Protecting and organising the apartheid and post-apartheid precarious municipal workforce: the Cape Town Municipal Workers Association and the South African Municipal Workers Union in Cape Town
- Authors: Mathekga, Jerry Mmanoko
- Date: 2024-10-11
- Subjects: African National Congress , COSATU , South African Municipal Workers Union , Apartheid South Africa , Municipal officials and employees South Africa Cape Town , Neoliberalism , Contracting out , Precarious employment
- Language: English
- Type: Academic theses , Doctoral theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/467072 , vital:76812 , DOI https://doi.org/10.21504/10962/467072
- Description: The contemporary, global expansion of precarious employment poses key challenges for unions based on workers in full-time, stable employment (i.e. workers in the so-called “Standard Employment Relationship” – SER). South African unions and federations like the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU), have resolved to organise these workers for decades. Most unions have, however done little to put these intentions into effect, even though precarity threatens union survival. A notable exception amongst unions in both the state and private sectors is COSATU’s South African Municipal Workers Union (SAMWU). SAMWU has a long history of consistently acting to protect and organise precarious workers. This is the puzzle with which this thesis grapples: why has SAMWU been different? This question is examined through a focus on Cape Town, the city in which the union has the deepest roots: its main, immediate predecessor, the Cape Town Municipal Workers Association (CTMWA), was founded in Cape Town in 1918. Answering the question posed above requires examining the record: how has SAMWU – and before it, the CTMWA – protected and organise precarious workers in the municipal sector over time? And further, why did CTMWA and SAMWU act this way, when many others have not? The answers lie in the distinctive character of the organisation’s trade union identity, drawing on Richard Hyman’s work, which moves beyond broad labels (business unionism, political unionism, etc.) and normative prescriptions (what unions should, ideally, do) to develop a nuanced model of what predisposes, and enables, certain union choices, actions, and responses union. The popular power resources approach (PRA) to unions helps map the resources available to unions but cannot explain why unions use power resources in specific ways. The thesis argues that the evolving union identity of the CTMWA and SAMWU predisposed it to organising workers, and that this evolving identity has been shaped by the distinctive features of the Western Cape and its political traditions, a long history of multiple municipal labour markets in Cape Town, and the specificities of that city, including the black African / Coloured division, its independent left traditions, the relative weakness of the COSATU’s allies, the African National Congress (ANC) and the South African Communist Party (SACP), in local government, and the peculiar dynamics of municipal restructuring. This thesis draws on both labour history and industrial Sociology, arguing that a dialogue between these two disciplines enriches labour studies. This thesis draws on a wide range of primary sources, both historical and contemporary, examines historical processes and change, and engages in a dialogue between historical and sociological work. It argues for the need to historicise precarity, avoiding a “year zero” approach that treats it as a novel challenge for unions, and as reducible to neo-liberalism. It insists that labour responses are shaped by place and time, and so, for the need to balance macro-level discussions of trends with local specificities. It argues that notion of a sharp rupture between the surging new wave of unionism that started in South Africa in 1973, from which COSATU emerged, and the older traditions of registered unionism has been overstated. More attention needs to be paid to the imprint of the more radical registered unions, like CTMWA, on the new unionism. Rejecting pessimistic accounts that see unions as doomed by precarity, it draws attention to long histories of relatively successful and sustained union responses, like those of CTMWA/ SAMWU. However, it questions prescriptive approaches that centre on what unions should do, highlighting how evolving union identity shapes what unions can do. , Thesis (PhD) -- Faculty of Humanities, Sociology, 2024
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2024-10-11
- Authors: Mathekga, Jerry Mmanoko
- Date: 2024-10-11
- Subjects: African National Congress , COSATU , South African Municipal Workers Union , Apartheid South Africa , Municipal officials and employees South Africa Cape Town , Neoliberalism , Contracting out , Precarious employment
- Language: English
- Type: Academic theses , Doctoral theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/467072 , vital:76812 , DOI https://doi.org/10.21504/10962/467072
- Description: The contemporary, global expansion of precarious employment poses key challenges for unions based on workers in full-time, stable employment (i.e. workers in the so-called “Standard Employment Relationship” – SER). South African unions and federations like the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU), have resolved to organise these workers for decades. Most unions have, however done little to put these intentions into effect, even though precarity threatens union survival. A notable exception amongst unions in both the state and private sectors is COSATU’s South African Municipal Workers Union (SAMWU). SAMWU has a long history of consistently acting to protect and organise precarious workers. This is the puzzle with which this thesis grapples: why has SAMWU been different? This question is examined through a focus on Cape Town, the city in which the union has the deepest roots: its main, immediate predecessor, the Cape Town Municipal Workers Association (CTMWA), was founded in Cape Town in 1918. Answering the question posed above requires examining the record: how has SAMWU – and before it, the CTMWA – protected and organise precarious workers in the municipal sector over time? And further, why did CTMWA and SAMWU act this way, when many others have not? The answers lie in the distinctive character of the organisation’s trade union identity, drawing on Richard Hyman’s work, which moves beyond broad labels (business unionism, political unionism, etc.) and normative prescriptions (what unions should, ideally, do) to develop a nuanced model of what predisposes, and enables, certain union choices, actions, and responses union. The popular power resources approach (PRA) to unions helps map the resources available to unions but cannot explain why unions use power resources in specific ways. The thesis argues that the evolving union identity of the CTMWA and SAMWU predisposed it to organising workers, and that this evolving identity has been shaped by the distinctive features of the Western Cape and its political traditions, a long history of multiple municipal labour markets in Cape Town, and the specificities of that city, including the black African / Coloured division, its independent left traditions, the relative weakness of the COSATU’s allies, the African National Congress (ANC) and the South African Communist Party (SACP), in local government, and the peculiar dynamics of municipal restructuring. This thesis draws on both labour history and industrial Sociology, arguing that a dialogue between these two disciplines enriches labour studies. This thesis draws on a wide range of primary sources, both historical and contemporary, examines historical processes and change, and engages in a dialogue between historical and sociological work. It argues for the need to historicise precarity, avoiding a “year zero” approach that treats it as a novel challenge for unions, and as reducible to neo-liberalism. It insists that labour responses are shaped by place and time, and so, for the need to balance macro-level discussions of trends with local specificities. It argues that notion of a sharp rupture between the surging new wave of unionism that started in South Africa in 1973, from which COSATU emerged, and the older traditions of registered unionism has been overstated. More attention needs to be paid to the imprint of the more radical registered unions, like CTMWA, on the new unionism. Rejecting pessimistic accounts that see unions as doomed by precarity, it draws attention to long histories of relatively successful and sustained union responses, like those of CTMWA/ SAMWU. However, it questions prescriptive approaches that centre on what unions should do, highlighting how evolving union identity shapes what unions can do. , Thesis (PhD) -- Faculty of Humanities, Sociology, 2024
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2024-10-11
The political economy of industrial policy in post-apartheid South Africa: a comparative case study analysis of Brazil and South Korea
- Modisaotsile, Botlhale Phurulla
- Authors: Modisaotsile, Botlhale Phurulla
- Date: 2023-10-13
- Subjects: Industrial policy South Africa , South Africa Economic conditions 1991- , Korea (South) Economic conditions , Brazil Economic conditions , Apartheid South Africa , Political economy , Deindustrialization
- Language: English
- Type: Academic theses , Master's theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/419703 , vital:71668
- Description: South Africa is a country that has experienced premature deindustrialisation due to its inability to move out of middle-income status. The role of industrial policy in South Africa is pivotal to taking the country to greater economic heights and a higher-income status. South Africa’s historical context indicates that the country experienced its highest GDP growth rates during the apartheid economy. Since the demise of apartheid, the post-apartheid economy has experienced poverty and economic inequality that the South African government cannot eradicate. This thesis addresses the failure of South Africa to overcome premature deindustrialisation, and it discusses the state of the political economy and economic growth in a pre-apartheid and post-apartheid context. The thesis also addressed the significance of industrial policy through the establishment of the Industrial Policy Action Plan (IPAP). The shortcomings and successes of IPAP form a critical part of the research and present an analysis of different economic sectors. This thesis also assesses the state of industrial policy using two countries as case studies: Brazil and South Korea. , Thesis (MEcon) -- Faculty of Commerce, Economics and Economic History, 2023
