Up Beat Issue Number 5 1990
- SACHED
- Authors: SACHED
- Date: 1990
- Subjects: SACHED
- Language: English
- Type: text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/118946 , vital:34685
- Description: Mbulelois 14 and Adelaide is 12. They live in Pabaleilo, a township outside Upington. They have not seen their mother, Evelina de Bruyn, for more than a year. They would love to see her. But they can’t. She is far away in a jail in Pretoria, waiting to die. Evelina was one of the accused in the Upington 25 murdertrial. In May 1989, Evelina, her husband Gideon Madlongolwane and 11 other people from Pabaleilo were sentenced to death for the ‘common purpose murder’ of Lucas Sethwala, a policeman. The judge said that Evelina de Bruyn did not actually take part in the physical attack on Lucas Setwala. B ut she was part of the crowd that marched on to the policeman’s house and killed him. The crowd had a ‘common purpose’, and that was to kill the policeman. And so Evelina was sentenced to death. Many people think that the idea of a common purpose is wrong. Father Mkhatswa of the Human Rights Commission told Upbeat that people criticise this law because it is so serious. ‘In mass funerals or meetings thousands of people come together. When violence starts you can’t say that people planned the action. People are angry and upset. Also, how do you decide who was involved? Everyone present cannot be responsible.’
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1990
- Authors: SACHED
- Date: 1990
- Subjects: SACHED
- Language: English
- Type: text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/118946 , vital:34685
- Description: Mbulelois 14 and Adelaide is 12. They live in Pabaleilo, a township outside Upington. They have not seen their mother, Evelina de Bruyn, for more than a year. They would love to see her. But they can’t. She is far away in a jail in Pretoria, waiting to die. Evelina was one of the accused in the Upington 25 murdertrial. In May 1989, Evelina, her husband Gideon Madlongolwane and 11 other people from Pabaleilo were sentenced to death for the ‘common purpose murder’ of Lucas Sethwala, a policeman. The judge said that Evelina de Bruyn did not actually take part in the physical attack on Lucas Setwala. B ut she was part of the crowd that marched on to the policeman’s house and killed him. The crowd had a ‘common purpose’, and that was to kill the policeman. And so Evelina was sentenced to death. Many people think that the idea of a common purpose is wrong. Father Mkhatswa of the Human Rights Commission told Upbeat that people criticise this law because it is so serious. ‘In mass funerals or meetings thousands of people come together. When violence starts you can’t say that people planned the action. People are angry and upset. Also, how do you decide who was involved? Everyone present cannot be responsible.’
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1990
English in Africa 2000 : towards a new millennium : inaugural lecture delivered at Rhodes University
- Authors: Walters, Paul S
- Date: 1988
- Subjects: Molteno Project , English language -- Study and teaching -- South Africa , English language -- Usage -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Text
- Identifier: vital:678 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1020747 , ISBN 0868101680
- Description: Inaugural lecture delivered at Rhodes University , Rhodes University Libraries (Digitisation)
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1988
English in Africa 2000 : towards a new millennium : inaugural lecture delivered at Rhodes University
- Authors: Walters, Paul S
- Date: 1988
- Subjects: Molteno Project , English language -- Study and teaching -- South Africa , English language -- Usage -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Text
- Identifier: vital:678 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1020747 , ISBN 0868101680
- Description: Inaugural lecture delivered at Rhodes University , Rhodes University Libraries (Digitisation)
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1988
COSATU constitution as amended at COSATU 2nd National Congress l987
- COSATU
- Authors: COSATU
- Date: 1987
- Subjects: COSATU
- Language: English
- Type: text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/109708 , vital:33182
- Description: We the Trade Union representatives here present firmiy commit ourselves to a unified democratic South Africa, free of oppression and economic exploitation. We believe that this can only be achieved under the leadership of a united working class. Our history has taught us that to achieve this goal we will have to carry out the following tasks. To organise the unorganised workers and build effective trade unions based on the democratic organisation of workers in the factories, mines, shops, farms and other workplaces. Organise national industrial trade unions, financed and controlled by their worker members through democratically elected committees. Unify these industrial unions into a national worker controlled federation. Combat the divisions amongst the workers of South Africa and unite them into a strong and confident working class. Encourage democratic worker organisation and leadership in all spheres of our society together with other progressive sectors of the community. Reinforce and encourage progressive international worker contact and solidarity so as to assist one another in our struggles.We call on all those who identify with this commitment to join us and the workers whom we represent as comrades in the struggle ahead. We call on all trade unions to strive to unite their members in their ranks without discrimination and prejudice, and therefore resolve that this federation shall determinedly seek to further and protect the interests of all workers and that its guiding motto shall be the universal slogan of working class solidarity: "AN INJURY TO ONE IS AN INJURY TO ALL".
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1987
- Authors: COSATU
- Date: 1987
- Subjects: COSATU
- Language: English
- Type: text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/109708 , vital:33182
- Description: We the Trade Union representatives here present firmiy commit ourselves to a unified democratic South Africa, free of oppression and economic exploitation. We believe that this can only be achieved under the leadership of a united working class. Our history has taught us that to achieve this goal we will have to carry out the following tasks. To organise the unorganised workers and build effective trade unions based on the democratic organisation of workers in the factories, mines, shops, farms and other workplaces. Organise national industrial trade unions, financed and controlled by their worker members through democratically elected committees. Unify these industrial unions into a national worker controlled federation. Combat the divisions amongst the workers of South Africa and unite them into a strong and confident working class. Encourage democratic worker organisation and leadership in all spheres of our society together with other progressive sectors of the community. Reinforce and encourage progressive international worker contact and solidarity so as to assist one another in our struggles.We call on all those who identify with this commitment to join us and the workers whom we represent as comrades in the struggle ahead. We call on all trade unions to strive to unite their members in their ranks without discrimination and prejudice, and therefore resolve that this federation shall determinedly seek to further and protect the interests of all workers and that its guiding motto shall be the universal slogan of working class solidarity: "AN INJURY TO ONE IS AN INJURY TO ALL".
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1987
Regional geochemistry of the Karoo igneous province
- Duncan, Andrew R, Erlank, Anthony J, Marsh, Julian S
- Authors: Duncan, Andrew R , Erlank, Anthony J , Marsh, Julian S
- Date: 1984
- Language: English
- Type: text , article
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/134154 , vital:37079 , https://inis.iaea.org/search/searchsinglerecord.aspx?recordsFor=SingleRecordamp;RN=15001076
- Description: The extrusive and intrusive rocks of the Karoo Igneous Province are dominantly of basaltic or rhyolitic (sensu lato) composition. There are, however, a considerable variety of other rock types within the province including picritic basalts, nephelinites, shoshonites, latites, andesites and dacites. This paper deals with the geochemistry of the Karoo igneous province.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1984
- Authors: Duncan, Andrew R , Erlank, Anthony J , Marsh, Julian S
- Date: 1984
- Language: English
- Type: text , article
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/134154 , vital:37079 , https://inis.iaea.org/search/searchsinglerecord.aspx?recordsFor=SingleRecordamp;RN=15001076
- Description: The extrusive and intrusive rocks of the Karoo Igneous Province are dominantly of basaltic or rhyolitic (sensu lato) composition. There are, however, a considerable variety of other rock types within the province including picritic basalts, nephelinites, shoshonites, latites, andesites and dacites. This paper deals with the geochemistry of the Karoo igneous province.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1984
Capitalism and natural rights: Marx, Locke and the moral justification of capitalism: inaugural lecture delivered at Rhodes University
- Authors: Beard, T V R
- Date: 1979-07-25
- Subjects: Capitalism , Marx, Karl, 1818-1883 , Locke, John, 1632-1704
- Language: English
- Type: Text
- Identifier: vital:595 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1020664
- Description: Inaugural lecture delivered at Rhodes University , Rhodes University Libraries (Digitisation) , ONE of the commonplaces among political philosophers and theorists is the contempt with which Marx regarded Natural Rights theory. In 1843 he wrote that "the so-called rights of man, the droit de l'homme as distinct from the droit du citoyen, are nothing but the rights of a member of civil society, that is the rights of egoistic man, of man separated from other men and from the community." And again "the real man is recognised only in the shape of the egoistic individual, the true man is recognised only in the shape of the abstract citoyen."1 Marx saw Natural Rights as means for the justification of capitalism, and so, as justifying inequalities of wealth and property-ownership. And of course it is true that many writers, in supporting Natural Rights, have stressed, as Stuart Brown expresses it, that "They are the rights of a man to the protection of what is in his interest. The moral interests of one man may differ radically from those of another. Different men may have radically different needs and capacities. And these differences, in conjunction with unavoidable differences in opportunity, produce differences in estate. "2 Expressions of this kind make clear the point of Marx's critique. I wish tonight to argue and to attempt to establish two main theses. The first is that, despite Marx's expressed attitudes to Natural Rights, his own theory of capitalism cannot easily be disentangled from Natural Rights theory, and, if my argument is right, it in fact depends upon it. Secondly, I shall try to show, through an examination of the theories of John Locke, that if Natural Rights theory is to be taken seriously, it is at odds with the very capitalist theory which it is generally taken to support, and that Natural Rights cannot therefore provide an adequate under-pinning of capitalism, at least not without generating self-contradictions within the theory of Natural Rights. If the arguments which I shall present are right, I shall hope to have established what might be termed two paradoxes.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1979-07-25
- Authors: Beard, T V R
- Date: 1979-07-25
- Subjects: Capitalism , Marx, Karl, 1818-1883 , Locke, John, 1632-1704
- Language: English
- Type: Text
- Identifier: vital:595 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1020664
- Description: Inaugural lecture delivered at Rhodes University , Rhodes University Libraries (Digitisation) , ONE of the commonplaces among political philosophers and theorists is the contempt with which Marx regarded Natural Rights theory. In 1843 he wrote that "the so-called rights of man, the droit de l'homme as distinct from the droit du citoyen, are nothing but the rights of a member of civil society, that is the rights of egoistic man, of man separated from other men and from the community." And again "the real man is recognised only in the shape of the egoistic individual, the true man is recognised only in the shape of the abstract citoyen."1 Marx saw Natural Rights as means for the justification of capitalism, and so, as justifying inequalities of wealth and property-ownership. And of course it is true that many writers, in supporting Natural Rights, have stressed, as Stuart Brown expresses it, that "They are the rights of a man to the protection of what is in his interest. The moral interests of one man may differ radically from those of another. Different men may have radically different needs and capacities. And these differences, in conjunction with unavoidable differences in opportunity, produce differences in estate. "2 Expressions of this kind make clear the point of Marx's critique. I wish tonight to argue and to attempt to establish two main theses. The first is that, despite Marx's expressed attitudes to Natural Rights, his own theory of capitalism cannot easily be disentangled from Natural Rights theory, and, if my argument is right, it in fact depends upon it. Secondly, I shall try to show, through an examination of the theories of John Locke, that if Natural Rights theory is to be taken seriously, it is at odds with the very capitalist theory which it is generally taken to support, and that Natural Rights cannot therefore provide an adequate under-pinning of capitalism, at least not without generating self-contradictions within the theory of Natural Rights. If the arguments which I shall present are right, I shall hope to have established what might be termed two paradoxes.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1979-07-25
The Educational Journal
- Date: 1962-08
- Subjects: Education –- South Africa , South Africa -- Politics and government , Government, Resistance to -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: text , Article
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10948/34542 , vital:33392 , Bulk File 7
- Description: The Educational Journal was the official organ of the Teachers' League of South Africa and focussed on education within the context of a racialized South Africa.
- Full Text: false
- Date Issued: 1962-08
- Date: 1962-08
- Subjects: Education –- South Africa , South Africa -- Politics and government , Government, Resistance to -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: text , Article
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10948/34542 , vital:33392 , Bulk File 7
- Description: The Educational Journal was the official organ of the Teachers' League of South Africa and focussed on education within the context of a racialized South Africa.
- Full Text: false
- Date Issued: 1962-08
The Plastic University: Knowledge, Disciplines and Decolonial 'Circulations'
- Authors: Keet, Andre
- Subjects: Critical pedagogy , Transformative learning , f-sa
- Language: English
- Type: text , Lectures
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10948/21077 , vital:29436
- Description: The university is as plastic as the social figure of ‘Mandela’ after whom it is named. It is as plastic as the globe and its humanity in whose name it exists. And, it is as plastic as the human subject that is ‘perpetually called on to reconfigure itself in relation to the artefacts of the age’, as Mbembe2 argues in Critique of Black Reason. The very nature of addressing, of writing … of inaugurating … oneself, through an address is an act of reconfiguration, of responding to an artefact of the university and the professoriate. It is, when all is said and done, a performance, a performative act: declaring so and so a professor of this or that status, authorizing ‘it’ to utter something with some kind of formative force.
- Full Text:
- Authors: Keet, Andre
- Subjects: Critical pedagogy , Transformative learning , f-sa
- Language: English
- Type: text , Lectures
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10948/21077 , vital:29436
- Description: The university is as plastic as the social figure of ‘Mandela’ after whom it is named. It is as plastic as the globe and its humanity in whose name it exists. And, it is as plastic as the human subject that is ‘perpetually called on to reconfigure itself in relation to the artefacts of the age’, as Mbembe2 argues in Critique of Black Reason. The very nature of addressing, of writing … of inaugurating … oneself, through an address is an act of reconfiguration, of responding to an artefact of the university and the professoriate. It is, when all is said and done, a performance, a performative act: declaring so and so a professor of this or that status, authorizing ‘it’ to utter something with some kind of formative force.
- Full Text: