Tribute to the late Violet Seboni, 1965-2009
- South African Clothing and Textile Workers' Union
- Authors: South African Clothing and Textile Workers' Union
- Date: 2009?
- Subjects: South African Clothing and Textile Workers' Union , Labour unions -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: text , pamphlet
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/110537 , vital:33297
- Description: Violet Seboni was born on 18 September 1965. It was to be a turbulent start to life for this young girl who never got to know her father, in a story that started in sadness. And shortly after her birth, it was her mother too that she lost in circumstances that no one should experience. She knew pain and later in life she stood up for those in pain. Young Violet was raised by her grandmother for the first few years of her life, and when her grandmother died, it was her granny’s friend - in a culture where ubuntu requires that we reach out to others - who took on the responsibility to rear the young girl and to become her comforter, her provider, her mother. Violet went to primary school and later to Madibane High School in Diepkloof, where she developed a love for netball and a passion for activism. After high school, she became pregnant and her beloved daughter Lesego was born. She looked for work, and like generations of young, working- class women before her, she turned to the clothing industry, to use her hands, her dexterity and her skill to earn a living to feed her young family. The role the industry plays, to give work, bread and life to those in need, is in itself a reason not to let the industry die simply due to the cold, harsh winds of global competition and indifference or inaction from those who have the power to intervene, to use trade measures and to use industrial policy tools to save jobs and absorb our people into decent work opportunities. The industry that young Violet chose is one whose factories in Joburg grew with the discovery of minerals and the rapid growth of an urban population that needed to be clothed. Violet’s predecessors in the industry were white women sewing machinists, mainly Afrikaners, often the wives and daughters of the Afrikaner mineworkers who as 'by-woners', were like their black brethren, driven off the land and into the cities hungry for labour. Trade unionism took root among the male mineworkers - Die Mynwerkers Unie was their vehicle - and among female garment workers - through the Garment Workers Union. , A new growth path for decent work in the clothing, textile, footwear and leather industry
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2009?
- Authors: South African Clothing and Textile Workers' Union
- Date: 2009?
- Subjects: South African Clothing and Textile Workers' Union , Labour unions -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: text , pamphlet
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/110537 , vital:33297
- Description: Violet Seboni was born on 18 September 1965. It was to be a turbulent start to life for this young girl who never got to know her father, in a story that started in sadness. And shortly after her birth, it was her mother too that she lost in circumstances that no one should experience. She knew pain and later in life she stood up for those in pain. Young Violet was raised by her grandmother for the first few years of her life, and when her grandmother died, it was her granny’s friend - in a culture where ubuntu requires that we reach out to others - who took on the responsibility to rear the young girl and to become her comforter, her provider, her mother. Violet went to primary school and later to Madibane High School in Diepkloof, where she developed a love for netball and a passion for activism. After high school, she became pregnant and her beloved daughter Lesego was born. She looked for work, and like generations of young, working- class women before her, she turned to the clothing industry, to use her hands, her dexterity and her skill to earn a living to feed her young family. The role the industry plays, to give work, bread and life to those in need, is in itself a reason not to let the industry die simply due to the cold, harsh winds of global competition and indifference or inaction from those who have the power to intervene, to use trade measures and to use industrial policy tools to save jobs and absorb our people into decent work opportunities. The industry that young Violet chose is one whose factories in Joburg grew with the discovery of minerals and the rapid growth of an urban population that needed to be clothed. Violet’s predecessors in the industry were white women sewing machinists, mainly Afrikaners, often the wives and daughters of the Afrikaner mineworkers who as 'by-woners', were like their black brethren, driven off the land and into the cities hungry for labour. Trade unionism took root among the male mineworkers - Die Mynwerkers Unie was their vehicle - and among female garment workers - through the Garment Workers Union. , A new growth path for decent work in the clothing, textile, footwear and leather industry
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2009?
An industrial strategy for the South African footwear subsector
- Authors: Ismail, Faizel
- Date: 1993-03
- Subjects: Footwear industry -- Economic aspects -- South Africa , Footwear industry -- South Africa -- Planning , Labour unions -- South Africa , Economic policy
- Language: English
- Type: text , book
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/66033 , vital:28885
- Description: There is an emerging consensus amongst economic policy makers that amongst the most important development problems facing South Africa today are the extremely high unemployment levels (estimated at 40% of the formal labour force) and the need to satisfy the basic needs of South Africa's population (ie, food, shelter, clothing and footwear etc). There is also agreement that in order to achieve these twin objectives it is necessary to obtain positive and increasing economic growth rates. The question of how these high and sustainable economic growth rates can be achieved has spawned an intense debate about South Africa's future growth path. This debate about South Africa's economic future after Apartheid is based on differing evaluations of the opportunities offered by the country's current resource endowments and the constraints inhibiting growth (Moll, 1991a, 1991b; Kaplinsky, 1991; Jordan, 1991, Levy, 1991). Some writers1 have argued that a low wage, labour intensive export strategy is the only way that South Africa can rapidly create employment and meet the needs of international competition (Moll, 1991a). Moll therefore argues that increasing the demand for unskilled labour will benefit the poor most. To compete successfully internationally on the basis of low wages (as Moll suggests) is only possible by increasing relative poverty, resulting in increases in absolute poverty, it has been argued (Kaplinsky, 1992). The recent literature (Amsden, 1989; Wade, 1990) on the success of the East Asian NICs (particularly South Korea and Taiwan) strongly refutes the neo-classical view (Little, 1979; Lai, 1983) that developing countries should grow by exploiting their static Comparative Advantage (CA), that is, exploiting the availability of abundant cheap labour. These writers (Amsden, 1989; Wade, 1990) argue that developing countries can move up the value added chain - making it possible for them to pay relatively higher wages - by selective intervention in the market A recent World Bank study (Levy, 1991) analyses the potential of South Africa's manufacturing sector to move on to a dynamic labour-demanding growth path. In analysing the potential of the Garment Sector (the most labour-intensive sector), Levy (1991) argues that South Africa's international comparative advantage lies in the mid- to-upper end of the world garment industry and expanding expons from this sector will increase employment and allow "moderate increases in real wages". In this paper we develop Levy's proposition - that a labour-demanding expon strategy is possible in South Africa for the Garment subsector - for the Footwear subsector. This study will focus on the Footwear subsector for the following reasons. This is a mature industry which is well-established in South Africa. It still remains labour-intensive and well suited like the garment subsector for a labour demanding growth strategy (Levy, 1992). It has a well developed infrastructure in South Africa. However the relative performance of this sector in comparison to that of countries at similar levels of development (the NICs) has been poor (discussed below). It is striking that Footwear has been a leading export sector for the most dynamic, Developing, as well as, Southern European economies during the 1970s and 1980s (Taiwan, Korea, Brazil, Italy, Spain, Portugal, China). Two sets of questions arise from the above discussion. Firstly, like the manufacturing sector as a whole, the performance of the South Afi can Footwear subsector has been unspectacular during the 1970s and 1980s. Why has ihis been so? What is the capability of the Footwear sector to supply the domestic market and to compete internationally ie, export? What are the implications of this for industrial policy? What incentives have been supplied to support the development of this sector and how effective have they been? What incentives will be required to advance the restructuring and development of this sector? What institutions exist in support of this industry and how can these institutions be developed and extended? Secondly, as South Africa develops a more outward oriented manufacturing strategy, it will have to understand the changing nature of international markets and international competition. How have these markets changed? What is the new basis of international competitiveness? What are the implications for South Africa? The objective of this study is to attempt to answer these two sets of questions. The second set of questions will not be answered in any detail in this study, but will draw extensively on a study undertaken by the author (see Ismail, 1992). Previous attempts at developing an analyses and strategy for the industry have been inward oriented (see Van Wyk's IDC Report, 1988) and ad hoc (BTI, 1990). Whilst Sid Cohn's Strat Plan 2000 has gone furthest in developing a systemic approach to the footwear industry, his focus on subcontracting as the main (labour) cost cutting measure has only served to gloss over the underlying inefficiencies of the industry in the management of raw materials and production. We provide a brief summary and critique of these strategies below before presenting a summary of our argument.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1993-03