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2023-10-13
- Authors: Modisaotsile, Botlhale Phurulla
- Date: 2023-10-13
- Subjects: Industrial policy South Africa , South Africa Economic conditions 1991- , Korea (South) Economic conditions , Brazil Economic conditions , Apartheid South Africa , Political economy , Deindustrialization
- Language: English
- Type: Academic theses , Master's theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/419703 , vital:71668
- Description: South Africa is a country that has experienced premature deindustrialisation due to its inability to move out of middle-income status. The role of industrial policy in South Africa is pivotal to taking the country to greater economic heights and a higher-income status. South Africa’s historical context indicates that the country experienced its highest GDP growth rates during the apartheid economy. Since the demise of apartheid, the post-apartheid economy has experienced poverty and economic inequality that the South African government cannot eradicate. This thesis addresses the failure of South Africa to overcome premature deindustrialisation, and it discusses the state of the political economy and economic growth in a pre-apartheid and post-apartheid context. The thesis also addressed the significance of industrial policy through the establishment of the Industrial Policy Action Plan (IPAP). The shortcomings and successes of IPAP form a critical part of the research and present an analysis of different economic sectors. This thesis also assesses the state of industrial policy using two countries as case studies: Brazil and South Korea. , Thesis (MEcon) -- Faculty of Commerce, Economics and Economic History, 2023
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2023-10-13
A biography on inkosi Albert John Mvumbi Luthuli as an African intellectual
- Mngadi, Samkelo Ntobeko Vukani
- Authors: Mngadi, Samkelo Ntobeko Vukani
- Date: 2022-04-07
- Subjects: Luthuli, A J (Albert John), 1898-1967 , Luthuli, A J (Albert John), 1898-1967 Political and social views , Africans Intellectual life , South Africa History , South Africa Politics and government , African National Congress Biography , Apartheid South Africa , Political activists South Africa Biography , Intellectuals Political activity South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Academic theses , Master's theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/294493 , vital:57226
- Description: [Excerpt taken from Introduction] The purpose of this study is to take a look at one of these African leaders, inkosi Albert Luthuli through a biographical lens to assess whether he should be recognised as an African intellectual. Sifiso Mxolisi Ndlovu states that inkosi Luthuli is recognised as the father of South Africa’s non-racialism. He used his moral authority in a historic fashion to influence the liberation movement to adopt non-violent resistance. During his time as President-General, he became the beacon of non-violent resistance. As the president of the liberation organisation, he delivered speeches that steered the African National Congress (ANC) and the liberation movement when the State escalated its oppression against Africans. The State retaliated by deposing him as an elected Chief, imprisoned him, imposed multiple bans on him in attempts to silence him. His intellect proved to be a threat to the State. He spoke out boldly against the apartheid state and advocated for chiefs, African people, African women, sugar farmers, and all oppressed racial groups. Inkosi Luthuli used his speeches to deliver political concepts like non-racialism, multiracialism, African nationalism and democracy into the public space. He cemented ANC’s cooperation policy that created the environment for the existence of the Congress Alliance that produced the Freedom Charter. He spoke out against the oppression of not just South Africans but Africa and all oppressed groups internationally. He illustrated that he possessed geopolitics that would gain the attention of the world. He illustrated his geopolitics through his internationalism philosophy gained the international community’s attention. Inkosi Luthuli was revered and respected by his Groutville community, the African community, South Africans of all racial groups and the international community. His impact can be seen through him being the first African-born Nobel Peace Prize recipient. He pushed for the international community to place economic sanctions and believed that international sanctions were the appropriate non-violent method the global community could get involved in fighting apartheid.5 The purpose of this study will be to explore how a Christian Zulu Chief’s intellectual thinking was able to move South Africa towards a multiracial democracy using non-violent resistance as a strategy to gain Africa and the world’s attention—looking at him from the vantage point of being an African intellectual. , Thesis (MA) -- Faculty of Humanities, History, 2022
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2022-04-07
- Authors: Mngadi, Samkelo Ntobeko Vukani
- Date: 2022-04-07
- Subjects: Luthuli, A J (Albert John), 1898-1967 , Luthuli, A J (Albert John), 1898-1967 Political and social views , Africans Intellectual life , South Africa History , South Africa Politics and government , African National Congress Biography , Apartheid South Africa , Political activists South Africa Biography , Intellectuals Political activity South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Academic theses , Master's theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/294493 , vital:57226
- Description: [Excerpt taken from Introduction] The purpose of this study is to take a look at one of these African leaders, inkosi Albert Luthuli through a biographical lens to assess whether he should be recognised as an African intellectual. Sifiso Mxolisi Ndlovu states that inkosi Luthuli is recognised as the father of South Africa’s non-racialism. He used his moral authority in a historic fashion to influence the liberation movement to adopt non-violent resistance. During his time as President-General, he became the beacon of non-violent resistance. As the president of the liberation organisation, he delivered speeches that steered the African National Congress (ANC) and the liberation movement when the State escalated its oppression against Africans. The State retaliated by deposing him as an elected Chief, imprisoned him, imposed multiple bans on him in attempts to silence him. His intellect proved to be a threat to the State. He spoke out boldly against the apartheid state and advocated for chiefs, African people, African women, sugar farmers, and all oppressed racial groups. Inkosi Luthuli used his speeches to deliver political concepts like non-racialism, multiracialism, African nationalism and democracy into the public space. He cemented ANC’s cooperation policy that created the environment for the existence of the Congress Alliance that produced the Freedom Charter. He spoke out against the oppression of not just South Africans but Africa and all oppressed groups internationally. He illustrated that he possessed geopolitics that would gain the attention of the world. He illustrated his geopolitics through his internationalism philosophy gained the international community’s attention. Inkosi Luthuli was revered and respected by his Groutville community, the African community, South Africans of all racial groups and the international community. His impact can be seen through him being the first African-born Nobel Peace Prize recipient. He pushed for the international community to place economic sanctions and believed that international sanctions were the appropriate non-violent method the global community could get involved in fighting apartheid.5 The purpose of this study will be to explore how a Christian Zulu Chief’s intellectual thinking was able to move South Africa towards a multiracial democracy using non-violent resistance as a strategy to gain Africa and the world’s attention—looking at him from the vantage point of being an African intellectual. , Thesis (MA) -- Faculty of Humanities, History, 2022
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2022-04-07
The changing face of Rhodes University: exploring aspects of visuality, sexuality and protest between the apartheid and postapartheid periods
- Authors: Stein, Jonathan Harry
- Date: 2018
- Subjects: Rhodes University , Apartheid South Africa , Post-apartheid era South Africa , College students Attitudes , Student movements South Africa , Decolonization South Africa , Aesthetics Political aspects South Africa , Sex Political aspects South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/60530 , vital:27790
- Description: This thesis seeks to provide an historical overview of changing trends within specific spheres of the institutional and student culture of Rhodes University between the apartheid and post-apartheid periods. In particular, this thesis seeks to examine changes and developments within the visual and aesthetic culture of the university, and within the sphere of sexual norms and relations within the Rhodes student community. The historical dimensions of these two spheres of the university’s culture will be explored in light of the #RhodesMustFall protest of 2015 and the #RUReferenceList protest of 2016, which drew attention to a perceived lack of institutional transformation related to these two areas.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2018
- Authors: Stein, Jonathan Harry
- Date: 2018
- Subjects: Rhodes University , Apartheid South Africa , Post-apartheid era South Africa , College students Attitudes , Student movements South Africa , Decolonization South Africa , Aesthetics Political aspects South Africa , Sex Political aspects South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/60530 , vital:27790
- Description: This thesis seeks to provide an historical overview of changing trends within specific spheres of the institutional and student culture of Rhodes University between the apartheid and post-apartheid periods. In particular, this thesis seeks to examine changes and developments within the visual and aesthetic culture of the university, and within the sphere of sexual norms and relations within the Rhodes student community. The historical dimensions of these two spheres of the university’s culture will be explored in light of the #RhodesMustFall protest of 2015 and the #RUReferenceList protest of 2016, which drew attention to a perceived lack of institutional transformation related to these two areas.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2018
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