The exploitation of Upogebia africana (Crustacea: Thalassinidae) for bait in the Knysna Estuary
- Hodgson, Alan N, Allanson, Brian R, Cretchley, Robyn
- Authors: Hodgson, Alan N , Allanson, Brian R , Cretchley, Robyn
- Date: 2000
- Language: English
- Type: Article
- Identifier: vital:6924 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1011911
- Description: The activities of people collecting Upogebia africana for bait at six popular collecting sites in the Knysna Estuary were monitored from February 1995 until April 1996. Three groups of bait harvesters were identified on the basis of their source of income: subsistence fishers who rely on bait collecting and fishing for their income; supplementary fishers who catch fish to supplement their income; leisure anglers who draw no income from fishing. Two groups of collectors were identified based on methods of collecting bait and fishing: leisure anglers who collect bait using a prawn pusher or pump and fish using a rod and tackle; non-leisure fishers who collect using tin cans and fish with hand or planted lines. The average harvest of bait per collecting trip by leisure anglers was 59 mud prawns, whereas non-leisure fishers took 101 animals, twice the legal limit. The numbers of bait collectors present per mud bank were found to be highest on public holidays ([horizontal bar over]X = 43.5) and higher during the summer holidays ([horizontal bar over]X = 16.5) than during the spring/summer ([horizontal bar over]X = 8.6) and autumn/winter ([horizontal bar over]X = 4.6) periods. Most collectors spent 11-30 minutes on the mud banks. It was estimated that 1.86 x 10[superscript 6] U. africana or about 740 kg (dry mass) was removed by bait collectors annually from the six bait-collecting sites studied. This represented about 8.5% of the mud prawn stocks at these sites and about 0.9% of the entire estuary stock. 85% of the mud prawns taken as bait was removed by 77% of the bait collectors who were the non-leisure fishers.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2000
- Authors: Hodgson, Alan N , Allanson, Brian R , Cretchley, Robyn
- Date: 2000
- Language: English
- Type: Article
- Identifier: vital:6924 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1011911
- Description: The activities of people collecting Upogebia africana for bait at six popular collecting sites in the Knysna Estuary were monitored from February 1995 until April 1996. Three groups of bait harvesters were identified on the basis of their source of income: subsistence fishers who rely on bait collecting and fishing for their income; supplementary fishers who catch fish to supplement their income; leisure anglers who draw no income from fishing. Two groups of collectors were identified based on methods of collecting bait and fishing: leisure anglers who collect bait using a prawn pusher or pump and fish using a rod and tackle; non-leisure fishers who collect using tin cans and fish with hand or planted lines. The average harvest of bait per collecting trip by leisure anglers was 59 mud prawns, whereas non-leisure fishers took 101 animals, twice the legal limit. The numbers of bait collectors present per mud bank were found to be highest on public holidays ([horizontal bar over]X = 43.5) and higher during the summer holidays ([horizontal bar over]X = 16.5) than during the spring/summer ([horizontal bar over]X = 8.6) and autumn/winter ([horizontal bar over]X = 4.6) periods. Most collectors spent 11-30 minutes on the mud banks. It was estimated that 1.86 x 10[superscript 6] U. africana or about 740 kg (dry mass) was removed by bait collectors annually from the six bait-collecting sites studied. This represented about 8.5% of the mud prawn stocks at these sites and about 0.9% of the entire estuary stock. 85% of the mud prawns taken as bait was removed by 77% of the bait collectors who were the non-leisure fishers.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2000
Morphological and genetic differentiation of Patella granularis (Gastropoda: Patellidae): recognition of two sibling species along the coast of southern Africa
- Ridgway, Tyronne M, Stewart, Barbara A, Branch, George M, Hodgson, Alan N
- Authors: Ridgway, Tyronne M , Stewart, Barbara A , Branch, George M , Hodgson, Alan N
- Date: 1998
- Subjects: Patellidae
- Language: English
- Type: Article
- Identifier: vital:6944 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1011971
- Description: Morphological and isozyme variations between 13 populations of the species hitherto named Patella granularis were investigated to see whether differences in shell structure between the west coast versus the south and east coasts of southern Africa are supported by other morphological features or by genetic differences. The shells showed a definite decrease in size from west to east, but this is correlated with productivity and is of no diagnostic use in distinguishing between populations. Discriminant functions analysis based on shell morphometrics failed to separate populations from the three coastal regions. Shells from the northern east coast do, however, have shell nodules with a dark pigmentation, distinctly separating them from those further south and west. No differences in radular or soft part morphology were detected between the populations, but the four northernmost populations on the east coast have a significantly shorter Z looping of the gut than the other populations along the coast. Significant microstructural differences in the sperm were also detected between these two groups of populations. Electrophoretic analysis of 16 enzyme loci failed to detect any significant differences between the west and south coast populations, but revealed a genetic identity (Nei) of 0.528 as well as four diagnostic alleles between the four northernmost populations from the east coast compared with those to the south and west. The two genetically distinct forms occurred sympatrically at one of the study sites on the east coast (Coffee Bay). It was concluded the two groupings were sufficiently different to warrant the recognition of a separate species, which is centred in KwaZulu-Natal on the east coast and extends south to Coffee Bay, from where it is replaced by P. granularis. There is, however, no evidence at all that the west coast populations are in any way separable from the remaining populations of P. granularis on the south coast.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1998
- Authors: Ridgway, Tyronne M , Stewart, Barbara A , Branch, George M , Hodgson, Alan N
- Date: 1998
- Subjects: Patellidae
- Language: English
- Type: Article
- Identifier: vital:6944 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1011971
- Description: Morphological and isozyme variations between 13 populations of the species hitherto named Patella granularis were investigated to see whether differences in shell structure between the west coast versus the south and east coasts of southern Africa are supported by other morphological features or by genetic differences. The shells showed a definite decrease in size from west to east, but this is correlated with productivity and is of no diagnostic use in distinguishing between populations. Discriminant functions analysis based on shell morphometrics failed to separate populations from the three coastal regions. Shells from the northern east coast do, however, have shell nodules with a dark pigmentation, distinctly separating them from those further south and west. No differences in radular or soft part morphology were detected between the populations, but the four northernmost populations on the east coast have a significantly shorter Z looping of the gut than the other populations along the coast. Significant microstructural differences in the sperm were also detected between these two groups of populations. Electrophoretic analysis of 16 enzyme loci failed to detect any significant differences between the west and south coast populations, but revealed a genetic identity (Nei) of 0.528 as well as four diagnostic alleles between the four northernmost populations from the east coast compared with those to the south and west. The two genetically distinct forms occurred sympatrically at one of the study sites on the east coast (Coffee Bay). It was concluded the two groupings were sufficiently different to warrant the recognition of a separate species, which is centred in KwaZulu-Natal on the east coast and extends south to Coffee Bay, from where it is replaced by P. granularis. There is, however, no evidence at all that the west coast populations are in any way separable from the remaining populations of P. granularis on the south coast.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1998
Symplastic solute transport and avocado fruit development : a decline in cytokinin/ABA ratio is related to appearance of the Hass small fruit variant
- Moore-Gordon, Clive S, Cowan, Keith A, Bertling, Isa, Botha, Christiaan E J, Cross, Robin H M
- Authors: Moore-Gordon, Clive S , Cowan, Keith A , Bertling, Isa , Botha, Christiaan E J , Cross, Robin H M
- Date: 1998
- Language: English
- Type: Article
- Identifier: vital:6525 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1005959
