Negotiating family planning messages among Malawian men: A case study of vasectomy messages aimed at men in the Dedza and Karonga districts of Malawi
- Authors: Ntaba, Jolly Maxwell
- Date: 2020
- Subjects: Social marketing -- Malawi , Vasectomy -- Social aspects -- Malawi , Malawians -- Attitudes , Men -- Malawi -- Attitudes , Men -- Conduct of life -- Malawi , Men -- Sexual behavior -- Malawi , Masculinity -- Malawi , Reproductive health in mass media -- Malawi , Reproductive health services -- Malawi
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/167200 , vital:41446
- Description: Since the 1990s, vasectomy, the principal non-barrier method of contraception offered to men, has been vigorously promoted in Malawi, as a safe, effective and inexpensive form of birth control. Despite this marketing, the method has been chosen by only an estimated 0.01% of men in Malawi. This compares to about 11% of contraceptive using Malawian women, who have opted for tubal ligation, a more expensive and hazardous surgical procedure. Previous studies into this low uptake of vasectomy among men in Malawi, and other studies that have explored why no African country currently has a vasectomy rate of more than 1% of men, implicate cultural beliefs and traditional social practices among the key barriers to the diffusion of this particular innovation i.e. this method of contraception. Campaigns share new information in the hope that they will shift their audiences’ knowledge, and lead to changes in attitudes and practices, including the uptake of vasectomy. Social Marketing campaigns, even when they set out to explicitly accommodate these beliefs and challenge particular practices in order to promote various methods of contraception, are often inadequately conceived and sometimes poorly executed. Drawing on well-established theoretical perspectives developed by Cultural Studies scholars, including Reception Analysis and Thematic Analysis, this study investigates how men in two purposively selected districts of Karonga and Dedza in Malawi, interpret Social Marketing messages encouraging them to undergo vasectomies. The study examines key media texts and the nature of the involvement of a group of peer educators, dubbed ‘male champions’ in a 2017-2018 campaign by one of the leading Malawian providers of family planning services, the NGO Banja La Mtsogolo (BLM), to promote vasectomy. This is a purely qualitative case study that seeks to understand why these often-well-resourced campaigns have so little impact on the behaviour change they hope to inspire. Through individual interviews with the campaign’s designers, implementers, peer educators, focus group discussions with the campaign’s audiences, a close reading of texts used in the campaign, and observation, this study explores the circuits of communication and culture, through mechanisms of resonance, disconnection and even cognitive dissonance between the ‘encoders’ of the family planning messages and the decoders i.e. the intended audiences of the campaign. The study argues that as a result of several ‘modernist’ assumptions and outlooks, the campaign was unable to fully grasp the complex and contextually nuanced socio-cultural practices that factor into consideration of the campaign’s messages and the non-adoption of the proposed vasectomy method. The study further reveals, as many other studies have also observed, that the interpretation of the text promoting vasectomy is a complex process that is significantly shaped by the worldviews and lived experiences of the audiences. These views, as this study explores, are often complex and contradictory, interfacing aspirations of modernity with deeply held ‘traditional’ beliefs and practices. Although the campaigns are effective at transferring knowledge – it finds most targeted men have a relatively good understanding of the method and its efficacy – their prevailing socio-cultural attitudes and dispositions provide a strong countervailing discourse to the preferred reading of the campaign messages. This discourse exhorts having children, or the capacity to have children, even after a man has had several before, in current or previous marriages, or even in old age, as desirable and ‘rational’. The study therefore proposes, arising out of this detailed ethnographic research, a revised approach that argues that several social and cultural ‘vectors’ or ‘spheres of influence' need to be considered in new ways, in order to develop meaningful interventions in the promotion of vasectomy. This includes specific strategies to understand and challenge: 1. The enduring power of social stigma and scorn, and the notion of social shame. 2. The deep interplay between fertility and having children to notions of marriage, even in second or third marriages, and the interplay with perceptions of economic ‘value’ of children in the domestic political economy of marriage. 3. The embedded nature of provable fertility to notions of manhood. 4. The complex and nuanced involvement, at many levels, of broader social/family structures/personages in ‘personal’ decisions. 5. Forms of ‘hyperbolic discounting’, i.e. the calculating of precarious futures in various scenarios and its impact on current shorter-term calculations and gratifications. 6. Unusually high rates of infidelity in marriage, and seemingly low levels of trust in many partnerships. 7. The key role of interpersonal communication, i.e. the face-to-face elements of what are usually media-centric Social Marketing campaigns. The study recommends a more layered and nuanced approach to the promotion of vasectomy, propelled by a deeper understanding of these kinds of contexts and the interpretive power of the intended audience, as well as more nuanced segmentation of audiences, and more judicious use of peer-educators to support and deepen the mass media components of these communication campaigns.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2020
- Authors: Ntaba, Jolly Maxwell
- Date: 2020
- Subjects: Social marketing -- Malawi , Vasectomy -- Social aspects -- Malawi , Malawians -- Attitudes , Men -- Malawi -- Attitudes , Men -- Conduct of life -- Malawi , Men -- Sexual behavior -- Malawi , Masculinity -- Malawi , Reproductive health in mass media -- Malawi , Reproductive health services -- Malawi
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/167200 , vital:41446
- Description: Since the 1990s, vasectomy, the principal non-barrier method of contraception offered to men, has been vigorously promoted in Malawi, as a safe, effective and inexpensive form of birth control. Despite this marketing, the method has been chosen by only an estimated 0.01% of men in Malawi. This compares to about 11% of contraceptive using Malawian women, who have opted for tubal ligation, a more expensive and hazardous surgical procedure. Previous studies into this low uptake of vasectomy among men in Malawi, and other studies that have explored why no African country currently has a vasectomy rate of more than 1% of men, implicate cultural beliefs and traditional social practices among the key barriers to the diffusion of this particular innovation i.e. this method of contraception. Campaigns share new information in the hope that they will shift their audiences’ knowledge, and lead to changes in attitudes and practices, including the uptake of vasectomy. Social Marketing campaigns, even when they set out to explicitly accommodate these beliefs and challenge particular practices in order to promote various methods of contraception, are often inadequately conceived and sometimes poorly executed. Drawing on well-established theoretical perspectives developed by Cultural Studies scholars, including Reception Analysis and Thematic Analysis, this study investigates how men in two purposively selected districts of Karonga and Dedza in Malawi, interpret Social Marketing messages encouraging them to undergo vasectomies. The study examines key media texts and the nature of the involvement of a group of peer educators, dubbed ‘male champions’ in a 2017-2018 campaign by one of the leading Malawian providers of family planning services, the NGO Banja La Mtsogolo (BLM), to promote vasectomy. This is a purely qualitative case study that seeks to understand why these often-well-resourced campaigns have so little impact on the behaviour change they hope to inspire. Through individual interviews with the campaign’s designers, implementers, peer educators, focus group discussions with the campaign’s audiences, a close reading of texts used in the campaign, and observation, this study explores the circuits of communication and culture, through mechanisms of resonance, disconnection and even cognitive dissonance between the ‘encoders’ of the family planning messages and the decoders i.e. the intended audiences of the campaign. The study argues that as a result of several ‘modernist’ assumptions and outlooks, the campaign was unable to fully grasp the complex and contextually nuanced socio-cultural practices that factor into consideration of the campaign’s messages and the non-adoption of the proposed vasectomy method. The study further reveals, as many other studies have also observed, that the interpretation of the text promoting vasectomy is a complex process that is significantly shaped by the worldviews and lived experiences of the audiences. These views, as this study explores, are often complex and contradictory, interfacing aspirations of modernity with deeply held ‘traditional’ beliefs and practices. Although the campaigns are effective at transferring knowledge – it finds most targeted men have a relatively good understanding of the method and its efficacy – their prevailing socio-cultural attitudes and dispositions provide a strong countervailing discourse to the preferred reading of the campaign messages. This discourse exhorts having children, or the capacity to have children, even after a man has had several before, in current or previous marriages, or even in old age, as desirable and ‘rational’. The study therefore proposes, arising out of this detailed ethnographic research, a revised approach that argues that several social and cultural ‘vectors’ or ‘spheres of influence' need to be considered in new ways, in order to develop meaningful interventions in the promotion of vasectomy. This includes specific strategies to understand and challenge: 1. The enduring power of social stigma and scorn, and the notion of social shame. 2. The deep interplay between fertility and having children to notions of marriage, even in second or third marriages, and the interplay with perceptions of economic ‘value’ of children in the domestic political economy of marriage. 3. The embedded nature of provable fertility to notions of manhood. 4. The complex and nuanced involvement, at many levels, of broader social/family structures/personages in ‘personal’ decisions. 5. Forms of ‘hyperbolic discounting’, i.e. the calculating of precarious futures in various scenarios and its impact on current shorter-term calculations and gratifications. 6. Unusually high rates of infidelity in marriage, and seemingly low levels of trust in many partnerships. 7. The key role of interpersonal communication, i.e. the face-to-face elements of what are usually media-centric Social Marketing campaigns. The study recommends a more layered and nuanced approach to the promotion of vasectomy, propelled by a deeper understanding of these kinds of contexts and the interpretive power of the intended audience, as well as more nuanced segmentation of audiences, and more judicious use of peer-educators to support and deepen the mass media components of these communication campaigns.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2020
Zimbabwean women online: an investigation of how gendered identities are negotiated in Zimbabwean women’s online spaces
- Authors: Ndlovu, Nonhlanhla
- Date: 2020
- Subjects: Woman -- Zimbabwe -- Social life and customs Social media -- Social aspects -- Zimbabwe Facebook (Firm) Women -- Zimbabwe
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/140452 , vital:37890
- Description: This study is concerned with the construction of Zimbabwean women’s identities in this contemporary internet age. Two Facebook groups are of particular interest here due to the vibrant conversations that take place on a daily basis, that is, Makhox Women’s League and Baking & Cooking: ZW Women’s Diaries. Conceiving these internet sites as discursive spaces, I unpack the contesting discourses and tensions in the different narratives offered by Zimbabwean women and identify and critique the competing sets of feminine subjectivities. I achieve this by drawing on poststructuralist and postcolonialist feminist theories in order to situate these groups as cultural sites that are particularly identity defining. I particularly draw on Foucauldian theories of discourse, power and the subject to conceptualise the formation of particular discursive gendered subjectivities. With an understanding that discourse is constitutive of power relations and contestations, and that discourse should be historically contextualised in order to take into account particular conditions of existence; I draw on Mamdani’s (1996) conceptualisation of how power is organised in Africa within a historical and institutional context, and identify the bifurcated nature of the postcolonial Zimbabwean state as a colonial residue as necessitating a particular kind of subjectivity. To this end, one can understand the different femininities on Makhox Women’s League and Baking & Cooking: ZW Women’s Diaries as constituted within, and complexly negotiating, a traditional/customary discourse and a rights-based modern one. This qualitative inquiry is informed by an eclectic approach that combines methods of textual analysis that complements both critical linguistics and media studies and attends to lexical structure as well as narrative and rhetorical analysis respectively. Combined with an online ethnographic approach I employ these tools to analyse these particular Facebook groups with the understanding that as women converse daily on these platforms, they ‘govern’ each other’s conduct and thought processes in interesting ways. I argue that these conversations discursively constitute the performances of different femininities on both sites that also take into account the diasporic condition of Zimbabwean women. I show how they negotiate and mediate feminine performance and in so doing propose and contest certain ‘truths’ that are frequently validated.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2020
- Authors: Ndlovu, Nonhlanhla
- Date: 2020
- Subjects: Woman -- Zimbabwe -- Social life and customs Social media -- Social aspects -- Zimbabwe Facebook (Firm) Women -- Zimbabwe
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/140452 , vital:37890
- Description: This study is concerned with the construction of Zimbabwean women’s identities in this contemporary internet age. Two Facebook groups are of particular interest here due to the vibrant conversations that take place on a daily basis, that is, Makhox Women’s League and Baking & Cooking: ZW Women’s Diaries. Conceiving these internet sites as discursive spaces, I unpack the contesting discourses and tensions in the different narratives offered by Zimbabwean women and identify and critique the competing sets of feminine subjectivities. I achieve this by drawing on poststructuralist and postcolonialist feminist theories in order to situate these groups as cultural sites that are particularly identity defining. I particularly draw on Foucauldian theories of discourse, power and the subject to conceptualise the formation of particular discursive gendered subjectivities. With an understanding that discourse is constitutive of power relations and contestations, and that discourse should be historically contextualised in order to take into account particular conditions of existence; I draw on Mamdani’s (1996) conceptualisation of how power is organised in Africa within a historical and institutional context, and identify the bifurcated nature of the postcolonial Zimbabwean state as a colonial residue as necessitating a particular kind of subjectivity. To this end, one can understand the different femininities on Makhox Women’s League and Baking & Cooking: ZW Women’s Diaries as constituted within, and complexly negotiating, a traditional/customary discourse and a rights-based modern one. This qualitative inquiry is informed by an eclectic approach that combines methods of textual analysis that complements both critical linguistics and media studies and attends to lexical structure as well as narrative and rhetorical analysis respectively. Combined with an online ethnographic approach I employ these tools to analyse these particular Facebook groups with the understanding that as women converse daily on these platforms, they ‘govern’ each other’s conduct and thought processes in interesting ways. I argue that these conversations discursively constitute the performances of different femininities on both sites that also take into account the diasporic condition of Zimbabwean women. I show how they negotiate and mediate feminine performance and in so doing propose and contest certain ‘truths’ that are frequently validated.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2020
#KeepItReal: discursive constructions of authenticity in South African consumer culture
- Authors: Plüg, Simóne Nikki
- Date: 2019
- Subjects: Consumer behavior Consumers' preferences -- South Africa Brand choice -- South Africa Marketing -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/64973 , vital:28641
- Description: Writers as diverse as Oscar Wilde (1915), Matthew Arnold (1960), Erich Fromm (1997) and a proliferation of contemporary self-help gurus, variously assert that it is preferable for people to focus on “being”, or to value “who you are”, instead of emphasising “having” or the material possessions you have acquired. These discourses assert that individuals content with “being” are happier and more fulfilled than those involved in the constant (and alienating) motion of acquiring material goods as representations of themselves (de Botton, 2004; Fromm, 1997; James, 2007). This thesis provides an in-depth critical exploration of one of these ideal “ways of being”: authenticity. It does not seek to discover what authenticity is in an empirical sense, nor to define what it should be in a normative sense, but to map the cultural work done by changing and often contradictory discourses of personal authenticity. More specifically, this study uses a qualitative research design, social constructionist theoretical framework, and discourse analytic method to critically discuss the discursive constructions of subject authenticity in South African brand culture. The sample consisted of (1.) ten marketing campaigns of several large, mainstream brands, which were popular in South Africa from 2015 to 2017, and (2.) fifteen smaller South African “craft” brands popular in the “artisanal” context. The analysis is presented in two distinct, but interrelated, sections (namely, Selling Stories and Crafting Authenticity), where the relevant discourses of authenticity for each data set are explored in depth. Through this analysis the thesis provides a critical discussion of the ways in which these discourses of authenticity work to produce and maintain, (or challenge and subvert), subject positions, ideologies, and power relations that structure contemporary South African society.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2019
- Authors: Plüg, Simóne Nikki
- Date: 2019
- Subjects: Consumer behavior Consumers' preferences -- South Africa Brand choice -- South Africa Marketing -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/64973 , vital:28641
- Description: Writers as diverse as Oscar Wilde (1915), Matthew Arnold (1960), Erich Fromm (1997) and a proliferation of contemporary self-help gurus, variously assert that it is preferable for people to focus on “being”, or to value “who you are”, instead of emphasising “having” or the material possessions you have acquired. These discourses assert that individuals content with “being” are happier and more fulfilled than those involved in the constant (and alienating) motion of acquiring material goods as representations of themselves (de Botton, 2004; Fromm, 1997; James, 2007). This thesis provides an in-depth critical exploration of one of these ideal “ways of being”: authenticity. It does not seek to discover what authenticity is in an empirical sense, nor to define what it should be in a normative sense, but to map the cultural work done by changing and often contradictory discourses of personal authenticity. More specifically, this study uses a qualitative research design, social constructionist theoretical framework, and discourse analytic method to critically discuss the discursive constructions of subject authenticity in South African brand culture. The sample consisted of (1.) ten marketing campaigns of several large, mainstream brands, which were popular in South Africa from 2015 to 2017, and (2.) fifteen smaller South African “craft” brands popular in the “artisanal” context. The analysis is presented in two distinct, but interrelated, sections (namely, Selling Stories and Crafting Authenticity), where the relevant discourses of authenticity for each data set are explored in depth. Through this analysis the thesis provides a critical discussion of the ways in which these discourses of authenticity work to produce and maintain, (or challenge and subvert), subject positions, ideologies, and power relations that structure contemporary South African society.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2019
Centralising a counter public: an ethnographic study of the interpretation of mainstream news media by young adults in Joza
- Authors: Ponono, Mvuzo
- Date: 2019
- Subjects: African National Congress Mass media -- Political aspects -- South Africa Press and politics -- South Africa , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 21st century Zuma, Jacob -- Political and social views , Political corruption -- 21st century Elections -- South Africa Voting -- South Africa Misconduct in office -- South Africa Abuse of administrative power -- South Africa Young adults -- Political activity -- South Africa -- Grahamstown Young adults -- Politics and government
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/65033 , vital:28655
- Description: The 2014 national general elections were characterised by a cloud of scandal hanging over the ANC, and the ANC president Jacob Zuma. The biggest and darkest cloud was the Nkandla scandal. Owing to a reported R246 million spent by the state to refurbish his private home, the president stood accused of wasteful expenditure and financial irregularity. In a country reeling from the continued effects of apartheid, which include high unemployment and poverty, the scandal was a bombshell. According to a vocal and often adversarial mainstream media sphere, the ANC went into those elections with an albatross around its neck. The dominant thought was that the ruling party would suffer a heavy loss of votes. This outcome did not materialise. The ANC lost a marginal share of its previous vote. Mainstream media and civil society were confounded. What had happened? Why had poor black South Africans continued to vote for a party that was obviously in breach of the constitutional order? Against the mismatch between what was predicted or purported and the outcome, this study investigates how young people in the township of Joza, Grahamstown, interpreted one of the biggest political scandals in South Africa’s fledgling democracy. Using a combination of subaltern studies, counter public sphere and audience study, the research looks into the interpretation of a mainstream media scandal that was supposed to diminish the chances of the ANC retaining power, but, instead, barely dented its majority. Through a combination of interviews and participant observation, the study found that young people in the township of Joza demonstrated that they chose to ignore the messages about the corruption of the ANC. The data suggests that they did so, not because of overt racial solidarity, but due to the fact that in a context of high inequality, and continued limitations on economic emancipation, the party shone brightly as a vehicle for economic development. Overall, the study argues that the seemingly dubious undertaking to continue with the ANC is a calculated decision that makes sense when viewed within a given socio-economic context.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2019
- Authors: Ponono, Mvuzo
- Date: 2019
- Subjects: African National Congress Mass media -- Political aspects -- South Africa Press and politics -- South Africa , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 21st century Zuma, Jacob -- Political and social views , Political corruption -- 21st century Elections -- South Africa Voting -- South Africa Misconduct in office -- South Africa Abuse of administrative power -- South Africa Young adults -- Political activity -- South Africa -- Grahamstown Young adults -- Politics and government
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/65033 , vital:28655
- Description: The 2014 national general elections were characterised by a cloud of scandal hanging over the ANC, and the ANC president Jacob Zuma. The biggest and darkest cloud was the Nkandla scandal. Owing to a reported R246 million spent by the state to refurbish his private home, the president stood accused of wasteful expenditure and financial irregularity. In a country reeling from the continued effects of apartheid, which include high unemployment and poverty, the scandal was a bombshell. According to a vocal and often adversarial mainstream media sphere, the ANC went into those elections with an albatross around its neck. The dominant thought was that the ruling party would suffer a heavy loss of votes. This outcome did not materialise. The ANC lost a marginal share of its previous vote. Mainstream media and civil society were confounded. What had happened? Why had poor black South Africans continued to vote for a party that was obviously in breach of the constitutional order? Against the mismatch between what was predicted or purported and the outcome, this study investigates how young people in the township of Joza, Grahamstown, interpreted one of the biggest political scandals in South Africa’s fledgling democracy. Using a combination of subaltern studies, counter public sphere and audience study, the research looks into the interpretation of a mainstream media scandal that was supposed to diminish the chances of the ANC retaining power, but, instead, barely dented its majority. Through a combination of interviews and participant observation, the study found that young people in the township of Joza demonstrated that they chose to ignore the messages about the corruption of the ANC. The data suggests that they did so, not because of overt racial solidarity, but due to the fact that in a context of high inequality, and continued limitations on economic emancipation, the party shone brightly as a vehicle for economic development. Overall, the study argues that the seemingly dubious undertaking to continue with the ANC is a calculated decision that makes sense when viewed within a given socio-economic context.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2019
From ‘cleanliness is next to Godliness’ to ‘without perfect health, there is nothing’: discourses of healthy lifestyle in the construction of young adult identities in urban South Africa
- Authors: De Jong, Michelle
- Date: 2019
- Subjects: Health , Cleanliness , Social structure -- Health aspects , Health behavior , Social medicine
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/64940 , vital:28638
- Description: This research explores popular constructions of “healthiness” as individual lifestyle choices in the context of contemporary South African consumer culture, and how these constructions relate to formations of subjectivity. This is a qualitative study conducted within a social constructionist, theoretical framework. Data was collected using in-depth, semi structured interviews and are analysed using a Foucauldian inspired version of discourse analysis. A critical stance is taken towards the assumption in these discourses that their version of healthiness is always and unquestionably positive. Special attention is paid to the lifestyle and marketing media discourses appropriated in understandings of personal health through self-management, and of the optimization of health in the pursuit of well-being. The ways in which different discourses of healthiness facilitate the construction of specific identities are considered in order to untangle some of the problems created by the moralism underpinning popular consumer health discourse. How constructions of healthiness and aspirant healthy lifestyles support, and are supported by, the ideologies and practices of neoliberal capitalism are also explored. From this perspective, healthiness as lifestyle consumption choices can be seen as an ideological apparatus that produces the subjects necessary to reproduce the social order (Althusser, 2001), functioning not only positively amongst the social classes with the leisure and economic resources to pursue these options, but also negatively as victim-blaming of those who are excluded. The argument here is not that health is bad or that people should not be bothered with activities aimed at promoting good health, but that in a context where the concept of health is idealised as always positive and beneficial, the potentially harmful consequences of some of the health discourses we make use of may be occluded. This idealisation of health or ‘healthism’ may also function to divert attention away from some of the challenges to health that are not the direct result of personal behaviours and are unlikely to be remedied through individually focussed interventions, for example, inequality and inadequate access to basic resources. Six discourses which were used to construct understandings of health are analysed. These include Happiness, Freedom, Control, Care, Balance and Goodness. The ways in which these discourses played a role in constructing the kinds of subject positions which were made available to participants, and the possible implications this has, are explored in depth.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2019
- Authors: De Jong, Michelle
- Date: 2019
- Subjects: Health , Cleanliness , Social structure -- Health aspects , Health behavior , Social medicine
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/64940 , vital:28638
- Description: This research explores popular constructions of “healthiness” as individual lifestyle choices in the context of contemporary South African consumer culture, and how these constructions relate to formations of subjectivity. This is a qualitative study conducted within a social constructionist, theoretical framework. Data was collected using in-depth, semi structured interviews and are analysed using a Foucauldian inspired version of discourse analysis. A critical stance is taken towards the assumption in these discourses that their version of healthiness is always and unquestionably positive. Special attention is paid to the lifestyle and marketing media discourses appropriated in understandings of personal health through self-management, and of the optimization of health in the pursuit of well-being. The ways in which different discourses of healthiness facilitate the construction of specific identities are considered in order to untangle some of the problems created by the moralism underpinning popular consumer health discourse. How constructions of healthiness and aspirant healthy lifestyles support, and are supported by, the ideologies and practices of neoliberal capitalism are also explored. From this perspective, healthiness as lifestyle consumption choices can be seen as an ideological apparatus that produces the subjects necessary to reproduce the social order (Althusser, 2001), functioning not only positively amongst the social classes with the leisure and economic resources to pursue these options, but also negatively as victim-blaming of those who are excluded. The argument here is not that health is bad or that people should not be bothered with activities aimed at promoting good health, but that in a context where the concept of health is idealised as always positive and beneficial, the potentially harmful consequences of some of the health discourses we make use of may be occluded. This idealisation of health or ‘healthism’ may also function to divert attention away from some of the challenges to health that are not the direct result of personal behaviours and are unlikely to be remedied through individually focussed interventions, for example, inequality and inadequate access to basic resources. Six discourses which were used to construct understandings of health are analysed. These include Happiness, Freedom, Control, Care, Balance and Goodness. The ways in which these discourses played a role in constructing the kinds of subject positions which were made available to participants, and the possible implications this has, are explored in depth.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2019
A political discourse analysis of social memory, collective identity and nation-building in the Sunday Mail and the Standard of Zimbabwe between 1999 and 2013
- Authors: Santos, Phillip
- Date: 2017
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/41753 , vital:25130
- Description: Although much effort has been expended on studying many sites of social memory, little attention has been directed at the media’s work of memory, especially in post-colonial Africa. The media’s work of memory is important because of its social standing as a communicative and cultural institution, and because social memory is imbricated in processes of both collective identity formation and nation-building which partly shape patterns of economic distribution, recognition, and representation in society. It is in this context that this study shows how Zimbabwe’s The Sunday Mail and The Standard newspapers used social memory to construct the country’s national identity between 1999 and 2013 in the context of a socio-economic and political crisis for the country’s poly-racial, and poly-ethno-linguistic communities. The study also explores how these newspapers worked as memory sites through their construction of Zimbabwe’s national identity during the period under study. It achieves these tasks by analysing how these newspapers reported on such issues as Zimbabwe’s colonial history, the country’s narrative of decolonisation, the Gukurahundi narrative, the land reform process, elections and independence celebrations. The study takes a critical realist approach to qualitative research, and uses Fairclough and Fairclough’s (2012) method of political discourse analysis as well as Aristotle’s approach to rhetoric for a close reading of the sampled newspaper articles. It is informed by Nancy Fraser’s Theory of Justice, Chantal Mouffe’s Model of Agonistic Pluralism, and Jurgen Habermas’s Discourse Ethics Theory. The study concludes that these two newspapers actively use social memory to construct versions of national identity for specific socio-political and economic ends. Editorials and opinions from The Sunday Mail, which construct Zimbabwean-ness in nativist terms represent the hegemonic appropriation of social memory to construct a sense of Zimbabwean nationhood. In contrast, The Standard uses social memory to construct Zimbabwean-ness in modernist terms with citizenship as the core organising principle of belonging. The political discourse analysis of The Sunday Mail’s and The Standard’s evocation of social memory shows that the two newspapers reflect the tension between indigenist and universalist imaginaries of belonging in Zimbabwe. But the newspapers’ construction of belonging in Zimbabwe is informed by justice claims as seen from each of their political standpoints. As such, their respective definitions of Zimbabweans’ justice claims in terms of their political standpoints, also propose how those justice claims should be addressed and who stands to benefit from them.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2017
- Authors: Santos, Phillip
- Date: 2017
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/41753 , vital:25130
- Description: Although much effort has been expended on studying many sites of social memory, little attention has been directed at the media’s work of memory, especially in post-colonial Africa. The media’s work of memory is important because of its social standing as a communicative and cultural institution, and because social memory is imbricated in processes of both collective identity formation and nation-building which partly shape patterns of economic distribution, recognition, and representation in society. It is in this context that this study shows how Zimbabwe’s The Sunday Mail and The Standard newspapers used social memory to construct the country’s national identity between 1999 and 2013 in the context of a socio-economic and political crisis for the country’s poly-racial, and poly-ethno-linguistic communities. The study also explores how these newspapers worked as memory sites through their construction of Zimbabwe’s national identity during the period under study. It achieves these tasks by analysing how these newspapers reported on such issues as Zimbabwe’s colonial history, the country’s narrative of decolonisation, the Gukurahundi narrative, the land reform process, elections and independence celebrations. The study takes a critical realist approach to qualitative research, and uses Fairclough and Fairclough’s (2012) method of political discourse analysis as well as Aristotle’s approach to rhetoric for a close reading of the sampled newspaper articles. It is informed by Nancy Fraser’s Theory of Justice, Chantal Mouffe’s Model of Agonistic Pluralism, and Jurgen Habermas’s Discourse Ethics Theory. The study concludes that these two newspapers actively use social memory to construct versions of national identity for specific socio-political and economic ends. Editorials and opinions from The Sunday Mail, which construct Zimbabwean-ness in nativist terms represent the hegemonic appropriation of social memory to construct a sense of Zimbabwean nationhood. In contrast, The Standard uses social memory to construct Zimbabwean-ness in modernist terms with citizenship as the core organising principle of belonging. The political discourse analysis of The Sunday Mail’s and The Standard’s evocation of social memory shows that the two newspapers reflect the tension between indigenist and universalist imaginaries of belonging in Zimbabwe. But the newspapers’ construction of belonging in Zimbabwe is informed by justice claims as seen from each of their political standpoints. As such, their respective definitions of Zimbabweans’ justice claims in terms of their political standpoints, also propose how those justice claims should be addressed and who stands to benefit from them.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2017
Crime and punishment Mzansi style: an exploration of the discursive production of criminality and popular justice in South Africa’s Daily Sun
- Authors: Boshoff, Priscilla
- Date: 2017
- Subjects: Daily Sun (South Africa) , Tabloid newpapers -- South Africa , Crime in mass media , Justice in mass media , Police in mass media , Newpapers -- South Africa , Newpapers -- Objectivity -- South Africa , Women -- Violence against -- South Africa -- Press coverage , Witchcraft -- South Africa -- Press coverage , Police -- South Africa -- Press coverage
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/44419 , vital:25406
- Description: The highly popular South African tabloid the Daily Sun, established post-apartheid in 2002, is known for its sensationalist and controversial reporting of black township life. Read by over five million black working class readers, much of its reporting concerns the crimes experienced by them and their struggles for justice. The extraordinarily high rate of violent crime in township areas for which South Africa became infamous during the 1980s did not decrease as much as hoped after the political transition in 1994 and crime overshadowed the first decades of the new administration, adding to the frustrations generated by the slow pace of social and economic reform. Part of the Daily Sun’s success can be attributed to how, around these linked concerns, it fashions for its readers a particular discursive world, Sunland. It is the phatic relationship that the tabloid maintains between itself and its readers which forms the foundation upon which this textual study rests. In approaching the tabloid’s representations of crime I draw on cultural criminological understandings of crime as culture and the formative relationship in this regard between crime and the media. As a preeminent site of cultural production in contemporary society, the media contribute to the ongoing definition of what constitutes crime, who is criminal and what counts as justice. This constructivist approach is congruent with Foucault’s notions of discourse and the subject, and I argue that the various competing discourses about crime and justice which appear in the paper establish a set of subjectivities with which its readers may identity. The thesis explores the rhetorical and discursive means by which such subject positions are constructed within the ‘grid of intelligibility’ created by the Daily Sun’s reportage, and using the spatial metaphor of the ‘map’ I trace the contours of the Daily Sun’s domain with regard to crime and popular justice. To this end, the approach taken is a qualitative one which draws eclectically on a variety of interpretive methods, including semiotic, narrative and discourse analysis. Using these, I map the relations between People’s Justice, the police, gender relations and witchcraft crimes, four areas chosen from a broad thematic content analysis of the complete set of editions from 2011. I show how these are not discreet but co-constructed areas within the coverage, drawing their meaning mutually from a range of conflictual relationships derived from the conditions of post-apartheid social life.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2017
- Authors: Boshoff, Priscilla
- Date: 2017
- Subjects: Daily Sun (South Africa) , Tabloid newpapers -- South Africa , Crime in mass media , Justice in mass media , Police in mass media , Newpapers -- South Africa , Newpapers -- Objectivity -- South Africa , Women -- Violence against -- South Africa -- Press coverage , Witchcraft -- South Africa -- Press coverage , Police -- South Africa -- Press coverage
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/44419 , vital:25406
- Description: The highly popular South African tabloid the Daily Sun, established post-apartheid in 2002, is known for its sensationalist and controversial reporting of black township life. Read by over five million black working class readers, much of its reporting concerns the crimes experienced by them and their struggles for justice. The extraordinarily high rate of violent crime in township areas for which South Africa became infamous during the 1980s did not decrease as much as hoped after the political transition in 1994 and crime overshadowed the first decades of the new administration, adding to the frustrations generated by the slow pace of social and economic reform. Part of the Daily Sun’s success can be attributed to how, around these linked concerns, it fashions for its readers a particular discursive world, Sunland. It is the phatic relationship that the tabloid maintains between itself and its readers which forms the foundation upon which this textual study rests. In approaching the tabloid’s representations of crime I draw on cultural criminological understandings of crime as culture and the formative relationship in this regard between crime and the media. As a preeminent site of cultural production in contemporary society, the media contribute to the ongoing definition of what constitutes crime, who is criminal and what counts as justice. This constructivist approach is congruent with Foucault’s notions of discourse and the subject, and I argue that the various competing discourses about crime and justice which appear in the paper establish a set of subjectivities with which its readers may identity. The thesis explores the rhetorical and discursive means by which such subject positions are constructed within the ‘grid of intelligibility’ created by the Daily Sun’s reportage, and using the spatial metaphor of the ‘map’ I trace the contours of the Daily Sun’s domain with regard to crime and popular justice. To this end, the approach taken is a qualitative one which draws eclectically on a variety of interpretive methods, including semiotic, narrative and discourse analysis. Using these, I map the relations between People’s Justice, the police, gender relations and witchcraft crimes, four areas chosen from a broad thematic content analysis of the complete set of editions from 2011. I show how these are not discreet but co-constructed areas within the coverage, drawing their meaning mutually from a range of conflictual relationships derived from the conditions of post-apartheid social life.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2017
Hearing the citizens: inequality, access to journalists and the prospects for inclusively mediated spaces of political deliberation in South Africa
- Authors: Oelofsen, Marietjie
- Date: 2017
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/35030 , vital:24309
- Description: This study examines the extent to which material and social inequality in post-apartheid South Africa affect possibilities for poor citizens to gain access to mainstream spaces of mediated political deliberation. Access is problematized in terms of the possibilities that exist for poor citizens to ‘appear’ in these spaces as emancipated citizens with political agency. The study is motivated by a perception that South Africa’s middle-class and privileged citizens have more access to political deliberation because mainstream journalists pay more attention to their political concerns. Because mediated political deliberation provides a space for articulating the political will of citizens it is important that it reflects the multiple, and diverse range of voices that make up South Africa’s polity. If the experience of socioeconomically marginalised citizens is not registered in the same way as the experience of citizens with economic and political power, the balance of political decision-making continues to be skewed against the interests of the poor. Rather than a media-centric approach, the study centres on perceptions and views of poor citizens about their relationship with mainstream journalists. The study combines information from group interviews with citizens from Hangberg, Cape Town with 410 news reports in 18 mainstream newspapers about Hangberg citizens over a 20-year period. The interviews show that poor citizens feel largely excluded from mediated political deliberation; not because they do not appear in the news but because of how they appear in the news. The news reports confirm that mainstream journalists pay more attention to voices with political and economic power than to the voices of poor citizens. Even in news reports about Hangberg citizens, political leaders and non-governmental experts often talk about the problems in Hangberg more than the citizens of Hangberg themselves talk about these problems. Building on a relatively new scholarly interest in ‘active’ and ‘political’ listening in media studies and democratic theory (Bickford 1996, Dreher 2009, Couldry 2009, Dobson 2014, Wasserman 2013, Garman and Malila 2014), I consider listening as a constitutive element of the way in which journalists engage with poor citizens in mediated deliberative spaces. I ask whether different practices of listening can enable journalists to construct narratives that provide marginalised groups with different possibilities for equal access to, and participation in these spaces?
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2017
- Authors: Oelofsen, Marietjie
- Date: 2017
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/35030 , vital:24309
- Description: This study examines the extent to which material and social inequality in post-apartheid South Africa affect possibilities for poor citizens to gain access to mainstream spaces of mediated political deliberation. Access is problematized in terms of the possibilities that exist for poor citizens to ‘appear’ in these spaces as emancipated citizens with political agency. The study is motivated by a perception that South Africa’s middle-class and privileged citizens have more access to political deliberation because mainstream journalists pay more attention to their political concerns. Because mediated political deliberation provides a space for articulating the political will of citizens it is important that it reflects the multiple, and diverse range of voices that make up South Africa’s polity. If the experience of socioeconomically marginalised citizens is not registered in the same way as the experience of citizens with economic and political power, the balance of political decision-making continues to be skewed against the interests of the poor. Rather than a media-centric approach, the study centres on perceptions and views of poor citizens about their relationship with mainstream journalists. The study combines information from group interviews with citizens from Hangberg, Cape Town with 410 news reports in 18 mainstream newspapers about Hangberg citizens over a 20-year period. The interviews show that poor citizens feel largely excluded from mediated political deliberation; not because they do not appear in the news but because of how they appear in the news. The news reports confirm that mainstream journalists pay more attention to voices with political and economic power than to the voices of poor citizens. Even in news reports about Hangberg citizens, political leaders and non-governmental experts often talk about the problems in Hangberg more than the citizens of Hangberg themselves talk about these problems. Building on a relatively new scholarly interest in ‘active’ and ‘political’ listening in media studies and democratic theory (Bickford 1996, Dreher 2009, Couldry 2009, Dobson 2014, Wasserman 2013, Garman and Malila 2014), I consider listening as a constitutive element of the way in which journalists engage with poor citizens in mediated deliberative spaces. I ask whether different practices of listening can enable journalists to construct narratives that provide marginalised groups with different possibilities for equal access to, and participation in these spaces?
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2017
Facebook, youth and political action: a comparative study of Zimbabwe and South Africa
- Authors: Mare, Admire
- Date: 2016
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: vital:3553 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1021259
- Description: This comparative multi-sited study examines how, why and when politically engaged youths in distinctive national and social movement contexts use Facebook to facilitate political activism. As part of the research objectives, this study is concerned with investigating how and why youth activists in Zimbabwe and South Africa use the popular corporate social network site for political purposes. The study explores the discursive interactions and micro-politics of participation which plays out on selected Facebook groups and pages. It also examines the extent to which the selected Facebook pages and groups can be considered as alternative spaces for political activism. It also documents and analyses the various kinds of political discourses (described here as digital hidden transcripts) which are circulated by Zimbabwean and South African youth activists on Facebook fan pages and groups. Methodologically, this study adopts a predominantly qualitative research design although it also draws on quantitative data in terms of levels of interaction on Facebook groups and pages. Consequently, this study engages in data triangulation which allows me to make sense of how and why politically engaged youths from a range of six social movements in Zimbabwe and South Africa use Facebook for political action. In terms of data collection techniques, the study deploys social media ethnography (online participant observation), qualitative content analysis and in-depth interviews. Theoretically, this study jettisons the Habermasian theory of public sphere in favour of Fraser’s (1990) concept of the subaltern counter-publics, Scott’s (1985) metaphor of hidden transcripts and some insightful views on popular culture gleaned from African studies. Melding these ideas into a synthesised theoretical frame, this study argues that Facebook fan pages and groups can be conceptualised as parallel discursive arenas where marginalised groups (including politically active youths) have a political life outside the dominant mediated public sphere often in ways that are generally viewed as “irrational” and “non-political” in mainstream Western literature. This study also proposes ways of enriching Fraser’s concept of subaltern counter-publics by incorporating elements from Scott’s metaphor of hidden transcripts in order to analyse the various kinds of political discourses which are circulated on social media. The findings demonstrate that youth activists in Zimbabwe and South Africa are using Facebook to engage in traditional and alternative forms of political participation. Findings show that Facebook in both political contexts is deployed for transmitting and accessing civic and political information, as a conduit for online donations and fundraising, for contacting political decision makers, as a venue of political activism, as an advertising platform for social and political events and as a platform for everyday political talk. It demonstrates that the broader political context shapes and constraints the localised appropriations of Facebook for political purposes in ways that deconstructs some of the postulations of the cyber-optimist and pessimist approaches. The study also found that youth activists in Zimbabwe and South Africa used Facebook in their own unique ways as shaped and dictated by the broader political and mediated opportunity structures. It argues that youth’s engagement with social media platforms for political purposes should be understood in their own terms without necessarily imposing inflexible boundaries on what counts as political participation. Although Facebook like other social media platforms foster avenues for cognitive engagement, discursive participation and political mobilisation, these political practices are not immune to the influences of offline processes. Youth activists in all the six case organisations used Facebook as a complementary and supplementary space for political processes rather than as a standalone platform. The study also argues that compared to South Africa, the political uses of Facebook in Zimbabwe are largely influenced by practices of state surveillance. It also found that whilst youth activists in South Africa are deploying Facebook to supplement traditional methods of political activism, their counterparts in Zimbabwe are using the same technology to circumvent the restricted political and media environment. The findings also indicate that youth activists in both countries are using Facebook as a change agent tool within the broader media ecology which is characterised by the increasing interpenetration of older and newer media platforms. In terms of micro-politics of participation and discursive interactions, this study found that Facebook pages and groups should viewed as a “sites of power” where corporate forces and platform specific code coalesce together fostering “algorithmic” gatekeeping practices and the favouring of paid for content over non-paid for user-generated-content which ultimately affects activists’ visibility and reach within the online media ecology. These gatekeeping practices therefore further complicate claims by cyber-optimists that social media platforms are the sine qua non spaces for symmetrical and democratic participation. This study argues that “subtle forms of control” characterise the much glorified participatory cultures on Facebook in ways that defy optimistic accounts of the role of new media in political change.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2016
- Authors: Mare, Admire
- Date: 2016
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: vital:3553 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1021259
- Description: This comparative multi-sited study examines how, why and when politically engaged youths in distinctive national and social movement contexts use Facebook to facilitate political activism. As part of the research objectives, this study is concerned with investigating how and why youth activists in Zimbabwe and South Africa use the popular corporate social network site for political purposes. The study explores the discursive interactions and micro-politics of participation which plays out on selected Facebook groups and pages. It also examines the extent to which the selected Facebook pages and groups can be considered as alternative spaces for political activism. It also documents and analyses the various kinds of political discourses (described here as digital hidden transcripts) which are circulated by Zimbabwean and South African youth activists on Facebook fan pages and groups. Methodologically, this study adopts a predominantly qualitative research design although it also draws on quantitative data in terms of levels of interaction on Facebook groups and pages. Consequently, this study engages in data triangulation which allows me to make sense of how and why politically engaged youths from a range of six social movements in Zimbabwe and South Africa use Facebook for political action. In terms of data collection techniques, the study deploys social media ethnography (online participant observation), qualitative content analysis and in-depth interviews. Theoretically, this study jettisons the Habermasian theory of public sphere in favour of Fraser’s (1990) concept of the subaltern counter-publics, Scott’s (1985) metaphor of hidden transcripts and some insightful views on popular culture gleaned from African studies. Melding these ideas into a synthesised theoretical frame, this study argues that Facebook fan pages and groups can be conceptualised as parallel discursive arenas where marginalised groups (including politically active youths) have a political life outside the dominant mediated public sphere often in ways that are generally viewed as “irrational” and “non-political” in mainstream Western literature. This study also proposes ways of enriching Fraser’s concept of subaltern counter-publics by incorporating elements from Scott’s metaphor of hidden transcripts in order to analyse the various kinds of political discourses which are circulated on social media. The findings demonstrate that youth activists in Zimbabwe and South Africa are using Facebook to engage in traditional and alternative forms of political participation. Findings show that Facebook in both political contexts is deployed for transmitting and accessing civic and political information, as a conduit for online donations and fundraising, for contacting political decision makers, as a venue of political activism, as an advertising platform for social and political events and as a platform for everyday political talk. It demonstrates that the broader political context shapes and constraints the localised appropriations of Facebook for political purposes in ways that deconstructs some of the postulations of the cyber-optimist and pessimist approaches. The study also found that youth activists in Zimbabwe and South Africa used Facebook in their own unique ways as shaped and dictated by the broader political and mediated opportunity structures. It argues that youth’s engagement with social media platforms for political purposes should be understood in their own terms without necessarily imposing inflexible boundaries on what counts as political participation. Although Facebook like other social media platforms foster avenues for cognitive engagement, discursive participation and political mobilisation, these political practices are not immune to the influences of offline processes. Youth activists in all the six case organisations used Facebook as a complementary and supplementary space for political processes rather than as a standalone platform. The study also argues that compared to South Africa, the political uses of Facebook in Zimbabwe are largely influenced by practices of state surveillance. It also found that whilst youth activists in South Africa are deploying Facebook to supplement traditional methods of political activism, their counterparts in Zimbabwe are using the same technology to circumvent the restricted political and media environment. The findings also indicate that youth activists in both countries are using Facebook as a change agent tool within the broader media ecology which is characterised by the increasing interpenetration of older and newer media platforms. In terms of micro-politics of participation and discursive interactions, this study found that Facebook pages and groups should viewed as a “sites of power” where corporate forces and platform specific code coalesce together fostering “algorithmic” gatekeeping practices and the favouring of paid for content over non-paid for user-generated-content which ultimately affects activists’ visibility and reach within the online media ecology. These gatekeeping practices therefore further complicate claims by cyber-optimists that social media platforms are the sine qua non spaces for symmetrical and democratic participation. This study argues that “subtle forms of control” characterise the much glorified participatory cultures on Facebook in ways that defy optimistic accounts of the role of new media in political change.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2016
The gendered appropriation of the mobile phone for online health information by youths in Zimbabwean tertiary learning institutions
- Authors: Tsarwe, Stanley Zvinaiye
- Date: 2016
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/738 , vital:19986
- Description: The study uses domestication of technology and Cultural Studies theories to investigate how youth in three institutions of tertiary learning in Harare, Zimbabwe are accessing health-related information online using their smart phones. The study critically examines how youths deploy these digital media technologies to construct their identities in a context where social and political power is unevenly distributed. To understand these issues, the study uses a triangulated research design comprising a social survey, in-depth individual interviews and field observation for data collection. Results from this data gathering showed that the use of digital media technologies differ across gender, at least in terms of the distribution of online health seeking practices between male and female youths. According to the survey results, more women tend to use their mobile phones to access health-related information. Data from the individual in-depth interviews showed that the most significant site of social change (social disruption) relates to how digital media facilitates emerging new identities (i.e. identity in the broader sense as well as health-related and sexual health identities). For both young men and young women, mobile phones are used precisely for image management, peer acceptance and the desire to define respective feminities and masculinities within their social networks. Both male and female youths assert they are able to access a variety of information online, and some of this information would not easily accessible when sought from traditional structures such as their parents. This way, youth feel that digital media technologies allow them to cultivate their own preferred identities outside the purview of parental authority and social control. Drawing on postmodern literature, such emerging identities are predicated on cultural volatility, unpredictability, decentralisation and refusal to fixation and conformity to socially constructed identities about being a youth, or being a young Zimbabwean woman or man, for example. Thus, the use of mobile phones and mobile Internet by youths in Zimbabwe to access health-related information has sociopolitical significance, because it allows young people to fashion preferred identities that resists entrenched regimes of social power. For young people in Zimbabwe, online health seeking practices precisely reflects attempt towards negotiating with and circumvent the structural limitations of either an expensive health care system or the general curiosity associated with growing up. That way, it is arguable that youth use digital media technologies to help them exercise some level of social autonomy and agency in dealing with everyday life. Individual in-depth interviews demonstrated that mobile phones and mobile Internet can thus be seen as opening up more spaces for youth to learn more about issues about growing up, sexuality and adolescents that a conservative society such as Zimbabwe traditionally consider as ‘inappropriate’ for youth consumption. They argued that the inability of parents to discuss with them issues about growing up often result in them “finding out on our own” using digital media technologies to satisfy the desire to wean themselves from what they view as arbitrary and asymmetrical social power. The study demonstrated that youth use the mobile phone to challenge the social world of adults and to show resistance to it, thereby strengthening a subculture as well as constructing an identity. However, despite the positive attributes of social capital, connectivity and personalised experience afforded by the mobile phone, the mobile phone is sometimes a source of conflict in relationships between young men and women; that is, between unmarried partners. Young women reported that their boyfriends often force them to disclose who they communicate with using their mobile phones. They also reported that their boyfriends often did some random surveillance of their social media contacts and activities. Thus, whilst one of the mobile phone’s most powerful attribute is its ability to offer personalised experience, as well as offer synchronised and unlimited access to distant connections, results from in-depth interviews showed that some unwritten expectations and norms dictated that young men closely watch their ‘girlfriends’ social media activities, including their online search activities. As a result, privacy as well as the much touted relationship between mobile phone and women’s autonomy becomes contested arenas. Even at young ages, and before marriage, women are socialised to show subservience to their partners by allowing them access to their mobile phones.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2016
- Authors: Tsarwe, Stanley Zvinaiye
- Date: 2016
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/738 , vital:19986
- Description: The study uses domestication of technology and Cultural Studies theories to investigate how youth in three institutions of tertiary learning in Harare, Zimbabwe are accessing health-related information online using their smart phones. The study critically examines how youths deploy these digital media technologies to construct their identities in a context where social and political power is unevenly distributed. To understand these issues, the study uses a triangulated research design comprising a social survey, in-depth individual interviews and field observation for data collection. Results from this data gathering showed that the use of digital media technologies differ across gender, at least in terms of the distribution of online health seeking practices between male and female youths. According to the survey results, more women tend to use their mobile phones to access health-related information. Data from the individual in-depth interviews showed that the most significant site of social change (social disruption) relates to how digital media facilitates emerging new identities (i.e. identity in the broader sense as well as health-related and sexual health identities). For both young men and young women, mobile phones are used precisely for image management, peer acceptance and the desire to define respective feminities and masculinities within their social networks. Both male and female youths assert they are able to access a variety of information online, and some of this information would not easily accessible when sought from traditional structures such as their parents. This way, youth feel that digital media technologies allow them to cultivate their own preferred identities outside the purview of parental authority and social control. Drawing on postmodern literature, such emerging identities are predicated on cultural volatility, unpredictability, decentralisation and refusal to fixation and conformity to socially constructed identities about being a youth, or being a young Zimbabwean woman or man, for example. Thus, the use of mobile phones and mobile Internet by youths in Zimbabwe to access health-related information has sociopolitical significance, because it allows young people to fashion preferred identities that resists entrenched regimes of social power. For young people in Zimbabwe, online health seeking practices precisely reflects attempt towards negotiating with and circumvent the structural limitations of either an expensive health care system or the general curiosity associated with growing up. That way, it is arguable that youth use digital media technologies to help them exercise some level of social autonomy and agency in dealing with everyday life. Individual in-depth interviews demonstrated that mobile phones and mobile Internet can thus be seen as opening up more spaces for youth to learn more about issues about growing up, sexuality and adolescents that a conservative society such as Zimbabwe traditionally consider as ‘inappropriate’ for youth consumption. They argued that the inability of parents to discuss with them issues about growing up often result in them “finding out on our own” using digital media technologies to satisfy the desire to wean themselves from what they view as arbitrary and asymmetrical social power. The study demonstrated that youth use the mobile phone to challenge the social world of adults and to show resistance to it, thereby strengthening a subculture as well as constructing an identity. However, despite the positive attributes of social capital, connectivity and personalised experience afforded by the mobile phone, the mobile phone is sometimes a source of conflict in relationships between young men and women; that is, between unmarried partners. Young women reported that their boyfriends often force them to disclose who they communicate with using their mobile phones. They also reported that their boyfriends often did some random surveillance of their social media contacts and activities. Thus, whilst one of the mobile phone’s most powerful attribute is its ability to offer personalised experience, as well as offer synchronised and unlimited access to distant connections, results from in-depth interviews showed that some unwritten expectations and norms dictated that young men closely watch their ‘girlfriends’ social media activities, including their online search activities. As a result, privacy as well as the much touted relationship between mobile phone and women’s autonomy becomes contested arenas. Even at young ages, and before marriage, women are socialised to show subservience to their partners by allowing them access to their mobile phones.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2016
Saving the Sowetan : the public interest and commercial imperatives in journalism practice
- Authors: Cowling, Lesley
- Date: 2015
- Subjects: Sowetan (Johannesburg, South Africa) , Journalism -- Economic aspects -- South Africa -- Soweto , Journalism -- Political aspects -- South Africa -- Soweto , Black newspapers -- South Africa -- Soweto , Public interest -- South Africa -- Soweto , Corporate culture -- South Africa -- Soweto , Journalistic ethics -- South Africa -- Soweto , Journalism -- Objectivity -- South Africa -- Soweto
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: vital:3540 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1017781
- Description: This thesis examines the complex ways in which notions of the public interest and commercial imperatives intertwine in journalism practice. It does this through a study of the 2004 takeover and relaunch of the Sowetan newspaper, the highest circulation daily in South Africa throughout the 1990s and an institution of black public life. The ‘public interest’ and ‘the commercial’ are recurring ideas in journalism scholarship and practice, and the relaunch appeared to be a challenge to reconcile the Sowetan’s commercial challenges with its historical responsibility to a ‘nation-building’ public. However, the research shows that the public/commercial aspects of journalism were inextricably entangled with Sowetan’s organisational culture, which was the matrix through which its journalism practice was expressed. Conflict in the organisation over the changes was not simply a contest between commercial realities and the public interest, with journalists defending a responsibility to the public and managers pushing commercial solutions, but a conflict between the culture of Sowetan “insiders”, steeped in the legacy of the newspaper, and “outsiders”, employed by the new owners to effect change. Another conclusion of the research is that commercial “realities” – often conceptualised as counter to the public interest – are highly mutable. Basic conditions, such as a dependence on advertising, exist. However, media managers must choose from a range of strategies to be commercially viable, which requires risk-taking, innovation and, often, guesswork. In such situations, the ‘wall’ between media managers and senior editors is porous, as all executives must manage the relationship between business and editorial imperatives. Executives tend to overlook culture as a factor in changing organisations, but I argue that journalism could benefit from engaging with management theory and organisational psychology, which offer ways to understand the specific dynamics of the organisation. Finally, I argue that the case of the Sowetan throws into question the idea that there may be a broadly universal journalism culture. The attachment of Sowetan journalists to their particular values and practice suggests that forms of journalism evolve in certain contexts to diverge from the ‘professional’ Anglo-American modes. These ‘journalisms’ use similar terms – such as the ‘public interest’ – but operationalise them quite differently. The responsibility to the public is imagined in very different ways, but remains a significant attachment for journalists.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2015
- Authors: Cowling, Lesley
- Date: 2015
- Subjects: Sowetan (Johannesburg, South Africa) , Journalism -- Economic aspects -- South Africa -- Soweto , Journalism -- Political aspects -- South Africa -- Soweto , Black newspapers -- South Africa -- Soweto , Public interest -- South Africa -- Soweto , Corporate culture -- South Africa -- Soweto , Journalistic ethics -- South Africa -- Soweto , Journalism -- Objectivity -- South Africa -- Soweto
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: vital:3540 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1017781
- Description: This thesis examines the complex ways in which notions of the public interest and commercial imperatives intertwine in journalism practice. It does this through a study of the 2004 takeover and relaunch of the Sowetan newspaper, the highest circulation daily in South Africa throughout the 1990s and an institution of black public life. The ‘public interest’ and ‘the commercial’ are recurring ideas in journalism scholarship and practice, and the relaunch appeared to be a challenge to reconcile the Sowetan’s commercial challenges with its historical responsibility to a ‘nation-building’ public. However, the research shows that the public/commercial aspects of journalism were inextricably entangled with Sowetan’s organisational culture, which was the matrix through which its journalism practice was expressed. Conflict in the organisation over the changes was not simply a contest between commercial realities and the public interest, with journalists defending a responsibility to the public and managers pushing commercial solutions, but a conflict between the culture of Sowetan “insiders”, steeped in the legacy of the newspaper, and “outsiders”, employed by the new owners to effect change. Another conclusion of the research is that commercial “realities” – often conceptualised as counter to the public interest – are highly mutable. Basic conditions, such as a dependence on advertising, exist. However, media managers must choose from a range of strategies to be commercially viable, which requires risk-taking, innovation and, often, guesswork. In such situations, the ‘wall’ between media managers and senior editors is porous, as all executives must manage the relationship between business and editorial imperatives. Executives tend to overlook culture as a factor in changing organisations, but I argue that journalism could benefit from engaging with management theory and organisational psychology, which offer ways to understand the specific dynamics of the organisation. Finally, I argue that the case of the Sowetan throws into question the idea that there may be a broadly universal journalism culture. The attachment of Sowetan journalists to their particular values and practice suggests that forms of journalism evolve in certain contexts to diverge from the ‘professional’ Anglo-American modes. These ‘journalisms’ use similar terms – such as the ‘public interest’ – but operationalise them quite differently. The responsibility to the public is imagined in very different ways, but remains a significant attachment for journalists.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2015
An investigation into how journalists experience economic and political pressures on their ethical decisions at the Nation Media Group in Kenya
- Authors: Maweu, Jacinta Mwende
- Date: 2013
- Subjects: Nation Media Group Limited Journalists -- Kenya Journalistic ethics -- Kenya Press and politics -- Kenya Journalism -- Economic aspects -- Kenya Journalism -- Political aspects -- Kenya Mass media -- Political aspects -- Kenya Mass media -- Economic aspects -- Kenya Freedom of the press -- Kenya
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: vital:3508 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1007583
- Description: This study investigates how journalists experience economic and political pressures on their ethical decisions at the Nation Media Group (NMG) conglomerate in Kenya. The study uses qualitative semi- structured interviews to examine how journalists experience these pressures on their professional ethics as they make their daily decisions. Grounded in the critical political economy of the media tradition, the findings of the study indicate that economic and political pressures from advertisers, shareholders’ interests, the profit motive and the highly ethnicised political environment in Kenya largely compromise the ethical decisions of journalists. The study draws on the work done by Herman and Chomsky in their ‘Propaganda Model’ in which they propose ‘filters’ as the analytical indicators of the forms that political and economic pressures that journalists experience may take. The study explores the ways in which journalists experience these pressures, how they respond to the pressures and the ways in which their responses may compromise their journalism ethics. The findings indicate that aside from the pressures from the primary five filters outlined in the Propaganda Model, ethnicity in Kenyan newsrooms is a key ‘filter’ that may compromise the ethical decisions of journalists at the NMG. The study therefore argues that there is a need to modify the explanatory power of the Propaganda Model when applying it to the Kenyan context to include ethnicity as a ‘sixth filter’ that should be understood in relation to the five primary filters. From the findings, it would seem that the government is no longer a major threat to journalists’ freedom and responsibility in Kenya. Market forces and ethnicity in newsrooms pose the greatest threat to journalists’ freedom and responsibility. The study therefore calls for a revision of the normative framework within which journalists’ and media performance in Kenya is assessed. As the study findings show, the prevailing liberal- democratic model ignores the commercial and economic threats the ‘free market’ poses to journalism ethics as well as ethnicity in newsrooms and only focuses on the media- government relations, treating the government as the major threat to media freedom.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2013
- Authors: Maweu, Jacinta Mwende
- Date: 2013
- Subjects: Nation Media Group Limited Journalists -- Kenya Journalistic ethics -- Kenya Press and politics -- Kenya Journalism -- Economic aspects -- Kenya Journalism -- Political aspects -- Kenya Mass media -- Political aspects -- Kenya Mass media -- Economic aspects -- Kenya Freedom of the press -- Kenya
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: vital:3508 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1007583
- Description: This study investigates how journalists experience economic and political pressures on their ethical decisions at the Nation Media Group (NMG) conglomerate in Kenya. The study uses qualitative semi- structured interviews to examine how journalists experience these pressures on their professional ethics as they make their daily decisions. Grounded in the critical political economy of the media tradition, the findings of the study indicate that economic and political pressures from advertisers, shareholders’ interests, the profit motive and the highly ethnicised political environment in Kenya largely compromise the ethical decisions of journalists. The study draws on the work done by Herman and Chomsky in their ‘Propaganda Model’ in which they propose ‘filters’ as the analytical indicators of the forms that political and economic pressures that journalists experience may take. The study explores the ways in which journalists experience these pressures, how they respond to the pressures and the ways in which their responses may compromise their journalism ethics. The findings indicate that aside from the pressures from the primary five filters outlined in the Propaganda Model, ethnicity in Kenyan newsrooms is a key ‘filter’ that may compromise the ethical decisions of journalists at the NMG. The study therefore argues that there is a need to modify the explanatory power of the Propaganda Model when applying it to the Kenyan context to include ethnicity as a ‘sixth filter’ that should be understood in relation to the five primary filters. From the findings, it would seem that the government is no longer a major threat to journalists’ freedom and responsibility in Kenya. Market forces and ethnicity in newsrooms pose the greatest threat to journalists’ freedom and responsibility. The study therefore calls for a revision of the normative framework within which journalists’ and media performance in Kenya is assessed. As the study findings show, the prevailing liberal- democratic model ignores the commercial and economic threats the ‘free market’ poses to journalism ethics as well as ethnicity in newsrooms and only focuses on the media- government relations, treating the government as the major threat to media freedom.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2013
An investigation into the representations of environmental issues relating to Lake Victoria, Uganda, and their negotiation by the lakeside communities
- Lwanga, Margaret Jjuuko Nassuna
- Authors: Lwanga, Margaret Jjuuko Nassuna
- Date: 2013
- Subjects: Victoria Voice Victoria, Lake -- Environmental aspects -- Research Lakes -- Environmental aspects -- Research -- Uganda Environmental management -- Research -- Uganda Pollution -- Environmental aspects -- Uganda Radio broadcasting -- Uganda , Uganda CBS , Central Broadcasting Service , Mass media -- Environmental aspects -- Research -- Uganda
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: vital:3411 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1001577
- Description: The state of the environment is increasingly present as an urgent concern for contemporary political, social, cultural and physical life. Yet the roles of the mass media (radio, television and newspapers) in shaping and influencing crucial public awareness, debates and environmental decision-making remain inadequately understood. Positioned as a critical studies inquiry into media representations and audience reception, this study forms part of a wider project amongst media scholars and culture critics on the relationship between media textual production and consumption. It explores how one radio station in Uganda, Central Broadcasting Service (CBS) radio, represents and constructs the environmental crises faced by Lake Victoria, especially pollution and overfishing. The focus is on the Victoria Voice radio documentaries aired on CBS radio in the year 2005. The study further explores how three lakeside communities negotiate these issues as radio broadcasts. It recognises that while the mass media contribute significantly to creating public awareness about such social concerns, their likelihood of having a direct and predictable impact on social behaviour is slight. The context and the lived experiences at the reception stage where the decisions are made on whether to adopt an innovation are ultimately the factors which impact on how they are negotiated. The thesis is informed by the theoretical and analytical framework of Cultural Studies as well as the Participatory Approach to Communication for Development perspectives. The study is specifically informed by the theories of ‘discourse’ (Foucault, 1980a, 1981) and the ‘circuit of culture’ (du Gay et al., 1997 and Johnson, 1987) and these provided the conceptual framework for investigating the representations, the production and the consumption of media texts. Predominantly qualitative methods have been employed in data collection and analysis. In the first place, a Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) (Fairclough, 1995a, 1995c) of the radio texts has interrogated the discourses and discursive practices of CBS’ Victoria Voice environmental radio programmes in order to consider its representations of particular issues and consequently the discourses it privileged. Qualitative methods of participant observation, in-depth interviews and focus group discussions were deployed to investigate the negotiation of the texts by the lakeside communities. This research establishes that the Victoria Voice radio texts foreground three contesting types of discourses: the discourse of basic economic survival and livelihoods is articulated largely by the ordinary people, the lakeside communities; the discourse of sustainable development, particularly the protection and sustainability of Lake Victoria, by scientists and environmental experts; and the discourse of modernisation and corporate investment by politicians and/or policy makers and industrialists. The texts, to a large degree, reaffirm the hegemonic relations of power in Ugandan society, and thus contribute to the maintenance of the status quo. The selection of an elite category of informers (scientists, experts, politicians, policy makers) serves to marginalise the less powerful ordinary people (the fisher folk, farmers and other eyewitnesses). The construction of the elite as active and speaking subjects within the various debates introduced in these programmes, for example, works both to obscure and endorse the unequal power relations. At the reception side, while the lakeside communities attest to the relevance of the programmes in providing information on the issues concerning Lake Victoria and other aspects of their livelihood, they also recognise the power relations that underpin the sets of representations. Amongst these sets is government’s complicity with industry, in line with their economic policies and the global capitalist economy, while espousing the rhetoric of nature conservation. The study argues that sustainable solutions for the crises on Lake Victoria should take into account the socio-historical and cultural contexts of the lakeside communities. For the Ugandan media, particularly radio, there is a need to rethink the nature of the coverage, which tends to neglect the contextual factors, such as local socio-economic and cultural factors within which environmental issues and problems occur and which, as this thesis establishes, greatly influences the way people make sense of environmental issues and problems. I posit that the Participatory Approach that seeks to address the communities’ most pressing concerns should be adopted – to include more of the communities’ voices and involve them in the production of radio programmes.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2013
- Authors: Lwanga, Margaret Jjuuko Nassuna
- Date: 2013
- Subjects: Victoria Voice Victoria, Lake -- Environmental aspects -- Research Lakes -- Environmental aspects -- Research -- Uganda Environmental management -- Research -- Uganda Pollution -- Environmental aspects -- Uganda Radio broadcasting -- Uganda , Uganda CBS , Central Broadcasting Service , Mass media -- Environmental aspects -- Research -- Uganda
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: vital:3411 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1001577
- Description: The state of the environment is increasingly present as an urgent concern for contemporary political, social, cultural and physical life. Yet the roles of the mass media (radio, television and newspapers) in shaping and influencing crucial public awareness, debates and environmental decision-making remain inadequately understood. Positioned as a critical studies inquiry into media representations and audience reception, this study forms part of a wider project amongst media scholars and culture critics on the relationship between media textual production and consumption. It explores how one radio station in Uganda, Central Broadcasting Service (CBS) radio, represents and constructs the environmental crises faced by Lake Victoria, especially pollution and overfishing. The focus is on the Victoria Voice radio documentaries aired on CBS radio in the year 2005. The study further explores how three lakeside communities negotiate these issues as radio broadcasts. It recognises that while the mass media contribute significantly to creating public awareness about such social concerns, their likelihood of having a direct and predictable impact on social behaviour is slight. The context and the lived experiences at the reception stage where the decisions are made on whether to adopt an innovation are ultimately the factors which impact on how they are negotiated. The thesis is informed by the theoretical and analytical framework of Cultural Studies as well as the Participatory Approach to Communication for Development perspectives. The study is specifically informed by the theories of ‘discourse’ (Foucault, 1980a, 1981) and the ‘circuit of culture’ (du Gay et al., 1997 and Johnson, 1987) and these provided the conceptual framework for investigating the representations, the production and the consumption of media texts. Predominantly qualitative methods have been employed in data collection and analysis. In the first place, a Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) (Fairclough, 1995a, 1995c) of the radio texts has interrogated the discourses and discursive practices of CBS’ Victoria Voice environmental radio programmes in order to consider its representations of particular issues and consequently the discourses it privileged. Qualitative methods of participant observation, in-depth interviews and focus group discussions were deployed to investigate the negotiation of the texts by the lakeside communities. This research establishes that the Victoria Voice radio texts foreground three contesting types of discourses: the discourse of basic economic survival and livelihoods is articulated largely by the ordinary people, the lakeside communities; the discourse of sustainable development, particularly the protection and sustainability of Lake Victoria, by scientists and environmental experts; and the discourse of modernisation and corporate investment by politicians and/or policy makers and industrialists. The texts, to a large degree, reaffirm the hegemonic relations of power in Ugandan society, and thus contribute to the maintenance of the status quo. The selection of an elite category of informers (scientists, experts, politicians, policy makers) serves to marginalise the less powerful ordinary people (the fisher folk, farmers and other eyewitnesses). The construction of the elite as active and speaking subjects within the various debates introduced in these programmes, for example, works both to obscure and endorse the unequal power relations. At the reception side, while the lakeside communities attest to the relevance of the programmes in providing information on the issues concerning Lake Victoria and other aspects of their livelihood, they also recognise the power relations that underpin the sets of representations. Amongst these sets is government’s complicity with industry, in line with their economic policies and the global capitalist economy, while espousing the rhetoric of nature conservation. The study argues that sustainable solutions for the crises on Lake Victoria should take into account the socio-historical and cultural contexts of the lakeside communities. For the Ugandan media, particularly radio, there is a need to rethink the nature of the coverage, which tends to neglect the contextual factors, such as local socio-economic and cultural factors within which environmental issues and problems occur and which, as this thesis establishes, greatly influences the way people make sense of environmental issues and problems. I posit that the Participatory Approach that seeks to address the communities’ most pressing concerns should be adopted – to include more of the communities’ voices and involve them in the production of radio programmes.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2013
Journalists' perceptions of their roles and identities with regard to the new partnership for Africa's development
- Kanyegirire, Andrew Steve Tumuhirwe
- Authors: Kanyegirire, Andrew Steve Tumuhirwe
- Date: 2008
- Subjects: New Partnership for Africa's Development Journalists -- Africa Journalism -- Africa Mass media -- Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: vital:3443 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002897
- Description: This qualitative study features in-depth interviews with selected continental African journalists and offers exploratory insights into how they perceive themselves in terms of their journalistic roles and/or sub-identities with regard to the New Partnership for Africa’s Development (NEPAD). The study also examines correlations between their perceptions and their news stories on NEPAD. Grounded in the libertarian and social responsibility theories of journalism, and reading these theories from the standpoint of Africa, this study posits the neutral, watchdog, social agenda and development journalism sub-identities to explain the respondents’ journalistic identifications. Hence, the study explores how the journalists respond to NEPAD’s (pan)-Africanist and development journalism interpellations. The study draws on postcolonial theoretical perspectives to address questions concerning African identity and the wider NEPAD/African context of research. Findings indicated that the journalists perceive a role for themselves as neutral-objectivist information disseminators as well as social agenda enactors that conscientise their readers about NEPAD. Thus, the journalists tend to implicitly portray a pluralistic understanding of their roles that enables them to balance the ideals of journalism against the development and Africanist aspirations of NEPAD. Although the journalists were found to uphold oppositional stances towards NEPAD, they do not question it from outside of its own neo-liberal discourse. In fact, they still represent themselves as aspiring to its Africanism and remaining sympathetic to its development plans. Overall, they exhibit multiple identifications, and yet they often tend to lean towards their neutral-objectivist journalistic sub-identity. Ultimately, they prioritise the dominant libertarian-professional model of journalism over and above NEPAD’s interpellations. The study also examined the journalists’ interpretations of what they do and the apparent translation of this into their stories. Although in both their stories and interviews discourse they showed a broader orientation towards libertarianism, the findings show that the link between the two is not straightforward.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2008
- Authors: Kanyegirire, Andrew Steve Tumuhirwe
- Date: 2008
- Subjects: New Partnership for Africa's Development Journalists -- Africa Journalism -- Africa Mass media -- Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: vital:3443 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002897
- Description: This qualitative study features in-depth interviews with selected continental African journalists and offers exploratory insights into how they perceive themselves in terms of their journalistic roles and/or sub-identities with regard to the New Partnership for Africa’s Development (NEPAD). The study also examines correlations between their perceptions and their news stories on NEPAD. Grounded in the libertarian and social responsibility theories of journalism, and reading these theories from the standpoint of Africa, this study posits the neutral, watchdog, social agenda and development journalism sub-identities to explain the respondents’ journalistic identifications. Hence, the study explores how the journalists respond to NEPAD’s (pan)-Africanist and development journalism interpellations. The study draws on postcolonial theoretical perspectives to address questions concerning African identity and the wider NEPAD/African context of research. Findings indicated that the journalists perceive a role for themselves as neutral-objectivist information disseminators as well as social agenda enactors that conscientise their readers about NEPAD. Thus, the journalists tend to implicitly portray a pluralistic understanding of their roles that enables them to balance the ideals of journalism against the development and Africanist aspirations of NEPAD. Although the journalists were found to uphold oppositional stances towards NEPAD, they do not question it from outside of its own neo-liberal discourse. In fact, they still represent themselves as aspiring to its Africanism and remaining sympathetic to its development plans. Overall, they exhibit multiple identifications, and yet they often tend to lean towards their neutral-objectivist journalistic sub-identity. Ultimately, they prioritise the dominant libertarian-professional model of journalism over and above NEPAD’s interpellations. The study also examined the journalists’ interpretations of what they do and the apparent translation of this into their stories. Although in both their stories and interviews discourse they showed a broader orientation towards libertarianism, the findings show that the link between the two is not straightforward.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2008
Race against democracy: a case study of the Mail & Guardian during the early years of the Mbeki presidency, 1999-2002
- Authors: Steenveld, Lynette Noreen
- Date: 2007
- Subjects: Mbeki, Thabo -- In mass media , Mail & Guardian , South African newspapers , Press -- South Africa , Press and politics -- South Africa , Journalism -- South Africa , Mass media and race relations -- South Africa , Racism in the press -- South Africa , Mass media -- Political aspects -- South Africa , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 20th century
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: vital:3537 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1015572
- Description: This thesis examines the 1998 complaint of racism against the Mail & Guardian, a leading exponent of South Africa's alternative press in the 1980s, and important contemporary producer of investigative journalism. The study is framed within a cultural studies approach, analysing the Mail & Guardian as constituted by a 'circuit of production': its social context, production, texts, and audiences. The thesis makes three main arguments. First, that the claim of racism cannot be understood outside of a consideration of both the changing political milieu, and subtle changes within the Mail & Guardian itself. Significant social changes relate to the reconfiguration of racial and class identities wrought by the 'Mbeki state'. Within the Mail & Guardian, the thesis argues for the importance of the power and subjectivity of the editor as a key 'factor' shaping the identity of the paper, evidenced in its production practices and textual outputs. In this regard, the thesis departs from a functionalist analysis of particular 'roles' within the newsroom, drawing instead on a post-structuralist approach to organisational studies. Based on this production and social context, the thesis examines key texts which deal with aspects of South Africa's social transformation, and which exemplify aspects of the Mail & Guardian's reporting which led to the complaint of racism by the Black Lawyers Association (BLA) and the Association of Black Accountants (ABASA). Their complaint was that the Mail & Guardian's reporting impugned the dignity of black people, and in so doing was a violation of their rights to dignity and equality which are constitutionally guaranteed. However, as freedom of the press is also guaranteed by the South African constitution, their complaint to the South African Human Rights Commission (SAHRC) resulted in public debate about these contending rights. My second argument relates to the jurisprudential approach to racism, and the related issue of affirmative action, which informed the complaint against the paper. Contrary to the 'normative', liberal approach to these issues, this thesis highlights Critical Race Theory as the jurisprudential basis for both the claimants' accusation of racism against the Mail & Guardian, and aspects of its implicit use in South African human rights adjudication. The thesis argues that in failing to recognise these different philosophical and political bases of legal reasoning, the media, including the Mail & Guardian, in reporting on these matters failed in their purported role of serving the public interest. The thesis concludes by applying Fraser's critique of Habermas's notion of a single, bourgeois public sphere to journalism, thereby suggesting ways in which the critiques of some of the Mail & Guardian's own journalists could be employed to enlarge its approach to journalism - giving voice to constituencies seldom heard in mainstream media.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2007
- Authors: Steenveld, Lynette Noreen
- Date: 2007
- Subjects: Mbeki, Thabo -- In mass media , Mail & Guardian , South African newspapers , Press -- South Africa , Press and politics -- South Africa , Journalism -- South Africa , Mass media and race relations -- South Africa , Racism in the press -- South Africa , Mass media -- Political aspects -- South Africa , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 20th century
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: vital:3537 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1015572
- Description: This thesis examines the 1998 complaint of racism against the Mail & Guardian, a leading exponent of South Africa's alternative press in the 1980s, and important contemporary producer of investigative journalism. The study is framed within a cultural studies approach, analysing the Mail & Guardian as constituted by a 'circuit of production': its social context, production, texts, and audiences. The thesis makes three main arguments. First, that the claim of racism cannot be understood outside of a consideration of both the changing political milieu, and subtle changes within the Mail & Guardian itself. Significant social changes relate to the reconfiguration of racial and class identities wrought by the 'Mbeki state'. Within the Mail & Guardian, the thesis argues for the importance of the power and subjectivity of the editor as a key 'factor' shaping the identity of the paper, evidenced in its production practices and textual outputs. In this regard, the thesis departs from a functionalist analysis of particular 'roles' within the newsroom, drawing instead on a post-structuralist approach to organisational studies. Based on this production and social context, the thesis examines key texts which deal with aspects of South Africa's social transformation, and which exemplify aspects of the Mail & Guardian's reporting which led to the complaint of racism by the Black Lawyers Association (BLA) and the Association of Black Accountants (ABASA). Their complaint was that the Mail & Guardian's reporting impugned the dignity of black people, and in so doing was a violation of their rights to dignity and equality which are constitutionally guaranteed. However, as freedom of the press is also guaranteed by the South African constitution, their complaint to the South African Human Rights Commission (SAHRC) resulted in public debate about these contending rights. My second argument relates to the jurisprudential approach to racism, and the related issue of affirmative action, which informed the complaint against the paper. Contrary to the 'normative', liberal approach to these issues, this thesis highlights Critical Race Theory as the jurisprudential basis for both the claimants' accusation of racism against the Mail & Guardian, and aspects of its implicit use in South African human rights adjudication. The thesis argues that in failing to recognise these different philosophical and political bases of legal reasoning, the media, including the Mail & Guardian, in reporting on these matters failed in their purported role of serving the public interest. The thesis concludes by applying Fraser's critique of Habermas's notion of a single, bourgeois public sphere to journalism, thereby suggesting ways in which the critiques of some of the Mail & Guardian's own journalists could be employed to enlarge its approach to journalism - giving voice to constituencies seldom heard in mainstream media.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2007
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