Transport and General Workers Union: Newsletter January, 1988
- Authors: TGWU
- Date: 1988-01
- Subjects: Labour unions -- South Africa , Collective bargaining , Collective labour agreements , Transport workers -- Labour unions -- South Africa
- Language: eng
- Type: text , pamphlet
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/98154 , vital:31548
- Description: Drastic changes to Labour Relations Act: the government are trying to clip the wings of the union movement. There is a Labour Relations Amendment Bill in Parliament at the moment. If this bill becomes law this year, the labour movement will be very weak.
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- Date Issued: 1988-01
Iyure ifikile ke ngoku!
- Authors: National Union of Mineworkers
- Date: 1987-09-09
- Subjects: Uncatalogued
- Language: Xhosa
- Type: text , pamphlet
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/105109 , vital:32466
- Description: Eli lixesha lokuba bonke abasebenzi mgodi babe kumgca ongaphambili kweli dabi lomvuzo ophilisayo. Ugwayimbo lufuneka lube kuzo zonke imayini. Kucace okwekat‘emhlophe ehlungwini okokuba iChamber of Mines ayifuni kusihlawula imivuzo yanelisayo nephucukileyo. Isibonisile okokuba eyona nto iphambili kubo yingeniso yohlohlesabo eli xesha thina sihlupheka. Eyona ndlela iyiyo iseleyo yokunyanzelekisa iChamber of Mines lugwayimbo kuyo yonke imigodi yegolide neyamalahle. Ohlohlesabo sebetshilo okokuba nokuba ngaba singagwayimba abana kuyonyusa imivuzo yethu. Sesisazi kwakhona okokuba sebeqalile ohlohlesabo ukuzilungiselela ukuze balutyumze ugwayimbo lethu. , News strike special August 9, 1987
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- Date Issued: 1987-09-09
Transport and General Workers Union: Newsletter November, 1987
- Authors: Transport and General Workers' Union (South Africa)
- Date: 1987-09
- Subjects: Labour unions -- South Africa , Transport workers -- Labour unions -- South Africa
- Language: eng
- Type: text , pamphlet
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/98254 , vital:31559
- Description: On 12 November about 1000 security guards at South African Security Services in Springs went on strike. Workers were angry about the dismissal of 7 workers and management refused to meet the workers. So workers stopped work. Twice management told workers to report to work. Both times the bosses did not send transport. Then the bosses told workers to come to the head office. Workers went, the police arrived and arrested 10 shop stewards. The bosses tried to get workers to say that TGWU forced workers to strike. The director even tortured a shop steward with electric shocks to force him to sign a statement. The shop steward has laid a charge against the director for assault. The strike lasted 7 days then management took some workers back. Other workers were dismissed. We are now taking these union bashing bosses to the Industrial Court to reinstate workers.
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- Date Issued: 1987-09
Transport and General Workers Union: Newsletter September, 1987
- Authors: Transport and General Workers' Union (South Africa)
- Date: 1987-09
- Subjects: Labour unions -- South Africa , Transport workers -- Labour unions -- South Africa
- Language: eng
- Type: text , pamphlet
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/98243 , vital:31558
- Description: On 31 July the Town Clerk of Diepmeadow Council (Soweto) told 12 meter readers that a private company was taking over the meter reading section of the council. So meter readers were no longer employed by the council. At once 1,200 TGWU council workers went on strike and demanded the reinstatement of the 12 workers. The 12 workers were reinstated but the workers continued the strike demanding the dismissal of Noel Gaum, the Town Clerk. The council agreed to meet about Gaum so workers returned to work. But after the meeting Gaum was not dismissed. So workers struck for 2 more days. Workers, clerks, township managers and social workers were united in calling for Gaum's dismissal. Gaum worked before as town clerk in Lekoa and Tumahole Councils and was not liked. Diepmeadow workers outlined 37 grievances against Gaum. Some of these grievances are that Gaum is rascist, that he is rude to workers, that he never consults workers on anything, and that when the council was upgraded to a city council Gaum got a 20% salary increase but workers did not. In response to worker demands the Diepmeadow Council dismissed Gaum and gave workers the 20% increase they demanded.
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- Date Issued: 1987-09
Transport and General Workers Union: Newsletter June, 1987
- Authors: Transport and General Workers' Union (South Africa)
- Date: 1987-06
- Subjects: Labour unions -- South Africa , Transport workers -- Labour unions -- South Africa
- Language: eng
- Type: text , pamphlet
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/98196 , vital:31552
- Description: Impala Coach Tours: TGWU declared a dispute with Impala Coach Tours which runs buses from Jan Smuts Airport, and to Sun City. The dispute concerns Impala's refusal to recognise the union and the dismissal of a worker, Mr Ernest Nelwamando. Ernest was dismissed after a company mechanic hit him with an iron bar when Ernest reported that his bus had faulty gears. Ernest was off work for 3 days. When he returned to work he was hit again by the director's son and then dismissed. TGWU applied for a Conciliation Board, and referred the disputes to the Industrial Court. Workers have reported the company to the Dept, of Manpower as workers the company is operating outside the law around wages and other conditions of work.
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- Date Issued: 1987-06
South African Typographical Union constitution as amended, reprinted and issued September 1982
- Authors: South African Typographical Union
- Date: 1982-09
- Subjects: South African Typographical Union -- Constitution , Labour unions rules -- South Africa
- Language: English , Afrikaans
- Type: text , pamphlet
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/110732 , vital:33327
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- Date Issued: 1982-09
The right to strike: 10th anniversary of Armourplate strike, 6th September 1976
- Authors: Chemical Workers Industrial Union
- Date: 1976-09-06
- Subjects: Right to strike , Strikes and lockouts
- Language: English
- Type: text , pamphlet
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/111269 , vital:33426
- Description: In South Africa and throughout the world the working class is struggling to win the full right to strike. This booklet is published to commemorate the 10th anniversary of a landmark in this struggle under Apartheid. Ten years ago, on 6th September 1976, members of the Glass and Allied Workers Union at Armourplate went out on strike. The first legal strike by black workers. Although their brave struggle was not successful then, many lessons were learnt that have allowed victories to follow. Such lessons were put into practice in the Dunlop strike and the sit-ins covered in this booklet. The legal position of strikes is confusing and part of this booklet tries to clear this up. The present legal rights can be compared with our demands in the COSATU resolution.
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- Date Issued: 1976-09-06
FAWU Wage Information System: research for bargaining support
- Authors: Food and Allied Workers' Union
- Date: 19--?
- Subjects: Uncatalogued
- Language: English
- Type: text , pamphlet
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/105774 , vital:32567
- Description: Please read schedule 1 carefully together with the proposal for a wage information system for the FAWU Research Training Programme. I have established from FAWU that they do not have an adequate wage information system in place and therefore propose to assist them. There are two phases to WIS which I hope to cover together with the trainee, Thandi Yoli.
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- Date Issued: 19--?
NUMSA’s bargaining process
- Authors: National Union of Metalworkers of South Africa
- Date: 19--?
- Subjects: Uncatalogued
- Language: eng
- Type: text , pamphlet
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/104517 , vital:32394
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- Date Issued: 19--?
Regional educators’ workshop on trade union history in South Africa
- Date: 19--?
- Subjects: Labour unions -- South Africa -- History , Labour movement -- South Africa -- History
- Language: English
- Type: text , pamphlet
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/112014 , vital:33538
- Description: The sun is beginning to rise on the workers. Fears of intimidation and victimisation are being dried up by this rising sun of workers strength. I tell this story to remind you of your life. I tell you this story so you will remember your struggle and the story of the struggle we fight. AMANDLA! I came to the urban areas with someone from home. I found the city a strange and ugly place. Finding work was not an easy task. But I found work at the foundry called Rely Precision Castings and I worked there for over seven years until May 1980 when Management fired all of us because of a strike. The work in the foundry was hard and dangerous and the hours were long. But I stuck out the tough and unsafe working conditions because there was no other place to go. We were the only people who could do this kind of work, and this was well known to our employers. Many of them knew migrant workers were the best workers. We were also prepared to do the heaviest of work. But they still treated us badly and still didn’t treat us like human beings but like animals. They knew that as soon as they expelled us we would lose a place of residence, because we would not be able to pay the hostel fees without the money we earned. Then the pass office would be indifferent and instruct us to go back where we came from. That is very painful. But what is more painful is this. It is clear that profits mean more to the bosses than our lives. Our children could die in the countryside but they would still fire us. Our work was tough, especially after the new machine was bought by the bosses in the foundry. But we were not afraid of hard work. We did not complain about the work. The grievances were about those things that prevented us from doing our work. The bad and unsafe working conditions were dangerous to our health and lives. These things are important. But most of our grievances at Rely were about the bad treatment we received from the indunas and foremen. The indunas did not support us when the struggle for better wages and working conditions began. They were only concerned with organising things in the foundry which made their own lives easier. The indunas at Rely were supposed to be the workers’ voice but we have seen that this was not true. So we had no voice. We could not make our complaints heard. That makes a person very angry. And so my fellow workers and I decided to do something about this. We began to stand together and build workers’ strength and unity in the foundry. Our combined strength would be a very loud and confident voice. One day one of us suddenly said: "There is a place that can help us." This worker had been to the Union with his brother-in-law who works at another factory. We wanted to know what that could be. We said we knew a union called ‘Let-us-bury-each-other’. This is a union that cheats people. They say when you have given a lot of money to them then they will build you a big house or buy you a car. The guy said, ‘No. that’s not what I mean.’ ‘It’s a place to go as we are not being treated well in the firm. When we all join they will represent us. They will speak to the employers.’ At first many of the workers at Rely were scared about joining the Union. Others were cautious. We first started joining in twos and threes until we were thirty. The meetings we had with the Union organiser were important. We talked and discussed problems for a long time on Saturday afternoons. Inside the foundry there was even more talk and discussion. During lunchtimes meetings were held over the road from the foundry under the shade of a tree. At these meetings everybody had a chance to speak. Some people wanted to move quickly, while others were more cautious. Some people were afraid for their families and others did not want to lose their jobs in the foundry. Many workers had worked at Rely for a long time and had good service records and so we were hesitant. The discussion was often long and serious. Slowly the fear began to get less as people learned more about the Union from friends and relatives in other factories. Some of these factories were already organised. But it was the meetings among ourselves which helped the most. In the evenings also, at the hostels, people discussed Union business and one thing began to become very clear. Everyone had to stand together and speak with one voice if we were going to be strong inside Rely. After many meetings and much talking we decided there would never be safe conditions if everyone did not join the Union. Wages would never rise without the force of all the workers. But when the indunas saw unity among the workers they were afraid. We even told them that through this unity their postions would soon end. Our unity had already begun to change things in the foundry. The bosses and their children, the impimpis and indunas, were not so sure of their position and began to fear workers. This was happening all over the East Rand where the Metal and Allied Workers Union was building workers’ unity. (In May 1979, the workers went on strike.) We stopped work to ask Management why they fired Zondiwe. Our bosses did not know what to do when 55 workers stood in front of them to protect Zondiwe. They called the Employers’ Association. They called the Department of Labour. They called the police. We were a small group of people. They tried to crush us. But we fought them all in different ways. We were unemployed. And when you are out of a job, you realise that the boss and the government have the power to condemn you to death. If they send you back home, and back home now there’s a drought, and you can’t get any new job, it’s a death sentence. The countryside is pushing you into the cities to stay alive; the cities are pushing you into the countryside to die. You get scared. It’s a fear that you come to know after a week without any food. After six weeks we all went to court. The court found us all guilty of striking illegally. We were all fined. But the Union paid the fines from the subscriptions. We had been fired from our jobs. We had been beaten by the SAP and now we were guilty of striking. We were very sad but we were not defeated. We continued our struggle. Our struggle at Rely was important. We are not afraid to say it. We showed how even a small group for workers can stand up against the bosses. And it was important in another way as well. Our strike was the first in our big strike wave which hit the East Rand. From 1980 and 1981 many, many thousands of us metal workers went on strike. We were not alone in our struggle. It was not just 55 of us at Rely. Our struggle was in May 1980. By the end of that year there were 12 000 in our Union, the Metal and Allied Workers Union. The next year was the year of strikes. From July until the end of 1981 many of our fellow metal workers went on strike. There were 50 strikes. There were 25 000 of us on strike. Next time we will be united. At Rely our struggle started when we united. But in the factory it ended when we were not united to our brothers in other factories. But we have learned. And you too. You must not make the same mistake. The big factories must help the small one. If you are organised in a trade union when you go on strike, unite with those who are not organised. Together call the communities to our side. Then we will be united. And we know that when we make our unity, the sun shall rise for the workers.
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- Date Issued: 19--?
The role of the educator
- Authors: National Union of MetalWorkers of South Africa
- Date: 19--?
- Subjects: Capitalism and education , Black people -- Education -- South Africa , Teachers, Black -- Psychology
- Language: English
- Type: text , pamphlet
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/110914 , vital:33350
- Description: In South Africa, like all other capitalist societies, workers are forced to work for wages to buy the things they need to survive. The land, factories, mines, etc are privately owned by the capitalists. Because the capitalists own the land, factories and mines they control the wealth that is produced. With this wealth, as well as with the ownership of several newspapers and investment in radio and television stations, the capitalists can try and influence how people think. The capitalists also use the political rights and the wealth they have to influence how the government behaves. In South Africa, black workers have no political rights, because of apartheid. So they cannot influence the government in the same way as the capitalists. Workers standing on their own are also weak against their employers because the employers do not need any one particular worker. But the employers cannot do without all their workers. Machines without workers are useless. So if all workers can organise themselves to act together, to act collectively as it is called, then the balance of power changes. Capitalism needs the labour of workers to survive. So organised workers can be the most powerful weapon against capitalism. But the capitalists in South Africa are very powerful. They have a good friend in the apartheid state. Workers need to be well organised to challenge the power of the capitalists. But to build this strength, we need unity. We also need discipline and clear direction. The first step in making a union strong is for the union to have a very large membership. But the members cannot be sleeping members. They must understand the broader aims and objectives of the union and how the union fits into the wider struggle in South Africa. They must also have the skills and knowledge to be able to participate actively in all the activities of the union. Democratic practices increase the strength of workers' organisations and make them more effective. Democratic organisations are also necessary for building democratic societies because they make it possible for the masses of the people to participate in decisions about their lives.
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- Date Issued: 19--?
Three important principles for trade unionism: unity, independence and democratic methods
- Date: 19--?
- Subjects: Labour unions -- South Africa , Quality of work life
- Language: English
- Type: text , pamphlet
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/111235 , vital:33418
- Description: The first principle of trade unionism is unity: the unity of workers, or put another way, solidarity, “one for all, all for one. With solid unity, many things can be achieved by the workers. Without unity, nothing of significance can be achieved by an individual worker. What this means in practice is: the organizational objective of a union is 100 percent membership.The strength and influence of a trade union in its relationship to employers depend on the extent the employees of the company concerned are unionized. The higher the proportion of unionized workers to non-unionized workers, the greater the strength. Apart from numbers, strength also come from organizing the key, skilled workers in the enterprise. Depending on what the basis of organization of the union is—whether it be craft occupation, a specific industry, an undertaking, a common employer or general labor —all workers should be united into one union, irrespective of race, religion, creed, sex, skill, etc. All are equal in the eyes of the organization. Trade unions should also operate nationally because local or regional unions cannot develop sufficient bargaining power or competence over a whole range of issues to adequately safeguard the interest of workers. Trade unions should not be considered as closed societies. They should not be an instrument of privileged or elite workers, jealously guarding member’s privileges against nonmember workers who receive lower wages and are unorganized. They should be open to all workers, otherwise, these same underprivileged workers could be used as scabs against organized workers in the event of a serious conflict. If an organization is to serve the needs of its members, it must be controlled by the members themselves, for who but they themselves can best define and guard their own interests? If a union intends to truly achieve the principles and objectives upon which it was founded, it should not allow itself to be dominated or controlled by external interests, be it government, employers, political parties, religious, communal or fraternal organizations, or individual persons. A government may or may not be well disposed to trade unions, but in general, it is very responsive to the interests of the powerful groups in society, usually the employers. Moreover, if a government can control the operation and policies of a trade union, it becomes an instrument of the government rather than of the workers for whom it was originally set up. There are cases where a so-called “union” is organized by the employer for the employees. This kind of union is a “yellow union” (company dominated union). It is dominated by the management or its stooges. It is usually a local union (or a one-shop union), which means that only employees of that undertaking are allowed to join it. Needless to say, this kind of union is totally useless because its basic purpose is not to promote the workers’ interest but to prevent them from setting up a genuine one. When management starts to pressure employees to join a local union, the signals are clear: it is a yellow union. Equally, the union should resist any attempt by any political party to control and dominate it. The interests of the political party are not necessarily the same as those of the union. Even if there are some areas of shared interests, the ultimate aim of a trade union is to serve its members. This aim may be distorted under the domination of a political party whose basic aim is to obtain support from all sectors to secure power.
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- Date Issued: 19--?
Wage negotiations workbook
- Authors: Workers' Education Project
- Date: 19--?
- Subjects: Labour unions -- South Africa , Wages , Employee fringe benefits -- South Africa , Collective bargaining -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: text , pamphlet
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/111129 , vital:33388
- Description: A house that is built on a weak foundation cannot stand. The same is true of a union that is entering the negotiations. A union's foundations for effective and successful bargaining must be built a long time before the negotiations with the employer begins. Many unions fight hard to gain recognition with employers; and then fail miserably in negotiations because they did not make even the simplest basic preparations.
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- Date Issued: 19--?
Assessment of the profit sharing schemes on certain Chamber Gold Mines, July-December 1992
- Authors: National Union of Mineworkers
- Subjects: National Union of Mineworkers
- Language: English
- Type: text , pamphlet
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/106577 , vital:32675
- Description: In 1991 and 1992, the NUM accepted basic wage increases on the gold mines that were far below the annual inflation rate because of the crisis in the industry. The priority of the union was to preserve employment. But this left the door wide open for rich mines (like Kloof, Elandsrand and Vaal Reefs) to hide behind the low increases that are set in the Chamber negotiations at levels that Free gold, BuffeIsfontein and marginal mines can live with. The NUM decided that workers need a way of adding more money onto their wages If the mines can afford to pay more. The ideal is for a national wage policy in which the richer mines can help the poorer mines to pay the same wages. But this will mean new tax laws, new ownership rules and a new government to force it all through. Right now, the union needs a special policy for collective bargaining in an industry that is in long term decline. The economy is not growing, few new mines are opening, so workers who get retrenched are threatened with starvation. NUM has already accepted a reduction in real wage standards to slow down the speed at which mines are contracting.
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Deregulation and working hours in the retail sector
- Authors: Lewis, Peter
- Subjects: National Labour & Economic Development Institute
- Language: English
- Type: text , pamphlet
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/110804 , vital:33336
- Description: This research report investigates changes in working time in the retail sector in the 1990s in the broad context of the extension of trading hours, the deregulation of the distribution of goods in the South African economy and the resulting intensification of competition in the sector. The research data that forms the basis of the analysis comes from two surveys undertaken by the author in the course of 1996. The first was conducted in the Cape Town branch of the South African Commercial, Catering and Allied Workers’ Union (SACCAWU), which gave detailed information on working hours, employment practices and conditions (hereafter referred to as the “Cape Town survey”). The second survey was a questionnaire sent in November 1996 to Human Resource Managers of 51 of the larger retail companies in clothing, footwear, jewelry, furniture, general merchandise, and miscellaneous markets (hereafter referred to as the “retail survey”). Although the response rate was very poor (only 7 companies responded), the information from the replies is nevertheless informative. The report begins with an account of the deregulation of retailing that has taken place rapidly from the late 1980s onwards, part and parcel of the shift in political power. For important sections of the formal retail trade sector, competitive pressures have increased significantly increased by this development. Employers have reacted by attacking wage costs, which has led to a change in the forms of labour contract in retailing towards insecure, “flexible” part- time or fixed term contract work, and a decline in the influence of trade unions in the sector. These developments form the environment for the report’s focus on working time issues in retailing. The report examines the existing regime of working time for the retail trade sector as determined by Wage Determination 478 for the Commercial Distributive Trade. It assesses the impact on the Wage Determination of the current proposals and approach in the Employment Standards Bill, which will likely pass into legislation in some form during the current session of parliament. The paper analyses the Bill’s proposals for flexible working time standards, and concludes that they contain several problematic clauses that would hamper trade union efforts to secure a positive outcome to flexible working time innovations in the retail sector. The data from the Cape Town survey is used to illustrate the normal working time patterns in retail based on the Wage Determination, and shows that working hours are generally longer than 40 hours per week for full-time permanent workers who work a 5.5-day week. Furthermore, weekend and evening trading is covered by “flexible workers” working various kinds of “non-standard” contracts. The national employment and output profile of the sector is then examined through official statistics. They show that total retail sector employment reached a 40-year peak around 1988/9, it has since declined, despite the continuous increase in total retail sales during the transition from apartheid to democracy. Full-time “regular” or full-time employment has remained static in the sector since 1988, and the number of full-time equivalent posts has similarly been static. “Flexible” jobs such as part-time, “late sales”, and casual jobs have however fluctuated quite widely over the same period, from a low point of around 12% of total employment in 1988 and 1994, to high points of 25% in 1989, and 16% in 1994. The overall pattern is one where flexible labour is used by employers to manage variation in demand over the working week, seasonal variation during the working year, and longer-term business cycle fluctuations, such as the period of limited economic growth since 1994. Measured as the ratio between total retail sales and total employment, labour productivity increased over the period 1988-1995. Using the data from the retail survey and the Cape Town survey, the relationship between extended trading hours, turnover, and flexible labour contracts is examined in more detail. Weekend trading accounts for a very significant proportion of retail sales, and various forms of casual contracts take up between 20% and 50% of available labour contracts in the companies concerned. For some companies, new stores are now designed around only 30% “core” permanent staff, with the other 70% of contracts being “flexible”. A situation has therefore developed where full time “regular” workers are working relatively long hours (standard 45 per week + overtime), but are increasingly being supplanted by flexible workers with much shorter hours, poor pay, poor job security, and few (if any) fringe benefits of employment. This also undermines the bargaining position of trade unions in the industry, as bargaining units shrink. Because of the strong feelings of workers around reduction of working time to 40 hours, impending legislation on the issue, and the strong relationship in the industry between flexible labour, extended weekly trading hours, and seasonal variations in consumer demand, the issue of working time offers an opportunity to retail unions to make gains in shorter working hours, job creation, and employment security, if they can accept flexibility of working time for their established constituency. Innovations in working time such as “chosen time” and flexible working schedules need concerted attention from retail unions to prevent employers from controlling working time and employment contracts. Success depends on the degree to which unions can force employers into centralised bargaining. The paper looks at the failed attempt by SACCAWU to gain a centralised bargaining forum during 1996, which would have been an ideal instrument to address the issues around working time. This suggests that the best strategy for unions now is to concentrate on the struggle over the reduction of hours around the employment standards statute, and work on a “model” agreement with a large national employer, which can then be imitated with other employers, and then in a future centralised bargaining forum. The report then looks at examples where this opportunity has been exploited internationally, and there have been some trade union successes in company level bargaining. These examples combine job creation with reduced working hours, and some choice for workers over what hours they will work within the overall pattern of extended trading hours. The 1986 guidelines on flexible working time from the European retail workers’ federation are examined, and are recommended as still a useful approach for the South African retail unions in the mid-1990s. The report ends by looking at contemporary workers’ experiences of working time in South Africa at shop level as revealed by the Cape Town survey. The main barriers to workers accepting flexible working time are examined: these include problems of transport (and personal security), and child care. The section also assesses the way in which employers have maintained control over working time alterations at shop level to date. There is some interest among workers in shorter working hours - even with loss of some earnings - as well as changes in starting and finishing times of work. However, attempts by workers to negotiate favourable changes with their employers are usually unsuccessful, whereas unilateral changes in working time made by employers are more common.
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Liberate Africa and You Liberate the World
- Language: English
- Type: text , pamphlet
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10948/37696 , vital:34208 , Bulk File 7
- Description: These are pamphlets put out by Mission Africa, a division of the Educational Support Services Trust founded in 1989.
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The FAWU Research Unit
- Authors: Food and Allied Workers' Union
- Subjects: Uncatalogued
- Language: English
- Type: text , pamphlet
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/106408 , vital:32649
- Description: The FAWU research unit has been operating in the Head Office since 1998. It has established a resource centre and has two people working in it at this time - Thandi Yoli and Viva Mtai. The unit was jointly conceived in 1996/97 by FAWU and the Labour Research Service (LRS). The relationship between the two organisations continues presently, and will last until the research unit is properly established and resourced within FAWU's head office. The LRS successfully applied for funding for the project in 1996/97 from the FNV-Holland. This money goes to paying the salaries and overhead costs incurred by the LRS for providing a senior researcher (Reza Daniels) to supervise and establish the research unit in FAWU. It is a three-year project and we are currently in the third year of the project. We are, however, going to apply for an extension of the project (to the FNV-Holland) so that it is completed by the end of the year 2000. The original aim of the project in 1996 was to assist FAWU to increase its bargaining capacity by developing a research unit that was targeted to producing sectoral reports that could assist the bargaining department. It was felt that FAWU lacked the research capacity to fully support its bargaining structures because of several factors.
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