Diaspora in Dialogue: An Ontology of Diasporic Subjectivity in the Work of Three Artists Living In-Between South Africa and Zimbabwe
- Nyoni, Vulindlela Philani Elliott
- Authors: Nyoni, Vulindlela Philani Elliott
- Date: 2024-04
- Subjects: Foreign workers -- South Africa , South Africa -- Social conditions , South Africa -- Emigration and immigration
- Language: English
- Type: Doctorate , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10948/62366 , vital:72615
- Description: As a Zimbabwean artist and educator, living and working in South Africa, my daily experience is that of an “in-between” diasporic subjectivity, which is compounded by the discourses around the uneasy reintegration of post-apartheid South Africa into Africa. This context gives rise to the core philosophical aim of this thesis, which is to explore the notion of “diasporic subjectivities” as a philosophical approach to understanding what it means to be in a complex contemporary reality. The notion of diasporic subjectivities works in the same way as that of “queer subjectivities”, which has been used to understand not just gay people but all people. “Diaspora” names people who have moved, migrated, or been scattered away from an established or ancestral homeland, but retain some sense of belonging to this homeland. From an African perspective, I problematise the concept of an established homeland and the settled subjectivities that belong to it, in contrast to which only the diaspora remains in an uncomfortable state of in-betweenness. Instead, I explore a contention among both European and African existentialist philosophers that the condition of not being at home is the fundamental human condition out of which a home must be created. This would mean that the groundlessness, liminality or in-betweenness of being is experienced not just by the diaspora but by all humans. However, importantly, I find that sociocultural differences due to the history of colonialism gives rise to different experiences of homelessness and the groundlessness of being. This makes a distinction necessary, but to avoid the pitfalls of tying this distinction to geographical locations such as Western versus Non-Western or Global North and Global South, I will refer instead to spaces, practices and even individuals, in which there are “mindsets of entitlement” versus “mindsets of disentitlement”. The former refers to the mindset of ownership characteristic of the settled and developed. The latter refers to the mindset of many who feel a sense of unbelonging, due to disenfranchisement and forced disembodiment and dislocation. I have aimed to support the thesis that the groundlessness, liminality or in-betweenness of being is experienced not just by the diaspora but by all humans, in two ways. Firstly, I consider in detail through various means (narratives, personal reflection, investigation of philosophical texts, dialogues), the philosophical concepts of “belonging”, “home” and “nostalgia” as component aspects of an ontology of diasporic subjectivity. In the second part of this study, I engage in an interpretative process, as outlined by Hans-Georg Gadamer, whereby I use this ontology to help me dialogue with artworks produced by three Zimbabwean artists, Ronald Muchatuta, Gerald Machona, and myself (Vulindlela Nyoni), who share the diasporic condition of being Zimbabweans living in-between Zimbabwe and South Africa. The ontology of diasporic subjectivity developed in the first part offers a language with which to dialogue with the artworks or question the way in which the complexities of belonging, home and nostalgia are expressed in the works, while the works in turn help deepen an understanding of diasporic subjectivity. Both philosophies and artworks may function as transformative, practical tools for seeking wisdom, cultivating self-awareness, developing moral character, and living a reflective and examined life. The combination of personal narratives and self-reflexive, philosophical dialogues regarding artworks and art making and its exigencies holds the potential to produce deeper philosophical insights into the fundamentally diasporic human condition. This kind of hybrid research at the interface between philosophy and artistic praxis is accessible to a broad-based audience. It is therefore better able to undo malicious stereotypical associations between émigrés and malignant tropes of societal decay on the African continent and to validate the contributions made by African diaspora to the decolonial project, than neatly distanced academic reflections, which reduce the philosophical impact of transnational migration to measurable motivations and statistics. , Thesis (D.Phil) -- Faculty of Humanities, School of Social Scinces, 2024
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2024-04
- Authors: Nyoni, Vulindlela Philani Elliott
- Date: 2024-04
- Subjects: Foreign workers -- South Africa , South Africa -- Social conditions , South Africa -- Emigration and immigration
- Language: English
- Type: Doctorate , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10948/62366 , vital:72615
- Description: As a Zimbabwean artist and educator, living and working in South Africa, my daily experience is that of an “in-between” diasporic subjectivity, which is compounded by the discourses around the uneasy reintegration of post-apartheid South Africa into Africa. This context gives rise to the core philosophical aim of this thesis, which is to explore the notion of “diasporic subjectivities” as a philosophical approach to understanding what it means to be in a complex contemporary reality. The notion of diasporic subjectivities works in the same way as that of “queer subjectivities”, which has been used to understand not just gay people but all people. “Diaspora” names people who have moved, migrated, or been scattered away from an established or ancestral homeland, but retain some sense of belonging to this homeland. From an African perspective, I problematise the concept of an established homeland and the settled subjectivities that belong to it, in contrast to which only the diaspora remains in an uncomfortable state of in-betweenness. Instead, I explore a contention among both European and African existentialist philosophers that the condition of not being at home is the fundamental human condition out of which a home must be created. This would mean that the groundlessness, liminality or in-betweenness of being is experienced not just by the diaspora but by all humans. However, importantly, I find that sociocultural differences due to the history of colonialism gives rise to different experiences of homelessness and the groundlessness of being. This makes a distinction necessary, but to avoid the pitfalls of tying this distinction to geographical locations such as Western versus Non-Western or Global North and Global South, I will refer instead to spaces, practices and even individuals, in which there are “mindsets of entitlement” versus “mindsets of disentitlement”. The former refers to the mindset of ownership characteristic of the settled and developed. The latter refers to the mindset of many who feel a sense of unbelonging, due to disenfranchisement and forced disembodiment and dislocation. I have aimed to support the thesis that the groundlessness, liminality or in-betweenness of being is experienced not just by the diaspora but by all humans, in two ways. Firstly, I consider in detail through various means (narratives, personal reflection, investigation of philosophical texts, dialogues), the philosophical concepts of “belonging”, “home” and “nostalgia” as component aspects of an ontology of diasporic subjectivity. In the second part of this study, I engage in an interpretative process, as outlined by Hans-Georg Gadamer, whereby I use this ontology to help me dialogue with artworks produced by three Zimbabwean artists, Ronald Muchatuta, Gerald Machona, and myself (Vulindlela Nyoni), who share the diasporic condition of being Zimbabweans living in-between Zimbabwe and South Africa. The ontology of diasporic subjectivity developed in the first part offers a language with which to dialogue with the artworks or question the way in which the complexities of belonging, home and nostalgia are expressed in the works, while the works in turn help deepen an understanding of diasporic subjectivity. Both philosophies and artworks may function as transformative, practical tools for seeking wisdom, cultivating self-awareness, developing moral character, and living a reflective and examined life. The combination of personal narratives and self-reflexive, philosophical dialogues regarding artworks and art making and its exigencies holds the potential to produce deeper philosophical insights into the fundamentally diasporic human condition. This kind of hybrid research at the interface between philosophy and artistic praxis is accessible to a broad-based audience. It is therefore better able to undo malicious stereotypical associations between émigrés and malignant tropes of societal decay on the African continent and to validate the contributions made by African diaspora to the decolonial project, than neatly distanced academic reflections, which reduce the philosophical impact of transnational migration to measurable motivations and statistics. , Thesis (D.Phil) -- Faculty of Humanities, School of Social Scinces, 2024
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2024-04
An analysis of alternative objective measures of economic performance and social development.
- Authors: Hlanti, Msawenkosi Madoda
- Date: 2014
- Subjects: National income -- Economic aspects -- South Africa -- Evaluation , Economic development -- Social aspects -- South Africa -- Evaluation , Gross domestic product -- South Africa , Sustainable development -- South Africa , Social planning -- South Africa , Economic policy , South Africa -- Social conditions
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MCom
- Identifier: vital:1099 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1013144
- Description: The measurement of economic performance and social development has become increasingly important as societies have evolved and become more complex. At present nations do not only seek to improve economic performance but are also compelled to improve social development through improvements in socially and environmentally sustainable initiatives. Traditional measures such as Gross Domestic Product (GDP) which is derived from United Nations’ System of National Accounts (SNA) have been criticised given the inability to adequately account for these social and environmental aspects of social development. Given these perceived deficiencies in the conventional measures, several alternative objective measures have been proposed in an attempt to address these shortcomings. Therefore the primary aim of this study is to analyse, via a literature survey, these alternative objective measures of economic performance and social development. The alternative measures that constitute the survey are the Index of Sustainable Economic Welfare (ISEW), the Genuine Savings (GS), and the United Nations’ Human Development Index (HDI). Upon the completion of the literature survey, sustainable development theory is used to evaluate the extent to which the National Accounts and the alternative objective measures are consistent with Hicksian and Fisherian definitions of income and capital, which embody the concepts of sustainability and sustainable development. The evaluation reveals that the National Accounts neither conform to the Hicksian nor the Fisherian definitions of income, thus could not be viewed as a measure of sustainable income. It is found that the ISEW is consistent with the Fisherian definition of income and is also a partial indicator of sustainable development. The evaluation of the GS measure reveals that it is consistent with the Hicksian definition but not the Fisherian definition. In terms of overall sustainability, it is argued that GS is a partial measure of weak sustainability. The HDI is similar to the National Accounts, in that it is neither consistent with the Hicksian nor the Fisherian definitions of income and is also not a measure of sustainability. In summary, the study demonstrates that despite GDP's shortcomings as a measure of economic performance and social development, currently, there is no alternative approach which simultaneously addresses every flaw in GDP. However, all the alternatives yield a much better approximation of social development than GDP.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2014
- Authors: Hlanti, Msawenkosi Madoda
- Date: 2014
- Subjects: National income -- Economic aspects -- South Africa -- Evaluation , Economic development -- Social aspects -- South Africa -- Evaluation , Gross domestic product -- South Africa , Sustainable development -- South Africa , Social planning -- South Africa , Economic policy , South Africa -- Social conditions
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MCom
- Identifier: vital:1099 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1013144
- Description: The measurement of economic performance and social development has become increasingly important as societies have evolved and become more complex. At present nations do not only seek to improve economic performance but are also compelled to improve social development through improvements in socially and environmentally sustainable initiatives. Traditional measures such as Gross Domestic Product (GDP) which is derived from United Nations’ System of National Accounts (SNA) have been criticised given the inability to adequately account for these social and environmental aspects of social development. Given these perceived deficiencies in the conventional measures, several alternative objective measures have been proposed in an attempt to address these shortcomings. Therefore the primary aim of this study is to analyse, via a literature survey, these alternative objective measures of economic performance and social development. The alternative measures that constitute the survey are the Index of Sustainable Economic Welfare (ISEW), the Genuine Savings (GS), and the United Nations’ Human Development Index (HDI). Upon the completion of the literature survey, sustainable development theory is used to evaluate the extent to which the National Accounts and the alternative objective measures are consistent with Hicksian and Fisherian definitions of income and capital, which embody the concepts of sustainability and sustainable development. The evaluation reveals that the National Accounts neither conform to the Hicksian nor the Fisherian definitions of income, thus could not be viewed as a measure of sustainable income. It is found that the ISEW is consistent with the Fisherian definition of income and is also a partial indicator of sustainable development. The evaluation of the GS measure reveals that it is consistent with the Hicksian definition but not the Fisherian definition. In terms of overall sustainability, it is argued that GS is a partial measure of weak sustainability. The HDI is similar to the National Accounts, in that it is neither consistent with the Hicksian nor the Fisherian definitions of income and is also not a measure of sustainability. In summary, the study demonstrates that despite GDP's shortcomings as a measure of economic performance and social development, currently, there is no alternative approach which simultaneously addresses every flaw in GDP. However, all the alternatives yield a much better approximation of social development than GDP.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2014
The developmental state, social policy and social compacts: a comparative policy analysis of the South African case
- Authors: Gwaindepi, Abel
- Date: 2014
- Subjects: Economic development -- Political aspects -- South Africa , Income distribution -- South Africa , Democracy -- South Africa , Industrial policy -- Developing countries , South Africa -- Economic conditions , South Africa -- Social conditions
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MCom
- Identifier: vital:1101 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1013278
- Description: The history of economic thought is ‘flooded’ with neo-classical accounts despite the fact that neoclassical economics did not occupy history alone. This has caused the discourses on ‘lost alternatives’ to be relegated as the deterministic ‘straight line’ neo-classical historical discourses are elevated. Globally hegemonic neo-classical discourse aided this phenomenon as it served to subordinate any counterhegemonic local discursive processes towards alternatives. This study is premised on the theme of non-neoclassical ‘lost alternatives’ using the post-apartheid South Africa as a case study. Emerging from the apartheid regime, the impetus towards non-neoclassical redistributive policies was strong in South Africa but this did not gain traction as the ANC’s ‘growth through redistribution’ was replaced by globally hegemonic discourse which favoured ‘redistribution through growth’. This thesis postulates the idea of two waves of ‘internal’ discursive formations; capturing the transition to democracy up to 1996 as the first wave and the period from 2005 to about 2009 as the second wave. The developmental state paradigm (DSP) emerged as the central heterodox paradigm with ideas such as industrial policy, welfare, and social dialogue/compacts being main elements. The DSP was expressly chosen in the early 1990s, the first period of strong internal discursive formation, but faded as neo-classical policies, epitomised through GEAR, dominated the policy space. The DSP discourse gained vitality in the second wave of internal discursive formation (2005-2009) and it was associated with the subsequent Zuma’s administration. The study illustrates that the DSP has failed to be fully developed into a practical framework but remained only at rhetorical level with the phrase ‘developmental state’ inserted into government policy documents and documents of ANC as a ruling party. The thesis further illustrates that the DSP fared well ideologically because of its inclination to the ideology of ‘developmentalism’ tended to trump any socialist inclined policies such as a generous welfare regime. The thesis rebuts the notion of the DSP in South Africa which has only been amorphously developed with the phrase ‘developmental state’ becoming a mere buzzword. The thesis argues that the DSP in the 21st century is much more complex and the growing ‘tertiarisation’ of the economy makes the Social Democratic Paradigm SDP’s capability centric approach much more relevant for South Africa. The study goes further to argue that a (SDP) is much more suitable alternative for addressing South African colonial/apartheid legacies and consolidation of democracy.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2014
- Authors: Gwaindepi, Abel
- Date: 2014
- Subjects: Economic development -- Political aspects -- South Africa , Income distribution -- South Africa , Democracy -- South Africa , Industrial policy -- Developing countries , South Africa -- Economic conditions , South Africa -- Social conditions
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MCom
- Identifier: vital:1101 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1013278
- Description: The history of economic thought is ‘flooded’ with neo-classical accounts despite the fact that neoclassical economics did not occupy history alone. This has caused the discourses on ‘lost alternatives’ to be relegated as the deterministic ‘straight line’ neo-classical historical discourses are elevated. Globally hegemonic neo-classical discourse aided this phenomenon as it served to subordinate any counterhegemonic local discursive processes towards alternatives. This study is premised on the theme of non-neoclassical ‘lost alternatives’ using the post-apartheid South Africa as a case study. Emerging from the apartheid regime, the impetus towards non-neoclassical redistributive policies was strong in South Africa but this did not gain traction as the ANC’s ‘growth through redistribution’ was replaced by globally hegemonic discourse which favoured ‘redistribution through growth’. This thesis postulates the idea of two waves of ‘internal’ discursive formations; capturing the transition to democracy up to 1996 as the first wave and the period from 2005 to about 2009 as the second wave. The developmental state paradigm (DSP) emerged as the central heterodox paradigm with ideas such as industrial policy, welfare, and social dialogue/compacts being main elements. The DSP was expressly chosen in the early 1990s, the first period of strong internal discursive formation, but faded as neo-classical policies, epitomised through GEAR, dominated the policy space. The DSP discourse gained vitality in the second wave of internal discursive formation (2005-2009) and it was associated with the subsequent Zuma’s administration. The study illustrates that the DSP has failed to be fully developed into a practical framework but remained only at rhetorical level with the phrase ‘developmental state’ inserted into government policy documents and documents of ANC as a ruling party. The thesis further illustrates that the DSP fared well ideologically because of its inclination to the ideology of ‘developmentalism’ tended to trump any socialist inclined policies such as a generous welfare regime. The thesis rebuts the notion of the DSP in South Africa which has only been amorphously developed with the phrase ‘developmental state’ becoming a mere buzzword. The thesis argues that the DSP in the 21st century is much more complex and the growing ‘tertiarisation’ of the economy makes the Social Democratic Paradigm SDP’s capability centric approach much more relevant for South Africa. The study goes further to argue that a (SDP) is much more suitable alternative for addressing South African colonial/apartheid legacies and consolidation of democracy.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2014
Explaining the endurance of poverty and inequality : social policy and the social division of welfare in the South African health system
- Authors: Du Plessis, Ulandi
- Date: 2013
- Subjects: Health system , Private health , Public health , Poor , Subsidies , Profit motive , Quality , Efficiency , Public health -- Finance -- Research -- South Africa , Medical care -- Research -- South Africa , Poverty -- Research -- South Africa , Equality -- Research -- South Africa , South Africa -- Social conditions
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2755 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002002
- Description: This thesis examines the structure and flow of public funding between the public and private sectors in the South African health system and the consequences thereof for the achievement of equity. The conceptual framework used to undertake the analysis derives from Richard Titmuss’ core theoretical framework, the Social Division of Welfare. The application of the Social Division of Welfare applied to the South African health care context demonstrates how state resources end up benefitting the non-poor and, as a result, reproduce inequality. Those who access public institutions such as public health care are assumed to be ‘dependent’ on the state, whilst those who access private health facilities claim to be ‘independent’ of the state. However, this thesis shows that these assumptions are flawed. Access to the formal labour market, and subsequently the paying of taxes, authorises one to access state subsidies not available to those who do not. The application of the Social Division of Welfare shows that tax-paying private health care patients benefit considerably from state resources. This thesis argues that due to cost escalation in the private health sector, a consequence of the commodification of health care, these private health care ‘consumers’ as well as the private health industry in general are dependent upon state resources. This thesis analyses the role played by the profit motive present in the private health industry and the consequences for equity, quality, access and efficiency in health care provision
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2013
- Authors: Du Plessis, Ulandi
- Date: 2013
- Subjects: Health system , Private health , Public health , Poor , Subsidies , Profit motive , Quality , Efficiency , Public health -- Finance -- Research -- South Africa , Medical care -- Research -- South Africa , Poverty -- Research -- South Africa , Equality -- Research -- South Africa , South Africa -- Social conditions
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2755 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002002
- Description: This thesis examines the structure and flow of public funding between the public and private sectors in the South African health system and the consequences thereof for the achievement of equity. The conceptual framework used to undertake the analysis derives from Richard Titmuss’ core theoretical framework, the Social Division of Welfare. The application of the Social Division of Welfare applied to the South African health care context demonstrates how state resources end up benefitting the non-poor and, as a result, reproduce inequality. Those who access public institutions such as public health care are assumed to be ‘dependent’ on the state, whilst those who access private health facilities claim to be ‘independent’ of the state. However, this thesis shows that these assumptions are flawed. Access to the formal labour market, and subsequently the paying of taxes, authorises one to access state subsidies not available to those who do not. The application of the Social Division of Welfare shows that tax-paying private health care patients benefit considerably from state resources. This thesis argues that due to cost escalation in the private health sector, a consequence of the commodification of health care, these private health care ‘consumers’ as well as the private health industry in general are dependent upon state resources. This thesis analyses the role played by the profit motive present in the private health industry and the consequences for equity, quality, access and efficiency in health care provision
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2013
Impact of human dimensions on smallholder farming in the Eastern Cape Province of South Africa
- Authors: Kibirige, Douglas
- Date: 2013
- Subjects: Farms, Small -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , Agriculture -- Economic aspects -- South Africa , Rural development -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , Community development -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , Entrepreneurship -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , South Africa -- Social conditions , South Africa -- Economic conditions , DEA approach , Stochastic production frontier , Production efficiency , Human dimensions , Irrigation
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Doctoral , PhD (Agricultural Economics)
- Identifier: vital:11201 , http://hdl.handle.net/10353/d1007532 , Farms, Small -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , Agriculture -- Economic aspects -- South Africa , Rural development -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , Community development -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , Entrepreneurship -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , South Africa -- Social conditions , South Africa -- Economic conditions , DEA approach , Stochastic production frontier , Production efficiency , Human dimensions , Irrigation
- Description: Considering the backward and forward linkages, the agro-industrial sector contributes about 12 percent of South Africa‘s GDP, and employs approximately 8.5 million people. In the Eastern Cape Province, the sector contributes about 1.9 percent of the Provincial GDP, and over 3 million people derive their livelihoods from subsistence smallholder farming. Despite its importance, agricultural productivity has stagnated for several years across the Eastern Cape rural communities. There have been several attempts by the government to improve the agricultural productivity on smallholder farms since the end of apartheid, especially through the establishment of small-scale irrigation schemes, subsidization of farm inputs, and provision of credit facilities and enacting a number of land reform policies. In spite of the government support, most rural communities like Qamata and Tyefu are still faced with high levels of poverty affecting 76 percent and 91 percent of the population, respectively. This research evaluated the current smallholders‘ production efficiency, and the link between smallholder farmers‘ human dimensions (entrepreneurial spirit and positive psychological capital, goals and social capital, and other efficiency related variables) with production efficiency and household commercialisation index/level. The study used participatory approaches for site selection, sample selection and data collection. The analysis was based on both information from informal interviews and formal primary data collection. The Data Envelopment Analysis and Stochastic Production Frontier techniques were used to determine the relative efficiencies of individual farmers and to identify the major factors that influence the efficiency of production. Overall, 158 farmers were interviewed both at Qamata and Tyefu irrigation schemes. Descriptive statistics of this study indicated that most of the farmers were men with an average age of 61 years, and mean household size of 4 persons with the household head having at least obtained some primary school education. Farming is the major source of livelihood for smallholders with an average income of R4527.49 per crop season. Smallholders use improved seeds, fertilizers and tractor for ploughing with less use of pesticides and herbicides. Although smallholder irrigators generate more gross margins from maize and cabbage enterprises, generally both categories of farmers exhibited a low average household commercialization index for maize and cabbage at 0.41 and 0.22, respectively. Both Data Envelopment Analysis and Stochastic Production Frontier results indicate that farmers are about 98 percent technically efficient in maize and cabbage enterprises, respectively. However, farmers were allocatively inefficient as they were under-utilizing seed and pesticides while over-utilizing inorganic fertilizers. Factors that are positively associated with technical efficiency in maize production included household size, farming experience, off-farm income, use of agro-chemical; gross margins and commercialisation level of maize output. Determinants of technical efficiency in cabbage enterprise included farming experience, amount of land owned, use of agro-chemicals, group membership and gross margins accrued to cabbage sales. Farmers‘ human dimensions that could be more positively and significantly associated with production, efficiency and household commercialisation level included risk taking (hope), innovativeness (confidence) and optimism for entrepreneurial/positive psychological capital. Farmers‘ goals included self-esteem and independence, and only external social capital which were identified to be more positively and significantly associated with farmers‘ production efficiency and commercialization level. The transition from homestead subsistence to commercial oriented small-scale irrigation farming is inevitable since smallholder irrigators earn more incomes from maize and cabbage and are relatively food secure. However, the key policy options that must be considered to address inefficiencies and improved commercialization level to aid the transition include: agricultural policies geared toward attracting youth in farming, improved quality of extension services, speeding up the land reform process, and formation of cooperatives and participatory policy formulation that takes full cognizance of the farmers‘ human dimensions. Since farmers‘ human dimensions as defined in the literature and this study are not things that are amenable to direct policy intervention, they can only be modified indirectly through policy actions that affect their determinants. This means that a number of the demographic and socio-economic characteristics such as age, sex and education level of household head, farming experience, size of land owned, crop incomes, source of water for irrigation and location of the irrigation scheme that govern the way people perceive reality and respond to them must be the focus of concerted policy actions over the medium to long term.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2013