- Description: Studies on the effect of fruit size on endogenous ABA and isopentenyladenine (iP) in developing avocado (Persea americana Mill. cv. Hass) fruit revealed that ABA content was negatively correlated with fruit size whilst the iP/ABA ratio showed a linear relationship with increasing size of fruit harvested 226 d after full bloom. The effect of this change in hormone balance on the relationship between symplastic solute transport and appearance of the small fruit variant was examined following manipulation of the endogenous cytokinin (CK)/ABA ratio. Application of ABA caused seed coat senescence and retarded fruit growth but these effects were absent in fruit treated with equal amounts of ABA plus iP. Thus, the underlying physiological mechanisms associated with ABA-induced retardation of Hass avocado fruit growth appeared to be inextricably linked to a decline in CK content and included: diminution of mesocarp and seed coat plasmodesmatal branching, gating of mesocarp and seed coat plasmodesmata by deposition of electron dense material in the neck region, abolishment of the electrochemical gradient between mesocarp and seed coat parenchyma, and arrest of cell-to-cell chemical communication.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1998
- Authors: Moore-Gordon, Clive S , Cowan, Keith A , Bertling, Isa , Botha, Christiaan E J , Cross, Robin H M
- Date: 1998
- Language: English
- Type: Article
- Identifier: vital:6525 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1005959
- Description: Studies on the effect of fruit size on endogenous ABA and isopentenyladenine (iP) in developing avocado (Persea americana Mill. cv. Hass) fruit revealed that ABA content was negatively correlated with fruit size whilst the iP/ABA ratio showed a linear relationship with increasing size of fruit harvested 226 d after full bloom. The effect of this change in hormone balance on the relationship between symplastic solute transport and appearance of the small fruit variant was examined following manipulation of the endogenous cytokinin (CK)/ABA ratio. Application of ABA caused seed coat senescence and retarded fruit growth but these effects were absent in fruit treated with equal amounts of ABA plus iP. Thus, the underlying physiological mechanisms associated with ABA-induced retardation of Hass avocado fruit growth appeared to be inextricably linked to a decline in CK content and included: diminution of mesocarp and seed coat plasmodesmatal branching, gating of mesocarp and seed coat plasmodesmata by deposition of electron dense material in the neck region, abolishment of the electrochemical gradient between mesocarp and seed coat parenchyma, and arrest of cell-to-cell chemical communication.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1998
How taboo are taboo words for girls?
- Authors: De Klerk, Vivian A
- Date: 1992
- Language: English
- Type: Article
- Identifier: vital:6143 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1011596
- Description: In the past five years, there has been much interest in the question of whether women are really as concerned about politeness and status as they have been made out to be by such writers as Baroni and D'Urso (1984), Crosby and Nyquist (1977), Lakoff (1973), Spender (1980), and Trudgill (1972). Despite the commonly held perception that it is only males who bandy about derogatory and taboo words (Bailey 1985; Flexner 1975), Risch (1987) provided counterevidence based on data obtained in the United States. The results of the present study, based on data obtained in South Africa, strongly support her findings and challenge the assumption that women stick to standard speech, citing evidence that young females are familiar with, and use, a wide range of highly taboo/slang items themselves. In particular, attention is devoted to the question of pejorative words applicable to males and females, respectively, and the view that there are only a few pejorative terms commonly used to describe males (particularly by females) is challenged. (Women's language, politeness, linguistic taboo, stereotypes, slang, expletives, prestige forms).
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1992
- Authors: De Klerk, Vivian A
- Date: 1992
- Language: English
- Type: Article
- Identifier: vital:6143 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1011596
- Description: In the past five years, there has been much interest in the question of whether women are really as concerned about politeness and status as they have been made out to be by such writers as Baroni and D'Urso (1984), Crosby and Nyquist (1977), Lakoff (1973), Spender (1980), and Trudgill (1972). Despite the commonly held perception that it is only males who bandy about derogatory and taboo words (Bailey 1985; Flexner 1975), Risch (1987) provided counterevidence based on data obtained in the United States. The results of the present study, based on data obtained in South Africa, strongly support her findings and challenge the assumption that women stick to standard speech, citing evidence that young females are familiar with, and use, a wide range of highly taboo/slang items themselves. In particular, attention is devoted to the question of pejorative words applicable to males and females, respectively, and the view that there are only a few pejorative terms commonly used to describe males (particularly by females) is challenged. (Women's language, politeness, linguistic taboo, stereotypes, slang, expletives, prestige forms).