- Authors: Ismail, Faizel
- Date: 1993-03
- Subjects: Footwear industry -- Economic aspects -- South Africa , Footwear industry -- South Africa -- Planning , Labour unions -- South Africa , Economic policy
- Language: English
- Type: text , book
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/66033 , vital:28885
- Description: There is an emerging consensus amongst economic policy makers that amongst the most important development problems facing South Africa today are the extremely high unemployment levels (estimated at 40% of the formal labour force) and the need to satisfy the basic needs of South Africa's population (ie, food, shelter, clothing and footwear etc). There is also agreement that in order to achieve these twin objectives it is necessary to obtain positive and increasing economic growth rates. The question of how these high and sustainable economic growth rates can be achieved has spawned an intense debate about South Africa's future growth path. This debate about South Africa's economic future after Apartheid is based on differing evaluations of the opportunities offered by the country's current resource endowments and the constraints inhibiting growth (Moll, 1991a, 1991b; Kaplinsky, 1991; Jordan, 1991, Levy, 1991). Some writers1 have argued that a low wage, labour intensive export strategy is the only way that South Africa can rapidly create employment and meet the needs of international competition (Moll, 1991a). Moll therefore argues that increasing the demand for unskilled labour will benefit the poor most. To compete successfully internationally on the basis of low wages (as Moll suggests) is only possible by increasing relative poverty, resulting in increases in absolute poverty, it has been argued (Kaplinsky, 1992). The recent literature (Amsden, 1989; Wade, 1990) on the success of the East Asian NICs (particularly South Korea and Taiwan) strongly refutes the neo-classical view (Little, 1979; Lai, 1983) that developing countries should grow by exploiting their static Comparative Advantage (CA), that is, exploiting the availability of abundant cheap labour. These writers (Amsden, 1989; Wade, 1990) argue that developing countries can move up the value added chain - making it possible for them to pay relatively higher wages - by selective intervention in the market A recent World Bank study (Levy, 1991) analyses the potential of South Africa's manufacturing sector to move on to a dynamic labour-demanding growth path. In analysing the potential of the Garment Sector (the most labour-intensive sector), Levy (1991) argues that South Africa's international comparative advantage lies in the mid- to-upper end of the world garment industry and expanding expons from this sector will increase employment and allow "moderate increases in real wages". In this paper we develop Levy's proposition - that a labour-demanding expon strategy is possible in South Africa for the Garment subsector - for the Footwear subsector. This study will focus on the Footwear subsector for the following reasons. This is a mature industry which is well-established in South Africa. It still remains labour-intensive and well suited like the garment subsector for a labour demanding growth strategy (Levy, 1992). It has a well developed infrastructure in South Africa. However the relative performance of this sector in comparison to that of countries at similar levels of development (the NICs) has been poor (discussed below). It is striking that Footwear has been a leading export sector for the most dynamic, Developing, as well as, Southern European economies during the 1970s and 1980s (Taiwan, Korea, Brazil, Italy, Spain, Portugal, China). Two sets of questions arise from the above discussion. Firstly, like the manufacturing sector as a whole, the performance of the South Afi can Footwear subsector has been unspectacular during the 1970s and 1980s. Why has ihis been so? What is the capability of the Footwear sector to supply the domestic market and to compete internationally ie, export? What are the implications of this for industrial policy? What incentives have been supplied to support the development of this sector and how effective have they been? What incentives will be required to advance the restructuring and development of this sector? What institutions exist in support of this industry and how can these institutions be developed and extended? Secondly, as South Africa develops a more outward oriented manufacturing strategy, it will have to understand the changing nature of international markets and international competition. How have these markets changed? What is the new basis of international competitiveness? What are the implications for South Africa? The objective of this study is to attempt to answer these two sets of questions. The second set of questions will not be answered in any detail in this study, but will draw extensively on a study undertaken by the author (see Ismail, 1992). Previous attempts at developing an analyses and strategy for the industry have been inward oriented (see Van Wyk's IDC Report, 1988) and ad hoc (BTI, 1990). Whilst Sid Cohn's Strat Plan 2000 has gone furthest in developing a systemic approach to the footwear industry, his focus on subcontracting as the main (labour) cost cutting measure has only served to gloss over the underlying inefficiencies of the industry in the management of raw materials and production. We provide a brief summary and critique of these strategies below before presenting a summary of our argument.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1993-03
The story of Jane G
- Authors: Cape Action League (C.A.L.)
- Date: 1989
- Subjects: Champion, A W G (Allison Wessels George), 1893-1975 , Capitalism -- South Africa , Civil rights movements -- South Africa , Trade Unions -- South Africa , Labour unions -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: book , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/60143 , vital:27741
- Description: Jane G, first appeared as a series in Solidarity, the mouthpiece of the Cape Action League. The series was read by activists in community, student, youth and worker organisations. At the request of readers, the Cape Action League decided to publish the series as a booklet. The book is written in easy English in order for it to be used by workers and their allies as an instrument for active struggle against all forms of oppression and exploitation. The story of Jane G has its roots in the daily experiences of an ordinary black working mother living in South Africa/Azania. She is the mother you meet at the bus stop, meet in the taxi, talk to at the corner shop or prayer meeting. In this series, Jane G’s struggle is typical of the millions of workers suffering a similar fate in our country. Jane speaks of the hardship she faces under the exploitative cycle of earning low wages and paying high rents. The burden of working long hours and paying high prices for basic food in order to look after her family. She finds relief by joining the Clothing Workers’ Union which organises workers at the Rex-Tex factory where she works.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1989
- Authors: Cape Action League (C.A.L.)
- Date: 1989
- Subjects: Champion, A W G (Allison Wessels George), 1893-1975 , Capitalism -- South Africa , Civil rights movements -- South Africa , Trade Unions -- South Africa , Labour unions -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: book , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/60143 , vital:27741
- Description: Jane G, first appeared as a series in Solidarity, the mouthpiece of the Cape Action League. The series was read by activists in community, student, youth and worker organisations. At the request of readers, the Cape Action League decided to publish the series as a booklet. The book is written in easy English in order for it to be used by workers and their allies as an instrument for active struggle against all forms of oppression and exploitation. The story of Jane G has its roots in the daily experiences of an ordinary black working mother living in South Africa/Azania. She is the mother you meet at the bus stop, meet in the taxi, talk to at the corner shop or prayer meeting. In this series, Jane G’s struggle is typical of the millions of workers suffering a similar fate in our country. Jane speaks of the hardship she faces under the exploitative cycle of earning low wages and paying high rents. The burden of working long hours and paying high prices for basic food in order to look after her family. She finds relief by joining the Clothing Workers’ Union which organises workers at the Rex-Tex factory where she works.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1989
Procedures for the resolution of labour disputes
- Authors: Bezuidenhout, G
- Date: 1988-08-04
- Subjects: Labour disputes -- South Africa , Labour movement -- South Africa , Labour unions -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: text , book
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/76936 , vital:30643
- Description: After SACCOLA's expulsion from the International Organization of Employers in 1983 the committee decided to explore areas of domestic activity consistent with its objectives of discussing employer views on labour affairs, and representing these views where agreement amongst employers existed. As the National Manpower Commission had shortly afterwards published a lengthy report dealing, inter alia, with the role of the Industrial Court and the definition of the unfair labour practice concept, SACCOLA set up a working party to see if employer consensus could be achieved on these issues. SACCOLA succeeded in agreeing a 18 page document, which was submitted to the Department of Manpower on 28 August 1984. This was subsequently acknowledged by the Director General of Manpower to have been one of the most comprehensive reactions to this report. In his reaction to the report, however, Dr Van der Merwe noted that legislative change would be greatly facilitated by labour/employer agreement, and he therefore suggested that SACCOLA should discuss its proposals with union federations.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1988-08-04
- Authors: Bezuidenhout, G
- Date: 1988-08-04
- Subjects: Labour disputes -- South Africa , Labour movement -- South Africa , Labour unions -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: text , book
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/76936 , vital:30643
- Description: After SACCOLA's expulsion from the International Organization of Employers in 1983 the committee decided to explore areas of domestic activity consistent with its objectives of discussing employer views on labour affairs, and representing these views where agreement amongst employers existed. As the National Manpower Commission had shortly afterwards published a lengthy report dealing, inter alia, with the role of the Industrial Court and the definition of the unfair labour practice concept, SACCOLA set up a working party to see if employer consensus could be achieved on these issues. SACCOLA succeeded in agreeing a 18 page document, which was submitted to the Department of Manpower on 28 August 1984. This was subsequently acknowledged by the Director General of Manpower to have been one of the most comprehensive reactions to this report. In his reaction to the report, however, Dr Van der Merwe noted that legislative change would be greatly facilitated by labour/employer agreement, and he therefore suggested that SACCOLA should discuss its proposals with union federations.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1988-08-04
Transport and General Workers Union: Newsletter May, 1988
- Transport and General Workers' Union (South Africa)
- Authors: Transport and General Workers' Union (South Africa)
- Date: 1988-05
- Subjects: Labour unions -- South Africa , Transport workers -- Labour unions -- South Africa
- Language: eng
- Type: text , pamphlet
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/98181 , vital:31551
- Description: In April COSATU held a very important conference - their first Women's Conference. 12 TGWU women went to the conference and took part in the workshops on Women at Work, Women and Health and Safety, Women in the Unions, and Women in the Community. The conference put forward some important and new ideas for unions to act on.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1988-05
- Authors: Transport and General Workers' Union (South Africa)
- Date: 1988-05
- Subjects: Labour unions -- South Africa , Transport workers -- Labour unions -- South Africa
- Language: eng
- Type: text , pamphlet
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/98181 , vital:31551
- Description: In April COSATU held a very important conference - their first Women's Conference. 12 TGWU women went to the conference and took part in the workshops on Women at Work, Women and Health and Safety, Women in the Unions, and Women in the Community. The conference put forward some important and new ideas for unions to act on.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1988-05
Transport and General Workers Union: Newsletter April, 1988
- TGWU
- Authors: TGWU
- Date: 1988-04
- Subjects: Labour unions -- South Africa , Collective bargaining , Collective labour agreements , Transport workers -- Labour unions -- South Africa
- Language: eng
- Type: text , book
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/77048 , vital:30661
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1988-04
- Authors: TGWU
- Date: 1988-04
- Subjects: Labour unions -- South Africa , Collective bargaining , Collective labour agreements , Transport workers -- Labour unions -- South Africa
- Language: eng
- Type: text , book
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/77048 , vital:30661
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1988-04
Transport and General Workers Union: Newsletter January, 1988
- TGWU
- Authors: TGWU
- Date: 1988-01
- Subjects: Labour unions -- South Africa , Collective bargaining , Collective labour agreements , Transport workers -- Labour unions -- South Africa
- Language: eng
- Type: text , pamphlet
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/98154 , vital:31548
- Description: Drastic changes to Labour Relations Act: the government are trying to clip the wings of the union movement. There is a Labour Relations Amendment Bill in Parliament at the moment. If this bill becomes law this year, the labour movement will be very weak.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1988-01
- Authors: TGWU
- Date: 1988-01
- Subjects: Labour unions -- South Africa , Collective bargaining , Collective labour agreements , Transport workers -- Labour unions -- South Africa
- Language: eng
- Type: text , pamphlet
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/98154 , vital:31548
- Description: Drastic changes to Labour Relations Act: the government are trying to clip the wings of the union movement. There is a Labour Relations Amendment Bill in Parliament at the moment. If this bill becomes law this year, the labour movement will be very weak.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1988-01
Transport and General Workers Union: Newsletter November, 1987
- Transport and General Workers' Union (South Africa)
- Authors: Transport and General Workers' Union (South Africa)
- Date: 1987-09
- Subjects: Labour unions -- South Africa , Transport workers -- Labour unions -- South Africa
- Language: eng
- Type: text , pamphlet
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/98254 , vital:31559
- Description: On 12 November about 1000 security guards at South African Security Services in Springs went on strike. Workers were angry about the dismissal of 7 workers and management refused to meet the workers. So workers stopped work. Twice management told workers to report to work. Both times the bosses did not send transport. Then the bosses told workers to come to the head office. Workers went, the police arrived and arrested 10 shop stewards. The bosses tried to get workers to say that TGWU forced workers to strike. The director even tortured a shop steward with electric shocks to force him to sign a statement. The shop steward has laid a charge against the director for assault. The strike lasted 7 days then management took some workers back. Other workers were dismissed. We are now taking these union bashing bosses to the Industrial Court to reinstate workers.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1987-09
- Authors: Transport and General Workers' Union (South Africa)
- Date: 1987-09
- Subjects: Labour unions -- South Africa , Transport workers -- Labour unions -- South Africa
- Language: eng
- Type: text , pamphlet
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/98254 , vital:31559
- Description: On 12 November about 1000 security guards at South African Security Services in Springs went on strike. Workers were angry about the dismissal of 7 workers and management refused to meet the workers. So workers stopped work. Twice management told workers to report to work. Both times the bosses did not send transport. Then the bosses told workers to come to the head office. Workers went, the police arrived and arrested 10 shop stewards. The bosses tried to get workers to say that TGWU forced workers to strike. The director even tortured a shop steward with electric shocks to force him to sign a statement. The shop steward has laid a charge against the director for assault. The strike lasted 7 days then management took some workers back. Other workers were dismissed. We are now taking these union bashing bosses to the Industrial Court to reinstate workers.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1987-09
Transport and General Workers Union: Newsletter September, 1987
- Transport and General Workers' Union (South Africa)
- Authors: Transport and General Workers' Union (South Africa)
- Date: 1987-09
- Subjects: Labour unions -- South Africa , Transport workers -- Labour unions -- South Africa
- Language: eng
- Type: text , pamphlet
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/98243 , vital:31558
- Description: On 31 July the Town Clerk of Diepmeadow Council (Soweto) told 12 meter readers that a private company was taking over the meter reading section of the council. So meter readers were no longer employed by the council. At once 1,200 TGWU council workers went on strike and demanded the reinstatement of the 12 workers. The 12 workers were reinstated but the workers continued the strike demanding the dismissal of Noel Gaum, the Town Clerk. The council agreed to meet about Gaum so workers returned to work. But after the meeting Gaum was not dismissed. So workers struck for 2 more days. Workers, clerks, township managers and social workers were united in calling for Gaum's dismissal. Gaum worked before as town clerk in Lekoa and Tumahole Councils and was not liked. Diepmeadow workers outlined 37 grievances against Gaum. Some of these grievances are that Gaum is rascist, that he is rude to workers, that he never consults workers on anything, and that when the council was upgraded to a city council Gaum got a 20% salary increase but workers did not. In response to worker demands the Diepmeadow Council dismissed Gaum and gave workers the 20% increase they demanded.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1987-09
- Authors: Transport and General Workers' Union (South Africa)
- Date: 1987-09
- Subjects: Labour unions -- South Africa , Transport workers -- Labour unions -- South Africa
- Language: eng
- Type: text , pamphlet
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/98243 , vital:31558
- Description: On 31 July the Town Clerk of Diepmeadow Council (Soweto) told 12 meter readers that a private company was taking over the meter reading section of the council. So meter readers were no longer employed by the council. At once 1,200 TGWU council workers went on strike and demanded the reinstatement of the 12 workers. The 12 workers were reinstated but the workers continued the strike demanding the dismissal of Noel Gaum, the Town Clerk. The council agreed to meet about Gaum so workers returned to work. But after the meeting Gaum was not dismissed. So workers struck for 2 more days. Workers, clerks, township managers and social workers were united in calling for Gaum's dismissal. Gaum worked before as town clerk in Lekoa and Tumahole Councils and was not liked. Diepmeadow workers outlined 37 grievances against Gaum. Some of these grievances are that Gaum is rascist, that he is rude to workers, that he never consults workers on anything, and that when the council was upgraded to a city council Gaum got a 20% salary increase but workers did not. In response to worker demands the Diepmeadow Council dismissed Gaum and gave workers the 20% increase they demanded.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1987-09
Transport and General Workers Union: Newsletter June, 1987
- Transport and General Workers' Union (South Africa)
- Authors: Transport and General Workers' Union (South Africa)
- Date: 1987-06
- Subjects: Labour unions -- South Africa , Transport workers -- Labour unions -- South Africa
- Language: eng
- Type: text , pamphlet
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/98196 , vital:31552
- Description: Impala Coach Tours: TGWU declared a dispute with Impala Coach Tours which runs buses from Jan Smuts Airport, and to Sun City. The dispute concerns Impala's refusal to recognise the union and the dismissal of a worker, Mr Ernest Nelwamando. Ernest was dismissed after a company mechanic hit him with an iron bar when Ernest reported that his bus had faulty gears. Ernest was off work for 3 days. When he returned to work he was hit again by the director's son and then dismissed. TGWU applied for a Conciliation Board, and referred the disputes to the Industrial Court. Workers have reported the company to the Dept, of Manpower as workers the company is operating outside the law around wages and other conditions of work.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1987-06
- Authors: Transport and General Workers' Union (South Africa)
- Date: 1987-06
- Subjects: Labour unions -- South Africa , Transport workers -- Labour unions -- South Africa
- Language: eng
- Type: text , pamphlet
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/98196 , vital:31552
- Description: Impala Coach Tours: TGWU declared a dispute with Impala Coach Tours which runs buses from Jan Smuts Airport, and to Sun City. The dispute concerns Impala's refusal to recognise the union and the dismissal of a worker, Mr Ernest Nelwamando. Ernest was dismissed after a company mechanic hit him with an iron bar when Ernest reported that his bus had faulty gears. Ernest was off work for 3 days. When he returned to work he was hit again by the director's son and then dismissed. TGWU applied for a Conciliation Board, and referred the disputes to the Industrial Court. Workers have reported the company to the Dept, of Manpower as workers the company is operating outside the law around wages and other conditions of work.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1987-06
Three important principles for trade unionism: unity, independence and democratic methods
- Date: 19--?
- Subjects: Labour unions -- South Africa , Quality of work life
- Language: English
- Type: text , pamphlet
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/111235 , vital:33418
- Description: The first principle of trade unionism is unity: the unity of workers, or put another way, solidarity, “one for all, all for one. With solid unity, many things can be achieved by the workers. Without unity, nothing of significance can be achieved by an individual worker. What this means in practice is: the organizational objective of a union is 100 percent membership.The strength and influence of a trade union in its relationship to employers depend on the extent the employees of the company concerned are unionized. The higher the proportion of unionized workers to non-unionized workers, the greater the strength. Apart from numbers, strength also come from organizing the key, skilled workers in the enterprise. Depending on what the basis of organization of the union is—whether it be craft occupation, a specific industry, an undertaking, a common employer or general labor —all workers should be united into one union, irrespective of race, religion, creed, sex, skill, etc. All are equal in the eyes of the organization. Trade unions should also operate nationally because local or regional unions cannot develop sufficient bargaining power or competence over a whole range of issues to adequately safeguard the interest of workers. Trade unions should not be considered as closed societies. They should not be an instrument of privileged or elite workers, jealously guarding member’s privileges against nonmember workers who receive lower wages and are unorganized. They should be open to all workers, otherwise, these same underprivileged workers could be used as scabs against organized workers in the event of a serious conflict. If an organization is to serve the needs of its members, it must be controlled by the members themselves, for who but they themselves can best define and guard their own interests? If a union intends to truly achieve the principles and objectives upon which it was founded, it should not allow itself to be dominated or controlled by external interests, be it government, employers, political parties, religious, communal or fraternal organizations, or individual persons. A government may or may not be well disposed to trade unions, but in general, it is very responsive to the interests of the powerful groups in society, usually the employers. Moreover, if a government can control the operation and policies of a trade union, it becomes an instrument of the government rather than of the workers for whom it was originally set up. There are cases where a so-called “union” is organized by the employer for the employees. This kind of union is a “yellow union” (company dominated union). It is dominated by the management or its stooges. It is usually a local union (or a one-shop union), which means that only employees of that undertaking are allowed to join it. Needless to say, this kind of union is totally useless because its basic purpose is not to promote the workers’ interest but to prevent them from setting up a genuine one. When management starts to pressure employees to join a local union, the signals are clear: it is a yellow union. Equally, the union should resist any attempt by any political party to control and dominate it. The interests of the political party are not necessarily the same as those of the union. Even if there are some areas of shared interests, the ultimate aim of a trade union is to serve its members. This aim may be distorted under the domination of a political party whose basic aim is to obtain support from all sectors to secure power.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 19--?
- Date: 19--?
- Subjects: Labour unions -- South Africa , Quality of work life
- Language: English
- Type: text , pamphlet
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/111235 , vital:33418
- Description: The first principle of trade unionism is unity: the unity of workers, or put another way, solidarity, “one for all, all for one. With solid unity, many things can be achieved by the workers. Without unity, nothing of significance can be achieved by an individual worker. What this means in practice is: the organizational objective of a union is 100 percent membership.The strength and influence of a trade union in its relationship to employers depend on the extent the employees of the company concerned are unionized. The higher the proportion of unionized workers to non-unionized workers, the greater the strength. Apart from numbers, strength also come from organizing the key, skilled workers in the enterprise. Depending on what the basis of organization of the union is—whether it be craft occupation, a specific industry, an undertaking, a common employer or general labor —all workers should be united into one union, irrespective of race, religion, creed, sex, skill, etc. All are equal in the eyes of the organization. Trade unions should also operate nationally because local or regional unions cannot develop sufficient bargaining power or competence over a whole range of issues to adequately safeguard the interest of workers. Trade unions should not be considered as closed societies. They should not be an instrument of privileged or elite workers, jealously guarding member’s privileges against nonmember workers who receive lower wages and are unorganized. They should be open to all workers, otherwise, these same underprivileged workers could be used as scabs against organized workers in the event of a serious conflict. If an organization is to serve the needs of its members, it must be controlled by the members themselves, for who but they themselves can best define and guard their own interests? If a union intends to truly achieve the principles and objectives upon which it was founded, it should not allow itself to be dominated or controlled by external interests, be it government, employers, political parties, religious, communal or fraternal organizations, or individual persons. A government may or may not be well disposed to trade unions, but in general, it is very responsive to the interests of the powerful groups in society, usually the employers. Moreover, if a government can control the operation and policies of a trade union, it becomes an instrument of the government rather than of the workers for whom it was originally set up. There are cases where a so-called “union” is organized by the employer for the employees. This kind of union is a “yellow union” (company dominated union). It is dominated by the management or its stooges. It is usually a local union (or a one-shop union), which means that only employees of that undertaking are allowed to join it. Needless to say, this kind of union is totally useless because its basic purpose is not to promote the workers’ interest but to prevent them from setting up a genuine one. When management starts to pressure employees to join a local union, the signals are clear: it is a yellow union. Equally, the union should resist any attempt by any political party to control and dominate it. The interests of the political party are not necessarily the same as those of the union. Even if there are some areas of shared interests, the ultimate aim of a trade union is to serve its members. This aim may be distorted under the domination of a political party whose basic aim is to obtain support from all sectors to secure power.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 19--?
Trade unions, community organisation and politics: a local case study on the East Rand
- Authors: Holdt, K von
- Date: 19--?
- Subjects: Labour unions -- South Africa , Labour unions -- Political activity -- South Africa , Community development -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: text , book
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/73269 , vital:30171
- Description: This dissertation sets out as a challenge to two trends in the analysis of the trade union movement. The first trend implies that there is no fundamental difference in political strategy between the Federation of South African Trade Unions (FOSATU) and the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) which was formed in 1985 and included amongst others all the FOSATU affiliates. Swilling for instance writes that the unions established in the 1970s "shunned distinctions between economic and political issues and stridently challenged state policies" (Swilling, 1987: 2). Maree too implies that the involvement of the industrial unions in community and political struggles in the mid-1980s was not incompatible with their earlier position (1987: 10).
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 19--?
- Authors: Holdt, K von
- Date: 19--?
- Subjects: Labour unions -- South Africa , Labour unions -- Political activity -- South Africa , Community development -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: text , book
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/73269 , vital:30171
- Description: This dissertation sets out as a challenge to two trends in the analysis of the trade union movement. The first trend implies that there is no fundamental difference in political strategy between the Federation of South African Trade Unions (FOSATU) and the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) which was formed in 1985 and included amongst others all the FOSATU affiliates. Swilling for instance writes that the unions established in the 1970s "shunned distinctions between economic and political issues and stridently challenged state policies" (Swilling, 1987: 2). Maree too implies that the involvement of the industrial unions in community and political struggles in the mid-1980s was not incompatible with their earlier position (1987: 10).
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 19--?
Wage negotiations workbook
- Authors: Workers' Education Project
- Date: 19--?
- Subjects: Labour unions -- South Africa , Wages , Employee fringe benefits -- South Africa , Collective bargaining -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: text , pamphlet
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/111129 , vital:33388
- Description: A house that is built on a weak foundation cannot stand. The same is true of a union that is entering the negotiations. A union's foundations for effective and successful bargaining must be built a long time before the negotiations with the employer begins. Many unions fight hard to gain recognition with employers; and then fail miserably in negotiations because they did not make even the simplest basic preparations.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 19--?
- Authors: Workers' Education Project
- Date: 19--?
- Subjects: Labour unions -- South Africa , Wages , Employee fringe benefits -- South Africa , Collective bargaining -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: text , pamphlet
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/111129 , vital:33388
- Description: A house that is built on a weak foundation cannot stand. The same is true of a union that is entering the negotiations. A union's foundations for effective and successful bargaining must be built a long time before the negotiations with the employer begins. Many unions fight hard to gain recognition with employers; and then fail miserably in negotiations because they did not make even the simplest basic preparations.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 19--?
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