- Authors: Kibirige, Douglas
- Date: 2013
- Subjects: Farms, Small -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , Agriculture -- Economic aspects -- South Africa , Rural development -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , Community development -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , Entrepreneurship -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , South Africa -- Social conditions , South Africa -- Economic conditions , DEA approach , Stochastic production frontier , Production efficiency , Human dimensions , Irrigation
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Doctoral , PhD (Agricultural Economics)
- Identifier: vital:11201 , http://hdl.handle.net/10353/d1007532 , Farms, Small -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , Agriculture -- Economic aspects -- South Africa , Rural development -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , Community development -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , Entrepreneurship -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , South Africa -- Social conditions , South Africa -- Economic conditions , DEA approach , Stochastic production frontier , Production efficiency , Human dimensions , Irrigation
- Description: Considering the backward and forward linkages, the agro-industrial sector contributes about 12 percent of South Africa‘s GDP, and employs approximately 8.5 million people. In the Eastern Cape Province, the sector contributes about 1.9 percent of the Provincial GDP, and over 3 million people derive their livelihoods from subsistence smallholder farming. Despite its importance, agricultural productivity has stagnated for several years across the Eastern Cape rural communities. There have been several attempts by the government to improve the agricultural productivity on smallholder farms since the end of apartheid, especially through the establishment of small-scale irrigation schemes, subsidization of farm inputs, and provision of credit facilities and enacting a number of land reform policies. In spite of the government support, most rural communities like Qamata and Tyefu are still faced with high levels of poverty affecting 76 percent and 91 percent of the population, respectively. This research evaluated the current smallholders‘ production efficiency, and the link between smallholder farmers‘ human dimensions (entrepreneurial spirit and positive psychological capital, goals and social capital, and other efficiency related variables) with production efficiency and household commercialisation index/level. The study used participatory approaches for site selection, sample selection and data collection. The analysis was based on both information from informal interviews and formal primary data collection. The Data Envelopment Analysis and Stochastic Production Frontier techniques were used to determine the relative efficiencies of individual farmers and to identify the major factors that influence the efficiency of production. Overall, 158 farmers were interviewed both at Qamata and Tyefu irrigation schemes. Descriptive statistics of this study indicated that most of the farmers were men with an average age of 61 years, and mean household size of 4 persons with the household head having at least obtained some primary school education. Farming is the major source of livelihood for smallholders with an average income of R4527.49 per crop season. Smallholders use improved seeds, fertilizers and tractor for ploughing with less use of pesticides and herbicides. Although smallholder irrigators generate more gross margins from maize and cabbage enterprises, generally both categories of farmers exhibited a low average household commercialization index for maize and cabbage at 0.41 and 0.22, respectively. Both Data Envelopment Analysis and Stochastic Production Frontier results indicate that farmers are about 98 percent technically efficient in maize and cabbage enterprises, respectively. However, farmers were allocatively inefficient as they were under-utilizing seed and pesticides while over-utilizing inorganic fertilizers. Factors that are positively associated with technical efficiency in maize production included household size, farming experience, off-farm income, use of agro-chemical; gross margins and commercialisation level of maize output. Determinants of technical efficiency in cabbage enterprise included farming experience, amount of land owned, use of agro-chemicals, group membership and gross margins accrued to cabbage sales. Farmers‘ human dimensions that could be more positively and significantly associated with production, efficiency and household commercialisation level included risk taking (hope), innovativeness (confidence) and optimism for entrepreneurial/positive psychological capital. Farmers‘ goals included self-esteem and independence, and only external social capital which were identified to be more positively and significantly associated with farmers‘ production efficiency and commercialization level. The transition from homestead subsistence to commercial oriented small-scale irrigation farming is inevitable since smallholder irrigators earn more incomes from maize and cabbage and are relatively food secure. However, the key policy options that must be considered to address inefficiencies and improved commercialization level to aid the transition include: agricultural policies geared toward attracting youth in farming, improved quality of extension services, speeding up the land reform process, and formation of cooperatives and participatory policy formulation that takes full cognizance of the farmers‘ human dimensions. Since farmers‘ human dimensions as defined in the literature and this study are not things that are amenable to direct policy intervention, they can only be modified indirectly through policy actions that affect their determinants. This means that a number of the demographic and socio-economic characteristics such as age, sex and education level of household head, farming experience, size of land owned, crop incomes, source of water for irrigation and location of the irrigation scheme that govern the way people perceive reality and respond to them must be the focus of concerted policy actions over the medium to long term.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2013
New ways of understanding: a governmentality analysis of basic education policy in post-apartheid South Africa
- Authors: Prinsloo, Estelle Helena
- Date: 2013
- Subjects: South Africa -- Department of Basic Education , Basic education -- Government policy -- Research -- South Africa , Post-apartheid era -- Education -- South Africa , Educational change -- Research -- South Africa , South Africa -- Social conditions
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2751 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1001384
- Description: Social problems that are identified by government policy are articulated in ways that confer the responsibility of their management onto the state. In this way, policy reform serves as a means to justify political rule, as the ‘answers’ to policy failures are located within the realm of state intervention. This role of policy is maintained by the traditional definition of policy as it enables policies to be presented as the outcome of ‘necessary’ actions taken by state institutions to better the wellbeing of citizens. Since 1994, mainstream research on basic education policy in South Africa has employed traditional understandings of policy and its function. In doing so, these inquiries have failed to question the very idea of policy itself. They have also neglected to identify the productive role played by policy in the practice of power. To illuminate the necessary limits of policy reform, an alternative approach to analyse basic education policy is necessary. This thesis premises policy as discourse and advances a governmentality analysis of basic education policy during the first fifteen years of democracy (1994-2009) in South Africa. By drawing on the work of Michel Foucault, the study argues that government – ‘those actions upon the actions of others’ – during this period in South Africa was informed by both a liberal and a neo-liberal mentality of rule. The tensions between these two rationalities contributed to the continuation of apartheid’s socio-economic inequalities in the postapartheid era; an outcome buttressed by the contradictory impulses within basic education policy. By considering policy as a productive translation of governmental reasoning, the boundaries of intervention for future policy reforms are highlighted. These show that the inequalities that were perpetuated during the first fifteen years of democracy justify policy responses similar to those responsible for their production
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2013
- Authors: Prinsloo, Estelle Helena
- Date: 2013
- Subjects: South Africa -- Department of Basic Education , Basic education -- Government policy -- Research -- South Africa , Post-apartheid era -- Education -- South Africa , Educational change -- Research -- South Africa , South Africa -- Social conditions
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2751 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1001384
- Description: Social problems that are identified by government policy are articulated in ways that confer the responsibility of their management onto the state. In this way, policy reform serves as a means to justify political rule, as the ‘answers’ to policy failures are located within the realm of state intervention. This role of policy is maintained by the traditional definition of policy as it enables policies to be presented as the outcome of ‘necessary’ actions taken by state institutions to better the wellbeing of citizens. Since 1994, mainstream research on basic education policy in South Africa has employed traditional understandings of policy and its function. In doing so, these inquiries have failed to question the very idea of policy itself. They have also neglected to identify the productive role played by policy in the practice of power. To illuminate the necessary limits of policy reform, an alternative approach to analyse basic education policy is necessary. This thesis premises policy as discourse and advances a governmentality analysis of basic education policy during the first fifteen years of democracy (1994-2009) in South Africa. By drawing on the work of Michel Foucault, the study argues that government – ‘those actions upon the actions of others’ – during this period in South Africa was informed by both a liberal and a neo-liberal mentality of rule. The tensions between these two rationalities contributed to the continuation of apartheid’s socio-economic inequalities in the postapartheid era; an outcome buttressed by the contradictory impulses within basic education policy. By considering policy as a productive translation of governmental reasoning, the boundaries of intervention for future policy reforms are highlighted. These show that the inequalities that were perpetuated during the first fifteen years of democracy justify policy responses similar to those responsible for their production
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2013
Objecting to apartheid: the history of the end conscription campaign
- Authors: Jones, David
- Date: 2013
- Subjects: End Conscription Campaign (South Africa) , Apartheid -- South Africa , Government, Resistance to South Africa , Conscientious objection South Africa , South Africa -- Social conditions , South Africa -- Politics and government
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA (History)
- Identifier: vital:11538 , http://hdl.handle.net/10353/d1005998 , End Conscription Campaign (South Africa) , Apartheid -- South Africa , Government, Resistance to South Africa , Conscientious objection South Africa , South Africa -- Social conditions , South Africa -- Politics and government
- Description: It is important that the story of organisations like the End Conscription Campaign be recorded. The narrative of the struggle against apartheid has become a site of contestation. As the downfall of apartheid is still a relatively recent event, the history is still in the process of formation. There is much contestation over the relative contributions of different groups within the struggle. This is an important debate as it informs and shapes the politics of the present. A new official narrative is emerging which accentuates the role of particular groupings, portraying them as the heroes and the leaders of the struggle. A new elite have laid exclusive claim to the heritage of the struggle and are using this narrative to justify their hold on power through the creation of highly centralised political structures in which positions of power are reserved for loyal cadres and independent thinking and questioning are seen as a threat. A complementary tradition of grassroots democracy, of open debate and transparency, of “people’s power”, of accountability of leadership to the people fostered in the struggle is being lost. It is important to contest this narrative. We need to remember that the downfall of apartheid was brought about by a myriad combination of factors and forces. Current academic interpretations emphasize that no one group or organisation, no matter how significant its contribution, was solely responsible. There was no military victory or other decisive event which brought the collapse of the system, rather a sapping of will to pay the ever increasing cost to maintain it. The struggle against apartheid involved a groundswell, popular uprising in which the initiative came not from centralised political structures, orchestrating a grand revolt, but from ordinary South Africans who were reacting to the oppressive nature of a brutally discriminatory system which sought to control every aspect of their lives.4 Leaders and structures emerged organically as communities organised themselves around issues that affected them. Organisations that emerged were highly democratic and accountable to their members. There was no grand plan or centralised control of the process. As Walter Benjamin warned in a different context, but applicable here: “All rulers are the heirs of those who have conquered before them.” He feared that what he referred to as a historicist view constructed a version of history as a triumphal parade of progress. “Whoever has emerged victorious” he reminds us “participates to this day in the triumphal procession in which the present rulers step over those who are lying prostrate. According to traditional practice the spoils are carried along in the procession.” 5 He was warning of just such a tendency, which has been repeated so often in the past, for the victors to construct a version of history which ends up justifying a new tyranny. To counter this tendency it is important that other histories of the struggle are told – that the stories of other groups, which are marginalised by the new hegemonic discourse, are recorded.This aim of this dissertation is thus two-fold. Firstly it aims to investigate “the story” of the End Conscription Campaign, which has largely been seen as a white anti-apartheid liberal organisation. The objective is to provide a detailed historical account and periodisation of the organisation to fill in the gaps and challenge the distortions of a new emerging “official” discourse.Secondly within this framework, and by using the activities and strategies of the organisation as evidence for its suppositions, the question of the role played by the ECC in the struggle.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2013
- Authors: Jones, David
- Date: 2013
- Subjects: End Conscription Campaign (South Africa) , Apartheid -- South Africa , Government, Resistance to South Africa , Conscientious objection South Africa , South Africa -- Social conditions , South Africa -- Politics and government
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA (History)
- Identifier: vital:11538 , http://hdl.handle.net/10353/d1005998 , End Conscription Campaign (South Africa) , Apartheid -- South Africa , Government, Resistance to South Africa , Conscientious objection South Africa , South Africa -- Social conditions , South Africa -- Politics and government
- Description: It is important that the story of organisations like the End Conscription Campaign be recorded. The narrative of the struggle against apartheid has become a site of contestation. As the downfall of apartheid is still a relatively recent event, the history is still in the process of formation. There is much contestation over the relative contributions of different groups within the struggle. This is an important debate as it informs and shapes the politics of the present. A new official narrative is emerging which accentuates the role of particular groupings, portraying them as the heroes and the leaders of the struggle. A new elite have laid exclusive claim to the heritage of the struggle and are using this narrative to justify their hold on power through the creation of highly centralised political structures in which positions of power are reserved for loyal cadres and independent thinking and questioning are seen as a threat. A complementary tradition of grassroots democracy, of open debate and transparency, of “people’s power”, of accountability of leadership to the people fostered in the struggle is being lost. It is important to contest this narrative. We need to remember that the downfall of apartheid was brought about by a myriad combination of factors and forces. Current academic interpretations emphasize that no one group or organisation, no matter how significant its contribution, was solely responsible. There was no military victory or other decisive event which brought the collapse of the system, rather a sapping of will to pay the ever increasing cost to maintain it. The struggle against apartheid involved a groundswell, popular uprising in which the initiative came not from centralised political structures, orchestrating a grand revolt, but from ordinary South Africans who were reacting to the oppressive nature of a brutally discriminatory system which sought to control every aspect of their lives.4 Leaders and structures emerged organically as communities organised themselves around issues that affected them. Organisations that emerged were highly democratic and accountable to their members. There was no grand plan or centralised control of the process. As Walter Benjamin warned in a different context, but applicable here: “All rulers are the heirs of those who have conquered before them.” He feared that what he referred to as a historicist view constructed a version of history as a triumphal parade of progress. “Whoever has emerged victorious” he reminds us “participates to this day in the triumphal procession in which the present rulers step over those who are lying prostrate. According to traditional practice the spoils are carried along in the procession.” 5 He was warning of just such a tendency, which has been repeated so often in the past, for the victors to construct a version of history which ends up justifying a new tyranny. To counter this tendency it is important that other histories of the struggle are told – that the stories of other groups, which are marginalised by the new hegemonic discourse, are recorded.This aim of this dissertation is thus two-fold. Firstly it aims to investigate “the story” of the End Conscription Campaign, which has largely been seen as a white anti-apartheid liberal organisation. The objective is to provide a detailed historical account and periodisation of the organisation to fill in the gaps and challenge the distortions of a new emerging “official” discourse.Secondly within this framework, and by using the activities and strategies of the organisation as evidence for its suppositions, the question of the role played by the ECC in the struggle.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2013
Social policy and the state in South Africa: pathways for human capability development
- Authors: Monyai, Priscilla B
- Date: 2011
- Subjects: Human capital -- South Africa , Apartheid -- South Africa , Equality -- South Africa , Poverty -- South Africa , Political participation -- South Africa , South Africa -- Economic conditions , South Africa -- Social conditions
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Doctoral , PhD (Social Science Dev)
- Identifier: vital:11439 , http://hdl.handle.net/10353/d1007230 , Human capital -- South Africa , Apartheid -- South Africa , Equality -- South Africa , Poverty -- South Africa , Political participation -- South Africa , South Africa -- Economic conditions , South Africa -- Social conditions
- Description: The main focus of this thesis is the challenges that are facing social policy development and implementation in South Africa in relation to the enhancement of human capability. The study adopted a historical approach to assess the model of social policy in South Africa and identified that social relations of domination inherited from the apartheid era continuing to produce inequalities in opportunities. Social policy under the democratic government has not managed to address social inequalities and the main drivers of poverty in the form of income poverty, asset poverty and capability poverty which are the underlying factors reproducing deprivation and destitution of the majority of the population Although South Africa prides itself of a stable democracy, social inequalities continue to undermine the benefits of social citizenship because political participation in the midst of unequal access to economic and social resources undermine the value of citizenship. Also, inequalities in the distribution of income and wealth, and in the control of economic production undermine political equality which is an ethic upon which social rights are predicated. As a result, state interventions are lacking inherent potential to build human capability for people to live the life that they have reason to value. The paradox of social policy in South Africa is that the majority of those who are marginalised are those who were excluded by the apartheid regime even though state intervention is claimed to be targeting them. This points to the failure of incremental equalisation of opportunities within a context of stark social inequities. It is also an indication that the economic growth path delivered by the political transition is working to reinforce the inherited legacy of deprivation and it is avoiding questions related to the structural nature of poverty and inequalities. Therefore, a transformative social policy is an imperative for South Africa. Such a framework of social policy should be premised upon a notion of human security in order to built human capability. Human security focuses on the security of individuals and communities to strengthen human development. It emphasises on civil, political and socioeconomic rights for individual citizens to participate fully in the process of governance. Although this thesis is a case study of social policy in South Africa, it can be used to appreciate the role of social policy in other developing countries, particularly the impact of political decision making on social distribution. Poverty and social inequalities are growing problems in developing countries and so is the importance of putting these problems under the spotlight for political attention.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2011
- Authors: Monyai, Priscilla B
- Date: 2011
- Subjects: Human capital -- South Africa , Apartheid -- South Africa , Equality -- South Africa , Poverty -- South Africa , Political participation -- South Africa , South Africa -- Economic conditions , South Africa -- Social conditions
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Doctoral , PhD (Social Science Dev)
- Identifier: vital:11439 , http://hdl.handle.net/10353/d1007230 , Human capital -- South Africa , Apartheid -- South Africa , Equality -- South Africa , Poverty -- South Africa , Political participation -- South Africa , South Africa -- Economic conditions , South Africa -- Social conditions
- Description: The main focus of this thesis is the challenges that are facing social policy development and implementation in South Africa in relation to the enhancement of human capability. The study adopted a historical approach to assess the model of social policy in South Africa and identified that social relations of domination inherited from the apartheid era continuing to produce inequalities in opportunities. Social policy under the democratic government has not managed to address social inequalities and the main drivers of poverty in the form of income poverty, asset poverty and capability poverty which are the underlying factors reproducing deprivation and destitution of the majority of the population Although South Africa prides itself of a stable democracy, social inequalities continue to undermine the benefits of social citizenship because political participation in the midst of unequal access to economic and social resources undermine the value of citizenship. Also, inequalities in the distribution of income and wealth, and in the control of economic production undermine political equality which is an ethic upon which social rights are predicated. As a result, state interventions are lacking inherent potential to build human capability for people to live the life that they have reason to value. The paradox of social policy in South Africa is that the majority of those who are marginalised are those who were excluded by the apartheid regime even though state intervention is claimed to be targeting them. This points to the failure of incremental equalisation of opportunities within a context of stark social inequities. It is also an indication that the economic growth path delivered by the political transition is working to reinforce the inherited legacy of deprivation and it is avoiding questions related to the structural nature of poverty and inequalities. Therefore, a transformative social policy is an imperative for South Africa. Such a framework of social policy should be premised upon a notion of human security in order to built human capability. Human security focuses on the security of individuals and communities to strengthen human development. It emphasises on civil, political and socioeconomic rights for individual citizens to participate fully in the process of governance. Although this thesis is a case study of social policy in South Africa, it can be used to appreciate the role of social policy in other developing countries, particularly the impact of political decision making on social distribution. Poverty and social inequalities are growing problems in developing countries and so is the importance of putting these problems under the spotlight for political attention.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2011
The study of the concept and the development of social entretpreneurial models in South Africa
- Authors: Theron, Jolene
- Date: 2010
- Subjects: Social entrepreneurship -- South Africa , Social responsibility of business -- South Africa , Social problems -- South Africa , Poverty -- South Africa , South Africa -- Social conditions
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MBA
- Identifier: vital:8611 , http://hdl.handle.net/10948/1558 , Social entrepreneurship -- South Africa , Social responsibility of business -- South Africa , Social problems -- South Africa , Poverty -- South Africa , South Africa -- Social conditions
- Description: The study investigates the concept and development of social entrepreneurial models in South Africa to demonstrate how social business initiatives can thrive and increase their impact on quality of life. Extreme poverty and diminishing natural resources threaten the future existence of the human race. Transformative, cost-effective and sustainable solutions are necessary to address the most challenging social problems. The study explores the speculation that creation of social value naturally progressed to increase economic value. Governments and philanthropic efforts have to date, failed to offer effective solutions to social problems. Independently, no sector is able to handle the scale, cost and extent of the current social issues facing humanity. In order to address this gap the study considers the business models followed by the public, private and non-profit sectors. It then introduces the concept of social entrepreneurship and explores the use of a hybrid business model as a possible solution. It is argued that transformative, cost-effective and sustainable solutions to the most critical social problems within South Africa can only be generated once these different sectors collaborate to leverage public and private resources. The method used in approaching the study was: Identifying the need for new forms of social value creation and identifying specific ventures emerging to address these needs; Recognising the key factors enabling social entrepreneurs to accomplish ambitious task, create large social impact and influence economic value; Establishing the most predominant social problems threatening the future sustainability of society and economy in South Africa; Identifying the most strategic business model able to create transformation, sustainability and deliver both economic and social value; Establishing the guidelines, support and resources needed to strengthen social entrepreneurial behaviour and social entrepreneurial initiatives within South Africa. The objective of the study was firstly achieved through an analysis of literature related to the topic of social entrepreneurship. The literature study explored the origins of traditional entrepreneurship and entrepreneurial characteristics. It then went on to discover the concept of social entrepreneurship and made a clear definition between the different types of social entrepreneurship, separating the social entrepreneurial venture from charity and corporate social responsibility. The literature study looked further into the characteristics of a social entrepreneur, the need for new forms of social value creation, the opportunities that exist and the impact created by social entrepreneurship. The second part of the analysis strictly focussed on social entrepreneurship in South Africa and the role each sector plays in addressing social issues. The most critical social issues in South Africa were identified with emphasise on the change needed. The methodology used was the case study method. A single-case study was conducted with the Freeplay Energy Group, presenting a successful social entrepreneurial venture, serving as a good business model example for the South African environment. A qualitative approach was followed with the objective of testing theory. By comparing the theory identified in the literary review with the findings of the case study, it was possible to investigate the concept and development of social entrepreneurial models in South Africa. The conclusions demonstrate how social business initiatives can thrive and increase their impact on quality of life. The most strategic business model identified was one which integrated the public, private and non-profit sectors with social entrepreneurship. The collaboration of all the sectors with social entrepreneurship results in social value creation which gives impetus to economic value creation. The findings were documented with specific conclusions being made and offered suggestions for future research.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2010
- Authors: Theron, Jolene
- Date: 2010
- Subjects: Social entrepreneurship -- South Africa , Social responsibility of business -- South Africa , Social problems -- South Africa , Poverty -- South Africa , South Africa -- Social conditions
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MBA
- Identifier: vital:8611 , http://hdl.handle.net/10948/1558 , Social entrepreneurship -- South Africa , Social responsibility of business -- South Africa , Social problems -- South Africa , Poverty -- South Africa , South Africa -- Social conditions
- Description: The study investigates the concept and development of social entrepreneurial models in South Africa to demonstrate how social business initiatives can thrive and increase their impact on quality of life. Extreme poverty and diminishing natural resources threaten the future existence of the human race. Transformative, cost-effective and sustainable solutions are necessary to address the most challenging social problems. The study explores the speculation that creation of social value naturally progressed to increase economic value. Governments and philanthropic efforts have to date, failed to offer effective solutions to social problems. Independently, no sector is able to handle the scale, cost and extent of the current social issues facing humanity. In order to address this gap the study considers the business models followed by the public, private and non-profit sectors. It then introduces the concept of social entrepreneurship and explores the use of a hybrid business model as a possible solution. It is argued that transformative, cost-effective and sustainable solutions to the most critical social problems within South Africa can only be generated once these different sectors collaborate to leverage public and private resources. The method used in approaching the study was: Identifying the need for new forms of social value creation and identifying specific ventures emerging to address these needs; Recognising the key factors enabling social entrepreneurs to accomplish ambitious task, create large social impact and influence economic value; Establishing the most predominant social problems threatening the future sustainability of society and economy in South Africa; Identifying the most strategic business model able to create transformation, sustainability and deliver both economic and social value; Establishing the guidelines, support and resources needed to strengthen social entrepreneurial behaviour and social entrepreneurial initiatives within South Africa. The objective of the study was firstly achieved through an analysis of literature related to the topic of social entrepreneurship. The literature study explored the origins of traditional entrepreneurship and entrepreneurial characteristics. It then went on to discover the concept of social entrepreneurship and made a clear definition between the different types of social entrepreneurship, separating the social entrepreneurial venture from charity and corporate social responsibility. The literature study looked further into the characteristics of a social entrepreneur, the need for new forms of social value creation, the opportunities that exist and the impact created by social entrepreneurship. The second part of the analysis strictly focussed on social entrepreneurship in South Africa and the role each sector plays in addressing social issues. The most critical social issues in South Africa were identified with emphasise on the change needed. The methodology used was the case study method. A single-case study was conducted with the Freeplay Energy Group, presenting a successful social entrepreneurial venture, serving as a good business model example for the South African environment. A qualitative approach was followed with the objective of testing theory. By comparing the theory identified in the literary review with the findings of the case study, it was possible to investigate the concept and development of social entrepreneurial models in South Africa. The conclusions demonstrate how social business initiatives can thrive and increase their impact on quality of life. The most strategic business model identified was one which integrated the public, private and non-profit sectors with social entrepreneurship. The collaboration of all the sectors with social entrepreneurship results in social value creation which gives impetus to economic value creation. The findings were documented with specific conclusions being made and offered suggestions for future research.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2010
The Educational Journal
- Date: 2006-03
- Subjects: Education -- South Africa , Economics -- South Africa , South Africa -- Social conditions
- Language: English
- Type: text , Article
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10948/38279 , vital:34542 , Bulk File 7
- Description: The Educational Journal was the official organ of the Teachers' League of South Africa and focussed on education within the context of a racialized South Africa. From the 2000s, the journal was published by the National Union of Public Service and Allied Workers (NUPSAW), a trade union formed in August 1998 from the amalgamation of militant and moderate trade unions and also operated in the education sphere.
- Full Text: false
- Date Issued: 2006-03
- Date: 2006-03
- Subjects: Education -- South Africa , Economics -- South Africa , South Africa -- Social conditions
- Language: English
- Type: text , Article
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10948/38279 , vital:34542 , Bulk File 7
- Description: The Educational Journal was the official organ of the Teachers' League of South Africa and focussed on education within the context of a racialized South Africa. From the 2000s, the journal was published by the National Union of Public Service and Allied Workers (NUPSAW), a trade union formed in August 1998 from the amalgamation of militant and moderate trade unions and also operated in the education sphere.
- Full Text: false
- Date Issued: 2006-03
The Educational Journal
- Date: 2005-12
- Subjects: Economics -- South Africa , South Africa -- Economic conditions , South Africa -- Social conditions
- Language: English
- Type: text , Article
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10948/38269 , vital:34539 , Bulk File 7
- Description: The Educational Journal was the official organ of the Teachers' League of South Africa and focussed on education within the context of a racialized South Africa. From the 2000s, the journal was published by the National Union of Public Service and Allied Workers (NUPSAW), a trade union formed in August 1998 from the amalgamation of militant and moderate trade unions and also operated in the education sphere.
- Full Text: false
- Date Issued: 2005-12
- Date: 2005-12
- Subjects: Economics -- South Africa , South Africa -- Economic conditions , South Africa -- Social conditions
- Language: English
- Type: text , Article
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10948/38269 , vital:34539 , Bulk File 7
- Description: The Educational Journal was the official organ of the Teachers' League of South Africa and focussed on education within the context of a racialized South Africa. From the 2000s, the journal was published by the National Union of Public Service and Allied Workers (NUPSAW), a trade union formed in August 1998 from the amalgamation of militant and moderate trade unions and also operated in the education sphere.
- Full Text: false
- Date Issued: 2005-12
The Apdusan: African People's Democratic Union of Southern Africa
- African People's Democratic Union of Southern Africa
- Authors: African People's Democratic Union of Southern Africa
- Date: 1999-10
- Subjects: APDUSA -- Periodicals , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1994- -- Periodicals , South Africa -- Economic conditions -- 1991- -- Periodicals , South Africa -- Social conditions
- Language: English
- Type: text , book
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/76095 , vital:30503
- Description: After many deadlocks, accusations of negotiating in bad faith, marches and lunch-time pickets, more than 600,000 Public Sector Workers went on strike on 24 August 1999. The government then unilaterally implemented a 6.3% increase for public servants against their original demand of 10-15% increase. "The dispute goes back to January 1999, to a workshop dealing with the budgetary process. At this meeting the Department of Finance outlined its Medium-Term Expenditure Framework, for the first time to the public sector workers. In the MTEF the parameters for wage cuts, and 'non-negotiability’ were already set. All unions in the public service bargaining council presented their wage demands - 10% to 15%” [COSATU paper on Public Sector Workers Fight for a Living Wage.] Thereafter COSATU and government officials met over the next few months until May 1999, when a dispute was declared. On the 29th March 1999, COSATU commented ‘To the Unions it is clear, government is not prepared to negotiate - it has already made up its mind’ [COSATU document - Public Sector Workers Fight for a Living Wage] During the period May-June COSATU Unions decided to “throw their weight behind the ANC election campaign.’’[ibid.]. By the August 1999 the unions compromised their demand from 10% to 7.3% increase. Towards the end of August the government unilaterally implemented ei 6.3% increase for public sector workers, and 4% increase for itself. It then went on an ideological media campaign against the workers claiming that the 4% increase for members of parliament is much less than what has been granted to the public sector workers. , Vol. 5 no. 3
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1999-10
- Authors: African People's Democratic Union of Southern Africa
- Date: 1999-10
- Subjects: APDUSA -- Periodicals , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1994- -- Periodicals , South Africa -- Economic conditions -- 1991- -- Periodicals , South Africa -- Social conditions
- Language: English
- Type: text , book
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/76095 , vital:30503
- Description: After many deadlocks, accusations of negotiating in bad faith, marches and lunch-time pickets, more than 600,000 Public Sector Workers went on strike on 24 August 1999. The government then unilaterally implemented a 6.3% increase for public servants against their original demand of 10-15% increase. "The dispute goes back to January 1999, to a workshop dealing with the budgetary process. At this meeting the Department of Finance outlined its Medium-Term Expenditure Framework, for the first time to the public sector workers. In the MTEF the parameters for wage cuts, and 'non-negotiability’ were already set. All unions in the public service bargaining council presented their wage demands - 10% to 15%” [COSATU paper on Public Sector Workers Fight for a Living Wage.] Thereafter COSATU and government officials met over the next few months until May 1999, when a dispute was declared. On the 29th March 1999, COSATU commented ‘To the Unions it is clear, government is not prepared to negotiate - it has already made up its mind’ [COSATU document - Public Sector Workers Fight for a Living Wage] During the period May-June COSATU Unions decided to “throw their weight behind the ANC election campaign.’’[ibid.]. By the August 1999 the unions compromised their demand from 10% to 7.3% increase. Towards the end of August the government unilaterally implemented ei 6.3% increase for public sector workers, and 4% increase for itself. It then went on an ideological media campaign against the workers claiming that the 4% increase for members of parliament is much less than what has been granted to the public sector workers. , Vol. 5 no. 3
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1999-10
The manufacture of chaos and compromise: an analysis of the path to reform in South Africa
- Authors: Ryklief, Cheryl Cecelia
- Date: 1996
- Subjects: South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1994- , Apartheid -- South Africa -- History , South Africa -- Race relations , Black people -- South Africa -- Politics and government , South Africa -- Social conditions
- Language: English
- Type: text , thesis
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/76218 , vital:30521
- Description: This dissertation examines the factors leading to the opening of negotiations to majority rule in South Africa. It argues that changes to the socio-economic environment led to the growth of the strategic relevance of the black working class, and also created certain points of collision between the black working class and the policies of the state. These sectoral collisions engendered both the partial reforms of the Botha era as well as the rejection of these reforms by the black majority. The developments that emerged from the ensuing process of reform, resistance and repression in the 1980s weakened both the state and the black opposition sufficiently to allow for the emergence of a consensual solution to the political stalemate. , Dissertation submitted in accordance with the requirements of the University of Liverpool for the degree of Master of Arts
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1996
- Authors: Ryklief, Cheryl Cecelia
- Date: 1996
- Subjects: South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1994- , Apartheid -- South Africa -- History , South Africa -- Race relations , Black people -- South Africa -- Politics and government , South Africa -- Social conditions
- Language: English
- Type: text , thesis
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/76218 , vital:30521
- Description: This dissertation examines the factors leading to the opening of negotiations to majority rule in South Africa. It argues that changes to the socio-economic environment led to the growth of the strategic relevance of the black working class, and also created certain points of collision between the black working class and the policies of the state. These sectoral collisions engendered both the partial reforms of the Botha era as well as the rejection of these reforms by the black majority. The developments that emerged from the ensuing process of reform, resistance and repression in the 1980s weakened both the state and the black opposition sufficiently to allow for the emergence of a consensual solution to the political stalemate. , Dissertation submitted in accordance with the requirements of the University of Liverpool for the degree of Master of Arts
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1996
A study of some aspects of the poor white problem in South Africa
- Authors: Lewis, Robert Alexander
- Date: 1979
- Subjects: Poor white problem , Afrikaners -- Economic conditions , Poor -- South Africa , South Africa -- Economic conditions , South Africa -- Social conditions
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2524 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1001853
- Description: The first instance of the poor white problem being dramatically brought to the attention of white South Africa was in 1893 when Rev. Andrew Murray issued an open letter on the subject which resulted in the convening of the first of many Dutch Reformed Church conferences on the problem (Introduction, p. 1).
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1979
- Authors: Lewis, Robert Alexander
- Date: 1979
- Subjects: Poor white problem , Afrikaners -- Economic conditions , Poor -- South Africa , South Africa -- Economic conditions , South Africa -- Social conditions
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2524 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1001853
- Description: The first instance of the poor white problem being dramatically brought to the attention of white South Africa was in 1893 when Rev. Andrew Murray issued an open letter on the subject which resulted in the convening of the first of many Dutch Reformed Church conferences on the problem (Introduction, p. 1).
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1979
Social cohesion: is it possible in a diverse society?
- Authors: Pauw, H C
- Subjects: Social interaction -- South Africa , South Africa -- Social conditions , f-sa
- Language: English
- Type: text , Lectures
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10948/21914 , vital:29801
- Description: The Faculty of Arts has been requested to drive one of the NMMU research themes, namely "Social cohesion". Being a memeber of the Faculty of Arts and from the School of Governance and Social Sciences I have decided to provide some input regarding this theme. South Africa experienced violent xenophobic attacks on non-South African Africans during May 2008. In a report in The Times (17 June 2008) under the title Mandela calls for 'Social cohesion', former president Nelson Mandela urged the youth of South Africa to work for social cohesion in the country. "The struggle for democracy has never been a matter pursued by one race, class, religious community or gender among South Africans. As future leaders of this country, your challenge is to foster a nation in which all people, irrespective of race, colour, sex, religion or creed, can ascertain a social cohesion fully," (http://www.TheTimes-Mandela calls for 'social cohesion'.htm). My perspective regarding humans is, to paraphrase the late Clyde Kluckhohn, that: Every human is like all other humans, some other humans and no other human.
- Full Text: false
- Authors: Pauw, H C
- Subjects: Social interaction -- South Africa , South Africa -- Social conditions , f-sa
- Language: English
- Type: text , Lectures
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10948/21914 , vital:29801
- Description: The Faculty of Arts has been requested to drive one of the NMMU research themes, namely "Social cohesion". Being a memeber of the Faculty of Arts and from the School of Governance and Social Sciences I have decided to provide some input regarding this theme. South Africa experienced violent xenophobic attacks on non-South African Africans during May 2008. In a report in The Times (17 June 2008) under the title Mandela calls for 'Social cohesion', former president Nelson Mandela urged the youth of South Africa to work for social cohesion in the country. "The struggle for democracy has never been a matter pursued by one race, class, religious community or gender among South Africans. As future leaders of this country, your challenge is to foster a nation in which all people, irrespective of race, colour, sex, religion or creed, can ascertain a social cohesion fully," (http://www.TheTimes-Mandela calls for 'social cohesion'.htm). My perspective regarding humans is, to paraphrase the late Clyde Kluckhohn, that: Every human is like all other humans, some other humans and no other human.
- Full Text: false
Structure and agency in the age of climate change
- Authors: Cherry, Janet
- Subjects: South Africa -- Economic conditions , South Africa -- Social conditions , f-sa
- Language: English
- Type: text , Lectures
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10948/21033 , vital:29429
- Description: What I will present here is based on my grappling over the past three decades with one of the central problems of social science – the relationship between social structure and human agency. This is not a new problem for social scientists; from Karl Marx, who understood that human beings make history, but not in circumstances of their choosing; to the French structuralists who conceived the term ‘relative autonomy’ and ‘overdetermination’; to Anthony Giddens’ ‘structuration theory’ and other contemporary sociologists. What is new are the changing physical circumstances of the world in which we live, which mean that human society can no longer afford to analyse ourselves and our social, political and economic systems independently of the natural world.
- Full Text:
- Authors: Cherry, Janet
- Subjects: South Africa -- Economic conditions , South Africa -- Social conditions , f-sa
- Language: English
- Type: text , Lectures
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10948/21033 , vital:29429
- Description: What I will present here is based on my grappling over the past three decades with one of the central problems of social science – the relationship between social structure and human agency. This is not a new problem for social scientists; from Karl Marx, who understood that human beings make history, but not in circumstances of their choosing; to the French structuralists who conceived the term ‘relative autonomy’ and ‘overdetermination’; to Anthony Giddens’ ‘structuration theory’ and other contemporary sociologists. What is new are the changing physical circumstances of the world in which we live, which mean that human society can no longer afford to analyse ourselves and our social, political and economic systems independently of the natural world.
- Full Text:
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