society where the wealthy have greater access to security than the poor.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2006
- Authors: Brereton, Catherine Margaret
- Date: 2006
- Subjects: Democracy -- South Africa , Police -- South Africa , Police administration -- South Africa -- Grahamstown , Police-community relations -- South Africa -- Grahamstown , Crime prevention -- South Africa -- Grahamstown , Police patrol -- South Africa -- Grahamstown , Private security services -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2851 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1006323 , Democracy -- South Africa , Police -- South Africa , Police administration -- South Africa -- Grahamstown , Police-community relations -- South Africa -- Grahamstown , Crime prevention -- South Africa -- Grahamstown , Police patrol -- South Africa -- Grahamstown , Private security services -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape
- Description: The security of its citizens is often regarded as the democratic state's primary raison d'etre. However, with increasing crime and perceptions of insecurity among citizens, along with actual and perceived state policing inadequacies, citizens around the world have sought to make alternative arrangements for their security. The explosion of private alternatives to state policing has resulted in the need for the replacement of former static definitions of policing by more fluid understandings of what policing entails. Policing is no longer an activity undertaken exclusively by the 'state police.' Policing needs to be understood within a framework which recognises the existence of a variety of state, commercial, community groups and individuals which exist within loose and sometimes informal, sometimes formal, networks to provide for the security of citizens. Preceding the country's transition to democracy in 1994 'state' policing in South Africa was aimed at monitoring and suppressing the black population and as a result it conducted itself in a largely militaristic way. When the government of national unity assumed power in 1994 it was indisputable that the South African Police had to undergo major reform if it was to play an effective, co-operative and accountable role in a democratic South Africa. While state policing has unquestionably undergone enormous changes since the advent of democracy in 1994, so too has non-state policing. It is widely accepted that the dividing line between state and non-state policing in South Africa is increasingly blurred. Policing, by its very nature, holds the potential to threaten democracy. Consequently it is important that policing is democratically controlled. According to the Law Commission of Canada four values and principles - justice, equality, accountability, and efficiency - should support policing in a democracy. This thesis is a case study of policing in Grahamstown, a small city in South Africa's Eastern Cape province. It will be shown that the policing problem that currently plagues Grahamstown, and by extension South Africa, is not simply the result of a shortage of providers but rather a problem of co-coordinating and monitoring security governance to ensure that the city does not further develop into a society where the wealthy have greater access to security than the poor.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2006
Security community building? : an assessment of Southern African regional integration in the post-apartheid era
- Authors: Lekhooa, Tumo
- Date: 2006
- Subjects: South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1994- , Africa, Southern -- Economic integration , National security -- Africa, Southern , Political stability -- Africa, Southern , Southern African Development Community
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2844 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1005958 , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1994- , Africa, Southern -- Economic integration , National security -- Africa, Southern , Political stability -- Africa, Southern , Southern African Development Community
- Description: The thesis traces Southern African security dimensions from the Cold War and the period of apartheid in South Africa to the post-apartheid era. It makes an attempt to investigate the prospects of Southern Africa becoming a security community and the processes and practices underlying these efforts. Using the constructivist theory approach to international relations, the thesis argues that the preoccupation with principles of sovereignty and non-interference, a lack of political will and the absence of common values that could help SADC institute binding rules and decision-making are the main blocks that prevent the region from asserting itself as a security community. All these militate against the idea of mutual accountability among SADC member states and have a negative impact on the institutional and functional capacity of SADC. This also prevents SADC from dealing with the emerging non-military human security threats in the region. In consideration of this, the thesis argues that the idea of security community building in Southern Africa remains not only a regional issue, but also requires the involvement of extra-regional actors.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2006
- Authors: Lekhooa, Tumo
- Date: 2006
- Subjects: South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1994- , Africa, Southern -- Economic integration , National security -- Africa, Southern , Political stability -- Africa, Southern , Southern African Development Community
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2844 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1005958 , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1994- , Africa, Southern -- Economic integration , National security -- Africa, Southern , Political stability -- Africa, Southern , Southern African Development Community
- Description: The thesis traces Southern African security dimensions from the Cold War and the period of apartheid in South Africa to the post-apartheid era. It makes an attempt to investigate the prospects of Southern Africa becoming a security community and the processes and practices underlying these efforts. Using the constructivist theory approach to international relations, the thesis argues that the preoccupation with principles of sovereignty and non-interference, a lack of political will and the absence of common values that could help SADC institute binding rules and decision-making are the main blocks that prevent the region from asserting itself as a security community. All these militate against the idea of mutual accountability among SADC member states and have a negative impact on the institutional and functional capacity of SADC. This also prevents SADC from dealing with the emerging non-military human security threats in the region. In consideration of this, the thesis argues that the idea of security community building in Southern Africa remains not only a regional issue, but also requires the involvement of extra-regional actors.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2006
Stirring the hornet's nest: women's citizenship and childcare in post-apartheid South Africa
- Authors: Alfers, Laura Corrigall
- Date: 2006
- Subjects: Women's rights -- South Africa , Citizenship -- South Africa , Women -- Political activity , Feminist theory -- Political aspects , Child care -- South Africa , Sex discrimination against women
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2757 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002967 , Women's rights -- South Africa , Citizenship -- South Africa , Women -- Political activity , Feminist theory -- Political aspects , Child care -- South Africa , Sex discrimination against women
- Description: It is a widely acknowledged fact that women’s access to the full rights of citizenship in the liberal state is restricted because of their unequal responsibility for childcare. The South African state, however, despite its theoretical commitment to gender equality, has failed substantially to engage with the issue of childcare and women’s citizenship. This is problematic because in failing to envisage a role for itself in supporting women with their responsibility for childcare, the state has not only neglected its Constitutional commitments to gender equality, but it has also failed to realise the benefits that could potentially accrue to children if women’s access to economic citizenship is not hampered by childcare. Recognising this problem, this thesis attempts to engender some debate as to how the South African state could feasibly correct this failure. In doing so, it uses feminist political theory as a basis and takes a critical view of the two childcare policies that have dominated the debate over women’s citizenship and childcare in Western liberal democracies – socialised care and the neofamilialist model. In concluding it attempts to provide an idea of what feasible, state-based childcare policies could look like in present-day South Africa.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2006
- Authors: Alfers, Laura Corrigall
- Date: 2006
- Subjects: Women's rights -- South Africa , Citizenship -- South Africa , Women -- Political activity , Feminist theory -- Political aspects , Child care -- South Africa , Sex discrimination against women
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2757 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002967 , Women's rights -- South Africa , Citizenship -- South Africa , Women -- Political activity , Feminist theory -- Political aspects , Child care -- South Africa , Sex discrimination against women
- Description: It is a widely acknowledged fact that women’s access to the full rights of citizenship in the liberal state is restricted because of their unequal responsibility for childcare. The South African state, however, despite its theoretical commitment to gender equality, has failed substantially to engage with the issue of childcare and women’s citizenship. This is problematic because in failing to envisage a role for itself in supporting women with their responsibility for childcare, the state has not only neglected its Constitutional commitments to gender equality, but it has also failed to realise the benefits that could potentially accrue to children if women’s access to economic citizenship is not hampered by childcare. Recognising this problem, this thesis attempts to engender some debate as to how the South African state could feasibly correct this failure. In doing so, it uses feminist political theory as a basis and takes a critical view of the two childcare policies that have dominated the debate over women’s citizenship and childcare in Western liberal democracies – socialised care and the neofamilialist model. In concluding it attempts to provide an idea of what feasible, state-based childcare policies could look like in present-day South Africa.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2006
The politics in and around governance in the New Partnership for Africa's Development
- Authors: Roussel, Jean Thierry Kevin
- Date: 2006
- Subjects: New Partnership for Africa's Development , Sustainable development -- Africa , Economic development -- Africa , Africa -- Foreign economic relations , Africa -- Economic conditions , Africa -- Politics and government
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2827 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003037 , New Partnership for Africa's Development , Sustainable development -- Africa , Economic development -- Africa , Africa -- Foreign economic relations , Africa -- Economic conditions , Africa -- Politics and government
- Description: This study examines the prominence of the term governance and its use in multilateral organisations, in particular the New Partnership for African Development. It argues that the term governance is contentious and needs to be reviewed. This is in light of the elevation of governance as a requisite for development, which has come about through the development of NEPAD. This is primarily a study on the position of the state in multilateral regimes and how governance will affect the state and non-state actors. The politics in and around governance are therefore important in any assessment of African development as governance becomes a developmental necessity. The African Rennaisance and African Union have become ‘beacons of hope’ for Africa and these have been discussed here. We can see NEPAD as a historical development that fits into the African Renaissance. This has been a mechanism to ensure state survival and the states that drive NEPAD have played a significant role in providing legitimacy to Africa’s calls for development. This thesis attempts to explain the shift in developmental policy in that NEPAD has seemingly become the first African development strategy that has the support of the West. Through this thesis, we will examine the role that the Post Washington consensus has played in getting this phase of African development started. What becomes significant here is the way in which governance has been accepted as the gauge for support in development. This study therefore aims to offer a means by which to analyse governance in multilateral organisations. As the term is contentious, three paradigms on governance will be provided in order to refine governance in such a way that it can be applied in analysis. This thesis shows that governance can be refined into corporatist, prebendal and conciliar forms. The form of governance that NEPAD will take has implications for the type of reconfiguration of the state brought about by governance.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2006
- Authors: Roussel, Jean Thierry Kevin
- Date: 2006
- Subjects: New Partnership for Africa's Development , Sustainable development -- Africa , Economic development -- Africa , Africa -- Foreign economic relations , Africa -- Economic conditions , Africa -- Politics and government
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2827 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003037 , New Partnership for Africa's Development , Sustainable development -- Africa , Economic development -- Africa , Africa -- Foreign economic relations , Africa -- Economic conditions , Africa -- Politics and government
- Description: This study examines the prominence of the term governance and its use in multilateral organisations, in particular the New Partnership for African Development. It argues that the term governance is contentious and needs to be reviewed. This is in light of the elevation of governance as a requisite for development, which has come about through the development of NEPAD. This is primarily a study on the position of the state in multilateral regimes and how governance will affect the state and non-state actors. The politics in and around governance are therefore important in any assessment of African development as governance becomes a developmental necessity. The African Rennaisance and African Union have become ‘beacons of hope’ for Africa and these have been discussed here. We can see NEPAD as a historical development that fits into the African Renaissance. This has been a mechanism to ensure state survival and the states that drive NEPAD have played a significant role in providing legitimacy to Africa’s calls for development. This thesis attempts to explain the shift in developmental policy in that NEPAD has seemingly become the first African development strategy that has the support of the West. Through this thesis, we will examine the role that the Post Washington consensus has played in getting this phase of African development started. What becomes significant here is the way in which governance has been accepted as the gauge for support in development. This study therefore aims to offer a means by which to analyse governance in multilateral organisations. As the term is contentious, three paradigms on governance will be provided in order to refine governance in such a way that it can be applied in analysis. This thesis shows that governance can be refined into corporatist, prebendal and conciliar forms. The form of governance that NEPAD will take has implications for the type of reconfiguration of the state brought about by governance.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2006
The politics of transformation in South Africa: an evaluation of education policies and their implementation with particular reference to the Eastern Cape Province
- Authors: Rembe, Symphorosa Wilibald
- Date: 2006
- Subjects: Educational change -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape Education -- Political aspects -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape Education and state -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape Post-apartheid era -- South Africa South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1994-
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: vital:2826 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003036
- Description: The post-apartheid government of South Africa has committed itself to achieving fundamental transformation of the education system. The government has adopted policies and measures that aimed to bring about the goals of equity and redress, and to enhance democracy and participation of all groups in development and decision making processes at all levels. It is acknowledged that the democratic government has accomplished a lot in education within this short period and has made numerous strides in enhancing equity, redress and social justice; providing high quality education for all the people of South Africa; bringing about democratisation and development; and enhancing effectiveness and efficiency. However, despite these apparent achievements, this study shows that there have been a number of setbacks and contradictions in the policies which have affected the process of bringing about fundamental changes and transformation in the education sector. The setbacks and contradictions resulted from factors which have affected the type of policies developed to transform the education sector. They also affected the formulation and implementation of the policies, thereby limiting the achievements of the goals of transformation agenda in education. Hence, this study examined the politics of transformation and change in the education sector by examining the type of policies that have been put in place; their formulation, implementation and outcome. The main research questions are: • What kind or type of policies have been put in place to transform the education sector? • How and by whom were the policies formulated? • How are these policies being implemented and what have been the outcomes of the process? Transformation and in particular the policy process is beset with continuous debate, contestation and struggle for the success of ideas and interests which are pursued by individual actors, groups and policy networks through the institutions. During these different stages policies are modified, constituted and reconstituted. As a result, they give rise to intended and unintended outcomes which are likely to support or contradict the objectives of those policies. Hence, the process cannot be explained using only one approach or theory. Therefore, this study has been situated in ideas, group and network and institutional approaches or theories to examine the factors that have affected education policies, their formulation and implementation and the overall transformation of education in South Africa. It contends that policy change and variation result from interaction of ideas and interests within patterns of group and policy networks and preset institutions. The study adopts qualitative interpretive methodology in order to question, understand and explain institutions; interests groups and ideas; socio economic and power relations involved in the process. It also appraises the framework for action. In addition to conducting literature review, unstructured interviews were held with officials from provincial and national Departments of Education, members of national and provincial legislatures, principals, teachers, members of school governing bodies, learners, Non-governmental organisations, Community based organisations, Faith based organisations, teachers’ and workers’ unions. Observations were made during meetings of school governing bodies. The study draws reference from the Eastern Cape Province between 1994 and 2002 and looks at the school level (Basic and Further Education levels). Reference is also made to selective policy instruments namely, the South African Schools Act (SASA) (1996), Curriculum 2005 and Norms and Standards for School Funding (1999). Overall, the findings of the study have shown that various factors have led to setbacks and contradictions in the policies that were adopted in education. They have also affected the formulation and implementation of the policies, hence exerting certain limitations on the achievements of the goals of transformation in education. The factors identified in the findings are the outcome of the negotiated settlement and subsequent changes made by the apartheid government in education before the 1994 elections; constraints and unequal participation of different groups in education policy development in various established structures and avenues; drawbacks in the implementation of education policies by decentralised structures and agents at various levels. This was exacerbated by lack of capacity, lack of adequate resources, lack of commitment and will among some of the civil servants coupled with corruption and mismanagement. The legacy of apartheid and the homeland governments, together with existing backlogs added another layer. Consequently, there were challenges in the economic policy which led to inadequate funding for education. The findings of this study show that competing ideas and interests advanced by groups and networks have impact on decision making, policy content and implementation. Therefore, some policies will reflect and maintain the interests of those individual actors, groups and policy networks that exerted most influence. The findings also reveal that institutional norms and rules, inadequate resources, lack of capacity and skilled human resources and economic environment, constrain decision making, policy content and implementation.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2006
- Authors: Rembe, Symphorosa Wilibald
- Date: 2006
- Subjects: Educational change -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape Education -- Political aspects -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape Education and state -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape Post-apartheid era -- South Africa South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1994-
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: vital:2826 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003036
- Description: The post-apartheid government of South Africa has committed itself to achieving fundamental transformation of the education system. The government has adopted policies and measures that aimed to bring about the goals of equity and redress, and to enhance democracy and participation of all groups in development and decision making processes at all levels. It is acknowledged that the democratic government has accomplished a lot in education within this short period and has made numerous strides in enhancing equity, redress and social justice; providing high quality education for all the people of South Africa; bringing about democratisation and development; and enhancing effectiveness and efficiency. However, despite these apparent achievements, this study shows that there have been a number of setbacks and contradictions in the policies which have affected the process of bringing about fundamental changes and transformation in the education sector. The setbacks and contradictions resulted from factors which have affected the type of policies developed to transform the education sector. They also affected the formulation and implementation of the policies, thereby limiting the achievements of the goals of transformation agenda in education. Hence, this study examined the politics of transformation and change in the education sector by examining the type of policies that have been put in place; their formulation, implementation and outcome. The main research questions are: • What kind or type of policies have been put in place to transform the education sector? • How and by whom were the policies formulated? • How are these policies being implemented and what have been the outcomes of the process? Transformation and in particular the policy process is beset with continuous debate, contestation and struggle for the success of ideas and interests which are pursued by individual actors, groups and policy networks through the institutions. During these different stages policies are modified, constituted and reconstituted. As a result, they give rise to intended and unintended outcomes which are likely to support or contradict the objectives of those policies. Hence, the process cannot be explained using only one approach or theory. Therefore, this study has been situated in ideas, group and network and institutional approaches or theories to examine the factors that have affected education policies, their formulation and implementation and the overall transformation of education in South Africa. It contends that policy change and variation result from interaction of ideas and interests within patterns of group and policy networks and preset institutions. The study adopts qualitative interpretive methodology in order to question, understand and explain institutions; interests groups and ideas; socio economic and power relations involved in the process. It also appraises the framework for action. In addition to conducting literature review, unstructured interviews were held with officials from provincial and national Departments of Education, members of national and provincial legislatures, principals, teachers, members of school governing bodies, learners, Non-governmental organisations, Community based organisations, Faith based organisations, teachers’ and workers’ unions. Observations were made during meetings of school governing bodies. The study draws reference from the Eastern Cape Province between 1994 and 2002 and looks at the school level (Basic and Further Education levels). Reference is also made to selective policy instruments namely, the South African Schools Act (SASA) (1996), Curriculum 2005 and Norms and Standards for School Funding (1999). Overall, the findings of the study have shown that various factors have led to setbacks and contradictions in the policies that were adopted in education. They have also affected the formulation and implementation of the policies, hence exerting certain limitations on the achievements of the goals of transformation in education. The factors identified in the findings are the outcome of the negotiated settlement and subsequent changes made by the apartheid government in education before the 1994 elections; constraints and unequal participation of different groups in education policy development in various established structures and avenues; drawbacks in the implementation of education policies by decentralised structures and agents at various levels. This was exacerbated by lack of capacity, lack of adequate resources, lack of commitment and will among some of the civil servants coupled with corruption and mismanagement. The legacy of apartheid and the homeland governments, together with existing backlogs added another layer. Consequently, there were challenges in the economic policy which led to inadequate funding for education. The findings of this study show that competing ideas and interests advanced by groups and networks have impact on decision making, policy content and implementation. Therefore, some policies will reflect and maintain the interests of those individual actors, groups and policy networks that exerted most influence. The findings also reveal that institutional norms and rules, inadequate resources, lack of capacity and skilled human resources and economic environment, constrain decision making, policy content and implementation.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2006
The power of hegemonic theory in Southern Africa: why Lesotho cannot develop an independent foreign policy
- Authors: Mahao, Lehloenya
- Date: 2006
- Subjects: Hegemony -- South Africa , Lesotho -- Politics and government , Lesotho -- Foreign relations -- South Africa , South Africa -- Foreign relations -- Lesotho
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2799 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003009 , Hegemony -- South Africa , Lesotho -- Politics and government , Lesotho -- Foreign relations -- South Africa , South Africa -- Foreign relations -- Lesotho
- Description: This thesis critiques hegemonic theory – especially the impact of a hegemonic state on the ability of small states to develop an independent foreign policy. The research uses Lesotho as a case study of a subordinate state in relation to the Republic of South Africa (RSA) as a hegemonic state. It draws on the history of Lesotho’s quest for sovereignty and argues that this sovereignty is constantly eroded to the advantage of its hegemonic neighbour. This constrains Lesotho’s ability to develop an independent foreign policy.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2006
- Authors: Mahao, Lehloenya
- Date: 2006
- Subjects: Hegemony -- South Africa , Lesotho -- Politics and government , Lesotho -- Foreign relations -- South Africa , South Africa -- Foreign relations -- Lesotho
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2799 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003009 , Hegemony -- South Africa , Lesotho -- Politics and government , Lesotho -- Foreign relations -- South Africa , South Africa -- Foreign relations -- Lesotho
- Description: This thesis critiques hegemonic theory – especially the impact of a hegemonic state on the ability of small states to develop an independent foreign policy. The research uses Lesotho as a case study of a subordinate state in relation to the Republic of South Africa (RSA) as a hegemonic state. It draws on the history of Lesotho’s quest for sovereignty and argues that this sovereignty is constantly eroded to the advantage of its hegemonic neighbour. This constrains Lesotho’s ability to develop an independent foreign policy.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2006