Democracy and party dominance in Kenya and South Africa : a comparative study of the Kenya African National Union and the African National Congres
- Authors: Mwangi, Oscar Gakuo
- Date: 2013-08-15
- Subjects: Kenya African National Union African National Congress Political parties -- South Africa Political parties -- Kenya Democracy -- South Africa Democracy -- Kenya South Africa -- Politics and government Kenya -- Politics and government
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: vital:2876 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1008431
- Description: Kenya and South Africa can be described as dominant party systems, under the dominance of the Kenya African National Union CKANU) and the African National Congress CANC) respectively. A dominant party system is in essence a democracy. The spirit of democracy may, however, apparently be contradicted by the weight of party dominance, thus questioning the content of and prospects for democracy under party dominance in both Kenya and South Africa. The study is a comparative analysis of party dominance in Kenya and South Africa. The main objective is to exan1ine the relationship between party dominance and democracy in both countries. It seeks to find out how party dominance is reproducing itself and surviving the post 1990 transition processes in Kenya and South Africa. More importantly, the study also seeks to find out how party dominance impacts upon institutions that support or uphold democratization and subsequently democracy. The findings of the study demonstrate that party dominance has reproduced itself and survived the post-1990 period, and is also impacting upon democratization and democracy. The dominant parties take a similar trajectory in pursuit of dominance over the state and its apparatuses. However, they differ when it comes to their relationship with the civil society. That between KANU and civil society is antagonistic, as the ruling party seeks to augment political power through authoritarian dominance of the latter to, while that of the ANC and civil society is responsive, as the former seeks to enhance political stability in the country. The impact of party dominance upon institutions that support democracy takes similar and different trajectories in both countries. Similarities arise with respect to the detrimental impact upon institutions of the Executive that ensure accountability and transparency, evident in the increasing cases of corruption, nepotism and political patronage appointments. Similarly, there has been a detrimental impact upon the Legislature regarding parliamentary proceedings. Parliamentary committees and opposition parties are being rendered ineffective as organs of ensuring transparency and accountability, and are often subject to delegitimation. The impact of party dominance on the Judiciary, however, differs in both countries. In Kenya, the judiciary continues to suffer from excessive interference from the Executive and the ruling party, whereas in South Africa the judicial system remains largely independent with regard to the application of justice, despite constant criticisms from the dominant party. The study concludes that South Africa is, gradually, going the Kenyan way. If this condition is left unchecked there is the possibility that South Africa could eventually end up a psuedo-democracy like Kenya, where formal democratic political institutions such as multiparty elections, exist to mask the reality of authoritarian dominance. The thesis recommends that strengthening civil society organizations, opposition political parties, and state institutions in both countries to ensure greater accountability and transparency, will reverse this detrimental effect of party dominance. It also recommends meaningful constitutional reforms that will guarantee greater independence of these institutions, and the decentralization of governmental and political power to check and limit the powers of the dominant party. Also recommended are areas for further research. , KMBT_363 , Adobe Acrobat 9.54 Paper Capture Plug-in
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An analysis of selected World Trade Organisation agreements to determine whether they discriminate unfairly against developing economices
- Authors: Grimett, Leticia Anthea
- Date: 2013-07-29
- Subjects: World Trade Organization Foreign trade regulation General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (Organization) Free trade -- Developing countries Foreign trade regulation -- Developing countries Competition, Unfair -- Developing countries
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: vital:3718 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1008368
- Description: The focus of this thesis is the question whether or not the WTO discriminates unfairly against developing economies. In the absence of a test of guidelines for detennining unfairness or fairness of WTO provisions or Agreements has been drawn up using welfare economic and constitutional law principles as a foundation. Unfairness is therefore determined by asking whether the provisions of each Agreement are rational, proportional, efficient and whether they prevent the abuse of power amongst states. In addition, the economic effects of the provisions of the selected Agreements have been analysed to determine whether the relevant provisions are welfare enhancing and conclusive to promoting growth and development within developing economies. The Agreements chosed for analysis are the Agreements on Trade-related Investment Measures (TRIMS), Trade-related Intellectual Property (TRIPS), Agriculture and Services (GATS). The dispute settlement and negotiating process, labour standards and the impact of decreasing most-favoured nation rates on developing economy competitiveness is also discussed. Application of the test has shown that the WTO provisions do not reflect the interests of all members. Even though most member states are developing economies, the3 Agreements constantly cater foe developed country concerns and interests. Where provision is made for developing country interests, it is the LDC's who are favoured, with nonnal developing economies being bound by the same provisions as the developed economies. A fonnal, as opposed to a substantive, defmition has been adopted by the WTO, with a result that the process of equality is placed above the outcomes. While concessions have been made to development, members have not gone for enough. A main reason for the imbalance can be attributed to the negotiating process, which is based upon concessionary bargaining and trade-off. Those states with greater economic power are therefore at an advantage as they have the leverage needed to influence the outcomes of negotiations and hence the provisions of the various Agreements. Even with the LDC's, the WTO has been found to discriminate unfairly against developing economies because it does not adequately address developing country concerns. , KMBT_363 , Adobe Acrobat 9.54 Paper Capture Plug-in
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An analysis of the impact of democratization on debt-led growth : the Nigerian experience, 1970-2000
- Authors: Dinneya, Godson Eze
- Date: 2013-05-22
- Subjects: Debts, External -- Nigeria Nigeria -- Politics and government -- 1960- Nigeria -- Economic policy Nigeria -- Economic conditions -- 1960-
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: vital:1074 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1007807
- Description: The debt-for democracy hypothesis is that undemocratic governments were largely responsible for not only the accumulation but also poor management of externally sourced capital resources. External borrowing had therefore failed to lead to growth of the economies of debtor countries under undemocratic political leadership. Despite this explanation of the debt problem conventional empirical analyses of the debt-growth relationship did not include political institutional variables. This study investigates the relationship between democratization and debt-led growth, using Nigeria, a typical debtor country whose politics was dominated by 'undemocratic ' governance, as a case study. Two broad research questions are investigated namely, whether available data support a negative or positive contribution of debt to the growth of the Nigeria economy during the period 1970-2000; and ifso was there any link between the levels of democratization in Nigeria and debt-led growth. Using a census of major political events in Nigeria around four dimensions of democratization, four primary indices of democratization and one composite index were constructed for the period. Using the Taylor (1983) marginal conditions to gauge the contribution of external debt to the growth of the Nigerian economy, the study found that external debt is capable of playing a double edged sword on the performance of the economy. Positive contributions coincided with the periods when Nigeria's oil dominated foreign exchange revenues were robust, and/ or when debt management strategies were better articulated and vice versa. The analyses of the link between democratization and debt-led growth using both correlation and regression techniques, yielded different results in two definitional contexts of debt-led growth. When defined purely in terms of the Taylor marginal conditions for a positive contribution of debt to the economy of a borrowing nation, the results support the pessimist view that democratization impeded growth. On the contrary, when debt-led growth was defined in a broader sense to incorporate variables such as domestic savings and investment, foreign direct investments, public and private consumption and debt burden, there was strong evidence that debt-led growth performed beller at higher levels of democratization than other wise. The result using the narrow definition was found to be a direct consequence of the overriding influence of export performance in the Taylor conditions. With Nigeria's exports almost entirely dominated by extractive industry the result derived using the narrow definition confirmed the theoretical links between natural resource endowment and regime type on the one hand, and external capital and the nature of the host country 's industry on the other. In the first resource dependence allowed the political leadership to be more detached and less accountable to the electorate since they did not need to levy taxes. Secondly foreign investors concerned with security of their sunk investments in the extractive oil induslly in particular favoured continuity of powerfol regimes with less democratic content. In both findings one thing was common: democratization was associated more with those factors whose decreases affect growth positively than with those whose increases improve growth. The conclusion from this is that the impact of democratization is stronger with negative than with positive growth factors. In other words, while democratization may be supportive of growth its greater impact appears to be in limiting the factors that themselves limit growth. To benefit from the favourable impact of democratisation on debt-led growth therefore the study suggests that improvements in the democratisation process in Nigeria is needed It identifies political education as central to this improvement. A model is developed to show how improvements in the political institutional framework may trickle down, through an enabling environment that is capable of engendering growth-enhancing domestic and international responses to lead in the direction of debt-led growth.
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