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1992
Introduction and extinction of brown trout (Salmo trutta L.) in an impoverished subantarctic stream
- Cooper, J, Crafford, J E, Hecht, Thomas
- Authors: Cooper, J , Crafford, J E , Hecht, Thomas
- Date: 1992
- Subjects: Anadromous fishes -- Marion Island
- Language: English
- Type: Article
- Identifier: vital:6767 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1008044
- Description: Brown trout were introduced to the Van den Boogaard River on subantarctic Marion Island in 1964, and a small population became established. The last individual was seen in 1984, and the species is now considered to be extinct on the island. Their diet was exclusively allochthonous, with snails and spiders predominating. Ages estimated at six to eleven years showed that spawning must have occurred since the original introduction. Since the Van den Boogaard River enters the sea via a waterfall, it is postulated that trout were not able to practice an anadromous life-style, and that this, as well as other factors connected with the impoverished nature of the stream, led to dwarfing of the resident population. No further introductions of alien fish to Marion Island should be contemplated.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1992
- Authors: Cooper, J , Crafford, J E , Hecht, Thomas
- Date: 1992
- Subjects: Anadromous fishes -- Marion Island
- Language: English
- Type: Article
- Identifier: vital:6767 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1008044
- Description: Brown trout were introduced to the Van den Boogaard River on subantarctic Marion Island in 1964, and a small population became established. The last individual was seen in 1984, and the species is now considered to be extinct on the island. Their diet was exclusively allochthonous, with snails and spiders predominating. Ages estimated at six to eleven years showed that spawning must have occurred since the original introduction. Since the Van den Boogaard River enters the sea via a waterfall, it is postulated that trout were not able to practice an anadromous life-style, and that this, as well as other factors connected with the impoverished nature of the stream, led to dwarfing of the resident population. No further introductions of alien fish to Marion Island should be contemplated.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1992
The Mfecane as alibi : thoughts on Dithakong and Mbolompo
- Authors: Cobbing, Julian
- Date: 1988
- Language: English
- Type: Article
- Identifier: vital:6154 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1007067
- Description: The ‘mfecane’ is a characteristic product of South African liberal history used by the apartheid state to legitimate South Africa's racially unequal land division. Some astonishingly selective use or actual invention of evidence produced the myth of an internally-induced process of black-on-black destruction centring on Shaka's Zulu. A re-examination of the ‘battles’ of Dithakong and Mbolompo suggests very different conclusions and enables us to decipher the motives of subsequent historiographical amnesias. After about 1810 the black peoples of southern Africa were caught between intensifying and converging imperialistic thrusts: one to supply the Cape Colony with labour; another, at Delagoa Bay, to supply slaves particularly to the Brazilian sugar plantations. The flight of the Ngwane from the Mzinyathi inland to the Caledon was, it is argued, a response to slaving. But they ran directly into the colonial raiding-grounds north of the Orange. The (missionary-led) raid on the still unidentified ‘Mantatees’ (not a reference to MaNtatisi) at Dithakong in 1823 was one of innumerable Griqua raids for slaves to counter an acute shortage of labour among Cape settlers after the British expansionist wars of 1811–20. Similar Griqua raids forced the Ngwane south from the Caledon into the Transkei. Here, at Mbolompo in 1828, the Ngwane were attacked yet again, this time by a British army seeking ‘free’ labour after the reorganisation of the Cape's labour-procurement system in July 1828. The British claim that they were parrying a Zulu invasion is exposed as propaganda, and the connexions between the campaign and the white-instigated murder of Shaka are shown. In short, African societies did not generate the regional violence on their own. Rather, caught within the European net, they were transformed over a lengthy period in reaction to the attentions of external plunderers. The core misrepresentations of ‘the mfecane’ are thereby revealed; the term, and the concept, should be abandoned.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1988
- Authors: Cobbing, Julian
- Date: 1988
- Language: English
- Type: Article
- Identifier: vital:6154 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1007067
- Description: The ‘mfecane’ is a characteristic product of South African liberal history used by the apartheid state to legitimate South Africa's racially unequal land division. Some astonishingly selective use or actual invention of evidence produced the myth of an internally-induced process of black-on-black destruction centring on Shaka's Zulu. A re-examination of the ‘battles’ of Dithakong and Mbolompo suggests very different conclusions and enables us to decipher the motives of subsequent historiographical amnesias. After about 1810 the black peoples of southern Africa were caught between intensifying and converging imperialistic thrusts: one to supply the Cape Colony with labour; another, at Delagoa Bay, to supply slaves particularly to the Brazilian sugar plantations. The flight of the Ngwane from the Mzinyathi inland to the Caledon was, it is argued, a response to slaving. But they ran directly into the colonial raiding-grounds north of the Orange. The (missionary-led) raid on the still unidentified ‘Mantatees’ (not a reference to MaNtatisi) at Dithakong in 1823 was one of innumerable Griqua raids for slaves to counter an acute shortage of labour among Cape settlers after the British expansionist wars of 1811–20. Similar Griqua raids forced the Ngwane south from the Caledon into the Transkei. Here, at Mbolompo in 1828, the Ngwane were attacked yet again, this time by a British army seeking ‘free’ labour after the reorganisation of the Cape's labour-procurement system in July 1828. The British claim that they were parrying a Zulu invasion is exposed as propaganda, and the connexions between the campaign and the white-instigated murder of Shaka are shown. In short, African societies did not generate the regional violence on their own. Rather, caught within the European net, they were transformed over a lengthy period in reaction to the attentions of external plunderers. The core misrepresentations of ‘the mfecane’ are thereby revealed; the term, and the concept, should be abandoned.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1988
Soft believers and hard unbelievers in the Xhosa cattle-killing
- Authors: Peires, Jeffrey B
- Date: 1986
- Language: English
- Type: Article
- Identifier: vital:6153 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1007064 , http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0021853700023264
- Description: A substantial minority, perhaps 15 per cent of all Xhosa, refused to obey the prophetess Nongqawuse's orders to kill their cattle and destroy their corn. This divided Xhosaland into two parties, the amathamba (‘soft’ ones, or believers) and the amagogotya (‘hard’ ones, or unbelievers). The affiliation of individuals was partly determined by a number of factors – lungsickness in cattle, political attitude towards the Cape Colony, religious beliefs, kinship, age and gender – but a systematic analysis of each of these factors in turn suggests that none of them was sufficiently important to constitute the basis of either party. The key to understanding the division lies in an analysis of the indigenous Xhosa terms ‘soft’ and ‘hard’. ‘Softness’ in Xhosa denotes the submissiveness of the individual to the common will of the community, whereas ‘hardness’ denotes the determination of the individual to pursue his own ends, even at communal expense. Translated into social terms, the ‘soft’ believers were those who remained committed to the mutual aid ethic of the declining precolonial society, whereas the ‘hard’ unbelievers were those who sought to seize advantage of the new opportunities offered by the colonial presence to increase their wealth and social prominence. The conflict between the social and personal imperatives was well expressed by Chief Smith Mhala, the unbelieving son of a believing father, when he said, ‘They say I am killing my father – so I would kill him before I would kill my cattle.’ Certainly, the division between amathamba and amagogotya ran much deeper than the division between belief and unbelief, and the Xhosa, in conferring these names, seem to have recognized the fact.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1986
- Authors: Peires, Jeffrey B
- Date: 1986
- Language: English
- Type: Article
- Identifier: vital:6153 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1007064 , http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0021853700023264
- Description: A substantial minority, perhaps 15 per cent of all Xhosa, refused to obey the prophetess Nongqawuse's orders to kill their cattle and destroy their corn. This divided Xhosaland into two parties, the amathamba (‘soft’ ones, or believers) and the amagogotya (‘hard’ ones, or unbelievers). The affiliation of individuals was partly determined by a number of factors – lungsickness in cattle, political attitude towards the Cape Colony, religious beliefs, kinship, age and gender – but a systematic analysis of each of these factors in turn suggests that none of them was sufficiently important to constitute the basis of either party. The key to understanding the division lies in an analysis of the indigenous Xhosa terms ‘soft’ and ‘hard’. ‘Softness’ in Xhosa denotes the submissiveness of the individual to the common will of the community, whereas ‘hardness’ denotes the determination of the individual to pursue his own ends, even at communal expense. Translated into social terms, the ‘soft’ believers were those who remained committed to the mutual aid ethic of the declining precolonial society, whereas the ‘hard’ unbelievers were those who sought to seize advantage of the new opportunities offered by the colonial presence to increase their wealth and social prominence. The conflict between the social and personal imperatives was well expressed by Chief Smith Mhala, the unbelieving son of a believing father, when he said, ‘They say I am killing my father – so I would kill him before I would kill my cattle.’ Certainly, the division between amathamba and amagogotya ran much deeper than the division between belief and unbelief, and the Xhosa, in conferring these names, seem to have recognized the fact.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1986
A memorable band
- Unknown
- Authors: Unknown
- Subjects: McGregor, Chris--1936-1990 , Gallotone , The Castle Lager Big Band , Jazz
- Language: English
- Type: Article
- Identifier: vital:13757 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1012772
- Description: Photocopied article from the newspaper Pretoria News about the recordings by Chris McGregor and the Castle Lager Big Band.
- Full Text:
- Authors: Unknown
- Subjects: McGregor, Chris--1936-1990 , Gallotone , The Castle Lager Big Band , Jazz
- Language: English
- Type: Article
- Identifier: vital:13757 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1012772
- Description: Photocopied article from the newspaper Pretoria News about the recordings by Chris McGregor and the Castle Lager Big Band.
- Full Text:
Hot jazz sets square alive
- Authors: Verdal, Garth
- Language: English
- Type: Article
- Identifier: vital:13664 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1012576
- Description: Article from the Argus describing Chris McGregor's concert with lots of enthusiasm. The concert was warmly acclaimed and brought together people of all races and ages.
- Full Text:
- Authors: Verdal, Garth
- Language: English
- Type: Article
- Identifier: vital:13664 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1012576
- Description: Article from the Argus describing Chris McGregor's concert with lots of enthusiasm. The concert was warmly acclaimed and brought together people of all races and ages.
- Full Text:
Spirits in action
- Authors: Vickery, Steve , Wilmer, Val
- Language: English
- Type: Article
- Identifier: vital:13665 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1012577
- Description: Photocopied article from the magazine Coda. This article is based on the book written by Maxine McGregor, Chris McGregor's wife "My Life With A South African Jazz Pioneer" (Bamberger Books). The article is reviewing Chris McGregor's life and his relations with the other members of the band Blue Notes who exiled in Europe, such as Dudu Pukwana, Mongezi Feza, Louis Moholo or Nick Moyake. There are 4 pictures with this article. A photo of Chris McGregor outside with a horse is on the first page; on the second page there is a picture of the Blue Notes; a photo of Dudu Pukwana and Mongezi Feza is on the third page and on the last page, a photo is showing Louis Moholo (in the front) with the band Viva la Black.
- Full Text:
- Authors: Vickery, Steve , Wilmer, Val
- Language: English
- Type: Article
- Identifier: vital:13665 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1012577
- Description: Photocopied article from the magazine Coda. This article is based on the book written by Maxine McGregor, Chris McGregor's wife "My Life With A South African Jazz Pioneer" (Bamberger Books). The article is reviewing Chris McGregor's life and his relations with the other members of the band Blue Notes who exiled in Europe, such as Dudu Pukwana, Mongezi Feza, Louis Moholo or Nick Moyake. There are 4 pictures with this article. A photo of Chris McGregor outside with a horse is on the first page; on the second page there is a picture of the Blue Notes; a photo of Dudu Pukwana and Mongezi Feza is on the third page and on the last page, a photo is showing Louis Moholo (in the front) with the band Viva la Black.
- Full Text: