(In)security communities in Africa: small arms and light weapons norm compliance by the economic community of West African states
- Authors: Pokoo, John Mark
- Date: 2024-10-11
- Subjects: Uncatalogued
- Language: English
- Type: Academic theses , Doctoral theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/467093 , vital:76814
- Description: Access restricted. Expected release in 2026. , Thesis (PhD) -- Faculty of Humanities, Political and International Studies, 2024
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2024-10-11
- Authors: Pokoo, John Mark
- Date: 2024-10-11
- Subjects: Uncatalogued
- Language: English
- Type: Academic theses , Doctoral theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/467093 , vital:76814
- Description: Access restricted. Expected release in 2026. , Thesis (PhD) -- Faculty of Humanities, Political and International Studies, 2024
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2024-10-11
Artificial Intelligence (AI) and blockchain technologies in advancing sustainable healthcare development in Kenya: a critique of dependency theory
- Monethi, Tlhokomelo Brigette Rethabile
- Authors: Monethi, Tlhokomelo Brigette Rethabile
- Date: 2024-10-11
- Subjects: Uncatalogued
- Language: English
- Type: Academic theses , Master's theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/466016 , vital:76677
- Description: This thesis explores the transformative potential of artificial intelligence (AI) and blockchain technologies in advancing healthcare delivery in Kenya through a critique of Dependency Theory. It investigates how these technologies contribute to improving accessibility, efficiency, and quality of care—particularly in underserved regions, while also addressing the structural dependencies that limit Kenya’s healthcare autonomy. Using a qualitative methodology, this study examines five case studies—Sophie Bot, Ilara Health, Tambua Health, AfyaRekod, and PanaBIOS—to highlight both the opportunities and challenges AI and blockchain present in reducing external reliance. Although AI-powered diagnostics and blockchain-based patient data management systems have revolutionised healthcare in Kenya, these technologies remain dependent on foreign capital and expertise for their development and maintenance. The research finds that while AI and blockchain technologies offer a path to leapfrog traditional barriers in healthcare delivery, their implementation critiques traditional notions of dependency theory. Nonetheless, the thesis identifies significant ethical considerations—including digital inequality, data privacy, and AI biases—that must be addressed to ensure equitable, self-sufficient healthcare provision. This study concludes with recommendations for fostering technological autonomy in Kenya's healthcare system, focusing on building local capacity, addressing infrastructural challenges, and aligning AI and blockchain integration with ethical and socio-cultural contexts. By doing this, this research contributes to the broader discourse on technology and healthcare in developing nations, offering pathways for reducing dependency and achieving sustainable healthcare development in Kenya. , Thesis (MA) -- Faculty of Humanities, Political and International Studies, 2024
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2024-10-11
- Authors: Monethi, Tlhokomelo Brigette Rethabile
- Date: 2024-10-11
- Subjects: Uncatalogued
- Language: English
- Type: Academic theses , Master's theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/466016 , vital:76677
- Description: This thesis explores the transformative potential of artificial intelligence (AI) and blockchain technologies in advancing healthcare delivery in Kenya through a critique of Dependency Theory. It investigates how these technologies contribute to improving accessibility, efficiency, and quality of care—particularly in underserved regions, while also addressing the structural dependencies that limit Kenya’s healthcare autonomy. Using a qualitative methodology, this study examines five case studies—Sophie Bot, Ilara Health, Tambua Health, AfyaRekod, and PanaBIOS—to highlight both the opportunities and challenges AI and blockchain present in reducing external reliance. Although AI-powered diagnostics and blockchain-based patient data management systems have revolutionised healthcare in Kenya, these technologies remain dependent on foreign capital and expertise for their development and maintenance. The research finds that while AI and blockchain technologies offer a path to leapfrog traditional barriers in healthcare delivery, their implementation critiques traditional notions of dependency theory. Nonetheless, the thesis identifies significant ethical considerations—including digital inequality, data privacy, and AI biases—that must be addressed to ensure equitable, self-sufficient healthcare provision. This study concludes with recommendations for fostering technological autonomy in Kenya's healthcare system, focusing on building local capacity, addressing infrastructural challenges, and aligning AI and blockchain integration with ethical and socio-cultural contexts. By doing this, this research contributes to the broader discourse on technology and healthcare in developing nations, offering pathways for reducing dependency and achieving sustainable healthcare development in Kenya. , Thesis (MA) -- Faculty of Humanities, Political and International Studies, 2024
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2024-10-11
Decolonizing the curriculum: a case study of the Humanities Faculty at Rhodes University
- Authors: Machiha, Nigel
- Date: 2024-10-11
- Subjects: Uncatalogued
- Language: English
- Type: Academic theses , Master's theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/466005 , vital:76676
- Description: This thesis explores students’ experiences in the Faculty of Humanities at Rhodes University, specifically focusing on their perspectives on decolonization. The thesis has two central aims: first, to investigate the students’ general understanding of decolonizing the curriculum and second, to examine their experiences within the Humanities Faculty and their perception of how decolonized the faculty is. Through in-depth interviews with students in the faculty, the study aimed to answer questions regarding students’ thoughts on the decolonization of university curricula and their experiences within the Faculty of Humanities at Rhodes University. The findings reveal diverse student views on decolonization, with definitions of decolonization provided by students touching on topics such as the Africanization or Indigenization of the curriculum, systemic transformation, the importance of unlearning colonial ideologies and the relationship between language and decolonization. The students’ perceptions of the level of decolonization they witness in the faculty are categorized along three lines: the views of those who believe the departments they interact with are decolonized, the views of those who think efforts are being made but more progress is needed, and those who see no evidence of decolonization. The thesis highlights that while some students believe that positive steps towards decolonization are being taken, others express scepticism and call for a more diverse representation of scholars and scholarship and a departure from traditional Eurocentric approaches. , Thesis (MA) -- Faculty of Humanities, Political and International Studies, 2024
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2024-10-11
- Authors: Machiha, Nigel
- Date: 2024-10-11
- Subjects: Uncatalogued
- Language: English
- Type: Academic theses , Master's theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/466005 , vital:76676
- Description: This thesis explores students’ experiences in the Faculty of Humanities at Rhodes University, specifically focusing on their perspectives on decolonization. The thesis has two central aims: first, to investigate the students’ general understanding of decolonizing the curriculum and second, to examine their experiences within the Humanities Faculty and their perception of how decolonized the faculty is. Through in-depth interviews with students in the faculty, the study aimed to answer questions regarding students’ thoughts on the decolonization of university curricula and their experiences within the Faculty of Humanities at Rhodes University. The findings reveal diverse student views on decolonization, with definitions of decolonization provided by students touching on topics such as the Africanization or Indigenization of the curriculum, systemic transformation, the importance of unlearning colonial ideologies and the relationship between language and decolonization. The students’ perceptions of the level of decolonization they witness in the faculty are categorized along three lines: the views of those who believe the departments they interact with are decolonized, the views of those who think efforts are being made but more progress is needed, and those who see no evidence of decolonization. The thesis highlights that while some students believe that positive steps towards decolonization are being taken, others express scepticism and call for a more diverse representation of scholars and scholarship and a departure from traditional Eurocentric approaches. , Thesis (MA) -- Faculty of Humanities, Political and International Studies, 2024
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2024-10-11
The Amadiba Crisis Committee: sustaining mobilisation in Xolobeni, South Africa
- Authors: Nowicki, Lucas Joel
- Date: 2024-10-11
- Subjects: Uncatalogued
- Language: English
- Type: Academic theses , Master's theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/466027 , vital:76678
- Description: This thesis seeks to understand how the Amadiba Crisis Committee (ACC), a rural movement from Xolobeni, has sustained mobilisation and worked with allies in civil society. The ACC was formed in 2007 in response to attempts by a mining company, Transworld Energy and Mineral Resources (TEM), to establish a sand mine off the coast of the Eastern Cape of South Africa. Since 2007, the ACC has achieved significant victories in their fight against imposed development projects they argue threaten existing livelihoods that rely on the land. This thesis theorises the ACC’s mobilisation by drawing on concepts such as political opportunity, resource mobilisation, repertoires of action, framing and resource frontiers’. The thesis responds to the research question(s) by undertaking a thematic analysis of textual data drawn from semi-structured in-depth interviews conducted with ACC members and their allies in civil society, most of which were collected during fieldwork in Xolobeni. The study finds that the ACC has sustained mobilisation through the combination of more public and institutional repertoires of action with more subtle everyday forms of resistance. These repertoires include dynamic uses of the law and rights discourses to further the movement’s goals. The ACC also used more confrontational tactics whereby activists use their bodies to physically disrupt extractive projects’ operations, actions which are coordinated through communication networks and local leadership structures. Furthermore, the ACC promotes alternative development strategies in a way which can be conceived as a type of prefigurative politics whereby activists actualise and embody the types of relations and development they want to see in the world. Many of these tactics were supported and made possible due to the presence of allies in civil society such as Sustaining the Wild Coast (SWC). Although there is a risk that such allies may end up co-opting and undermining mobilisation, this risk has been averted because both the SWC and the ACC are committed to maintaining separation between the movement and NGO in mobilisation. The SWC’s support has included facilitating access to media and civil society networks located in urban areas and using these networks and social capital to access information and other necessary resources. Overall, the movement has sustained resistance to imposed development projects by drawing on strong existing historical community ties, using diverse repertoires to achieve goals and build the movement’s base, and by consistently outlining alternative development strategies as a positive vision to their mobilisation. This has consolidated the ACC as a movement and established them as a powerful force with the ability to shape local development, policy and public discourse. , Thesis (MA) -- Faculty of Humanities, Political and International Studies, 2024
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2024-10-11
- Authors: Nowicki, Lucas Joel
- Date: 2024-10-11
- Subjects: Uncatalogued
- Language: English
- Type: Academic theses , Master's theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/466027 , vital:76678
- Description: This thesis seeks to understand how the Amadiba Crisis Committee (ACC), a rural movement from Xolobeni, has sustained mobilisation and worked with allies in civil society. The ACC was formed in 2007 in response to attempts by a mining company, Transworld Energy and Mineral Resources (TEM), to establish a sand mine off the coast of the Eastern Cape of South Africa. Since 2007, the ACC has achieved significant victories in their fight against imposed development projects they argue threaten existing livelihoods that rely on the land. This thesis theorises the ACC’s mobilisation by drawing on concepts such as political opportunity, resource mobilisation, repertoires of action, framing and resource frontiers’. The thesis responds to the research question(s) by undertaking a thematic analysis of textual data drawn from semi-structured in-depth interviews conducted with ACC members and their allies in civil society, most of which were collected during fieldwork in Xolobeni. The study finds that the ACC has sustained mobilisation through the combination of more public and institutional repertoires of action with more subtle everyday forms of resistance. These repertoires include dynamic uses of the law and rights discourses to further the movement’s goals. The ACC also used more confrontational tactics whereby activists use their bodies to physically disrupt extractive projects’ operations, actions which are coordinated through communication networks and local leadership structures. Furthermore, the ACC promotes alternative development strategies in a way which can be conceived as a type of prefigurative politics whereby activists actualise and embody the types of relations and development they want to see in the world. Many of these tactics were supported and made possible due to the presence of allies in civil society such as Sustaining the Wild Coast (SWC). Although there is a risk that such allies may end up co-opting and undermining mobilisation, this risk has been averted because both the SWC and the ACC are committed to maintaining separation between the movement and NGO in mobilisation. The SWC’s support has included facilitating access to media and civil society networks located in urban areas and using these networks and social capital to access information and other necessary resources. Overall, the movement has sustained resistance to imposed development projects by drawing on strong existing historical community ties, using diverse repertoires to achieve goals and build the movement’s base, and by consistently outlining alternative development strategies as a positive vision to their mobilisation. This has consolidated the ACC as a movement and established them as a powerful force with the ability to shape local development, policy and public discourse. , Thesis (MA) -- Faculty of Humanities, Political and International Studies, 2024
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2024-10-11
The making of masculinities: the hidden curriculum about Gender-Based Violence and Rape Culture at an elite private school in South Africa
- Authors: Talbot, Alexandreo Zinhle
- Date: 2024-10-11
- Subjects: Uncatalogued
- Language: English
- Type: Academic theses , Master's theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/466038 , vital:76679
- Description: This study examines the formation of ‘ruling class’ masculinities and their relationship to gender-based violence (GBV) and rape culture at an elite private school (called Blue School for the purposes of this study). Through interviews with alumni, the research explores the recollections and narratives of young men in terms of how they navigated and experienced masculine identity formation in the school context during their adolescence, and also deciphers their awareness regarding GBV and rape culture. The findings demonstrate that identity formation within the school studied is complex and often reflected as a Western-centric masculinity drenched in heteronormativity. This is captured through the shared experiences alumni of the school regarding their adherence to traditional values, submission to hierarchical structures, collective mockery of vulnerability and the instillation of competitive individualism. The alumni speak to the ways in which boyhood and gender are conceptualised through the taught curriculum, contrasted with the hidden scripts of masculinities in the boarding school environment. The complex interplay between institutional culture and the formation of gender identities shows a superficial adherence to progressive ideals, unveiling the entrenched hegemonic practices that reinforce restrictive norms. Most alumni expressed a sense of living in an isolated bubble, where wrongdoings are swept under the carpet. Through these practices, elite private schools depict institutional blindness as an entangled strategy to protect institutional reputation and capital. Insinuating irrelevance of GBV within elite private boys’ schools emphasises the racist and homophobic discourses that deem who is capable of performing and experiencing gendered and sexual violence. By drawing on African feminism and Foucault, the study provides insight into the pervasive disciplinary mechanisms and their lasting impact on the alumni’s personal and social embodiment of masculinity. This highlights the urgent need for a reimagined approach to masculinity that is inclusive and cognizant of historical and socio-political nuances. The thesis calls for a systemic examination of the elite private school system across South Africa and African-centred pro-feminist educational strategies to address the genealogical discourses embedded in these institutions. , Thesis (MA) -- Faculty of Humanities, Political and International Studies, 2024
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2024-10-11
- Authors: Talbot, Alexandreo Zinhle
- Date: 2024-10-11
- Subjects: Uncatalogued
- Language: English
- Type: Academic theses , Master's theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/466038 , vital:76679
- Description: This study examines the formation of ‘ruling class’ masculinities and their relationship to gender-based violence (GBV) and rape culture at an elite private school (called Blue School for the purposes of this study). Through interviews with alumni, the research explores the recollections and narratives of young men in terms of how they navigated and experienced masculine identity formation in the school context during their adolescence, and also deciphers their awareness regarding GBV and rape culture. The findings demonstrate that identity formation within the school studied is complex and often reflected as a Western-centric masculinity drenched in heteronormativity. This is captured through the shared experiences alumni of the school regarding their adherence to traditional values, submission to hierarchical structures, collective mockery of vulnerability and the instillation of competitive individualism. The alumni speak to the ways in which boyhood and gender are conceptualised through the taught curriculum, contrasted with the hidden scripts of masculinities in the boarding school environment. The complex interplay between institutional culture and the formation of gender identities shows a superficial adherence to progressive ideals, unveiling the entrenched hegemonic practices that reinforce restrictive norms. Most alumni expressed a sense of living in an isolated bubble, where wrongdoings are swept under the carpet. Through these practices, elite private schools depict institutional blindness as an entangled strategy to protect institutional reputation and capital. Insinuating irrelevance of GBV within elite private boys’ schools emphasises the racist and homophobic discourses that deem who is capable of performing and experiencing gendered and sexual violence. By drawing on African feminism and Foucault, the study provides insight into the pervasive disciplinary mechanisms and their lasting impact on the alumni’s personal and social embodiment of masculinity. This highlights the urgent need for a reimagined approach to masculinity that is inclusive and cognizant of historical and socio-political nuances. The thesis calls for a systemic examination of the elite private school system across South Africa and African-centred pro-feminist educational strategies to address the genealogical discourses embedded in these institutions. , Thesis (MA) -- Faculty of Humanities, Political and International Studies, 2024
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2024-10-11
Ukuma njenge ndoda: the making of Xhosa masculinities in Mthatha, Eastern Cape
- Authors: Silosini, Tandokazi
- Date: 2024-10-11
- Subjects: Uncatalogued
- Language: English
- Type: Academic theses , Master's theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/466317 , vital:76717
- Description: This study examines how young men construct their masculine identities in daily life through the collection of activities that happen throughout young men's lives in Mthatha, Eastern Cape. The aim of the research is to examine how black men construct their identity as men. It seeks to examine the everyday ways in which young men speak of their masculinity, how they understand themselves in relation to women and the causes of gender-based and sexual violence in South Africa. The study conceptualises Xhosa masculinities and manhood within the framework of masculinist violence and the state. It demonstrates the intersection of manhood violence and the state within the discipline of international relations which is characterised by ideas of state security and war. Interviews with Xhosa men in Mthatha illuminated that boys are raised to be men who stand, articulated as ukuma njenge ndoda (standing up as a man), for themselves, family and community. Ukuma operates as an assertion and protection of self, a demonstration of independence and being self-sustaining. It importantly speaks to the gendered division of labour where over and above standing up for oneself, it is a man’s duty and responsibility “ukumela izinto zekhaya” – to stand up for his home and family. This thesis shows that the different forms that ukuma carry with them expectations of dominance and control or at least maintain the appearance of it. Ultimately, the concept of ukuma serves as a way to legitimise the use of force or violence in certain instances where men feel that an act of violence constitutes ukuzimela (standing up for himself) or ukumela ikhaya (standing up for his family). The masculinising of this duty implicates not only the men it is bestowed upon the women and children who are the ones supposedly protected and provided for. , Thesis (MSocSci) -- Faculty of Humanities, Political and International Studies, 2024
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2024-10-11
- Authors: Silosini, Tandokazi
- Date: 2024-10-11
- Subjects: Uncatalogued
- Language: English
- Type: Academic theses , Master's theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/466317 , vital:76717
- Description: This study examines how young men construct their masculine identities in daily life through the collection of activities that happen throughout young men's lives in Mthatha, Eastern Cape. The aim of the research is to examine how black men construct their identity as men. It seeks to examine the everyday ways in which young men speak of their masculinity, how they understand themselves in relation to women and the causes of gender-based and sexual violence in South Africa. The study conceptualises Xhosa masculinities and manhood within the framework of masculinist violence and the state. It demonstrates the intersection of manhood violence and the state within the discipline of international relations which is characterised by ideas of state security and war. Interviews with Xhosa men in Mthatha illuminated that boys are raised to be men who stand, articulated as ukuma njenge ndoda (standing up as a man), for themselves, family and community. Ukuma operates as an assertion and protection of self, a demonstration of independence and being self-sustaining. It importantly speaks to the gendered division of labour where over and above standing up for oneself, it is a man’s duty and responsibility “ukumela izinto zekhaya” – to stand up for his home and family. This thesis shows that the different forms that ukuma carry with them expectations of dominance and control or at least maintain the appearance of it. Ultimately, the concept of ukuma serves as a way to legitimise the use of force or violence in certain instances where men feel that an act of violence constitutes ukuzimela (standing up for himself) or ukumela ikhaya (standing up for his family). The masculinising of this duty implicates not only the men it is bestowed upon the women and children who are the ones supposedly protected and provided for. , Thesis (MSocSci) -- Faculty of Humanities, Political and International Studies, 2024
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2024-10-11
A battle of values: analysing the changing attitudes towards African refugees in Europe
- Authors: Mannion, Megan Kate
- Date: 2024-04-04
- Subjects: Uncatalogued
- Language: English
- Type: Academic theses , Master's theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/435525 , vital:73165
- Description: Cosmopolitanism is a moral perspective that stresses the importance that every human being is an equal and ultimate unit of moral concern. These principles make cosmopolitanism more concerned for and accommodative towards outsiders to a political community. Against the abstraction and universalism of cosmopolitanism, communitarianism emphasizes the role communities play in shaping our individual identities and sees it as justified that the interests and well-being of community members receive priority over those of outsiders. Both these value systems are present in Europe. The question is about which direction the trend has moved in recent decades. This dissertation examines the changing values that inform attitudes toward African refugees in Europe to get at this issue. Have attitudes towards African refugees shifted in a cosmopolitan or a communitarian direction in recent decades? This dissertation examines newspaper articles from The Guardian between 1990 and 2022 to track changes in value. The analysis of these articles uncovered that communitarian values were the most prevalent and stayed the most prevalent from 1990 to 2022. These findings indicate that communitarian values are higher than cosmopolitan values regarding African refugees within the general European context. These findings add to the growing body of knowledge regarding attitude shifts, and they provide a timeline for value changes that can help predict future values and be used in future comparative studies. , Thesis (MA) -- Faculty of Humanities, Political and International Studies, 2024
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2024-04-04
- Authors: Mannion, Megan Kate
- Date: 2024-04-04
- Subjects: Uncatalogued
- Language: English
- Type: Academic theses , Master's theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/435525 , vital:73165
- Description: Cosmopolitanism is a moral perspective that stresses the importance that every human being is an equal and ultimate unit of moral concern. These principles make cosmopolitanism more concerned for and accommodative towards outsiders to a political community. Against the abstraction and universalism of cosmopolitanism, communitarianism emphasizes the role communities play in shaping our individual identities and sees it as justified that the interests and well-being of community members receive priority over those of outsiders. Both these value systems are present in Europe. The question is about which direction the trend has moved in recent decades. This dissertation examines the changing values that inform attitudes toward African refugees in Europe to get at this issue. Have attitudes towards African refugees shifted in a cosmopolitan or a communitarian direction in recent decades? This dissertation examines newspaper articles from The Guardian between 1990 and 2022 to track changes in value. The analysis of these articles uncovered that communitarian values were the most prevalent and stayed the most prevalent from 1990 to 2022. These findings indicate that communitarian values are higher than cosmopolitan values regarding African refugees within the general European context. These findings add to the growing body of knowledge regarding attitude shifts, and they provide a timeline for value changes that can help predict future values and be used in future comparative studies. , Thesis (MA) -- Faculty of Humanities, Political and International Studies, 2024
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2024-04-04
Changing lenses: the problems and potential of liberalism in South Africa
- Authors: Songelwa, Chuma
- Date: 2023-10-13
- Subjects: Mills, Charles W (Charles Wade) , The Racial Contract , Liberalism South Africa , South Africa Politics and government 1994- , Political culture South Africa , Imperialism South Africa , Post-apartheid era South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Academic theses , Master's theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/425283 , vital:72226
- Description: This thesis explores liberal and hybrid approaches to peacebuilding and their decisiveness in building sustainable peace in Sierra Leone. Contemporary peacebuilding interventions have been dominated by liberal peacebuilding, also known as liberal state-building. Post-conflict states have been transforming to replicate liberal states due to assumptions of liberal states being more peaceful and less likely to fall into conflict again than non-liberal states. There is growing criticism regarding the effectiveness of this approach as its initiatives have not always translated to sustainable peace. This failure is attributed to its minimal inclusion or exclusion of local actors in the peacebuilding process as well as its application of standardised approaches in complex contexts. In response to these shortfalls, international peacebuilding scholars propose an alternative approach that would combine the liberal and the local to produce a hybrid peace, which is inclusive and context-specific. This thesis tests the decisiveness of these approaches by examining the successful peacebuilding process in Sierra Leone. It then concludes that the peacebuilding interventions of Sierra Leone demonstrate how liberal peacebuilding initiatives have little or limited success when conducted without the inclusion of local actors. However, when local actors are included in the peace-building process to make meaningful contributions (hybrid peacebuilding), peacebuilding initiatives can have a much larger impact on society. , Thesis (MA) -- Faculty of Humanities, Political and International Studies, 2023
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2023-10-13
- Authors: Songelwa, Chuma
- Date: 2023-10-13
- Subjects: Mills, Charles W (Charles Wade) , The Racial Contract , Liberalism South Africa , South Africa Politics and government 1994- , Political culture South Africa , Imperialism South Africa , Post-apartheid era South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Academic theses , Master's theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/425283 , vital:72226
- Description: This thesis explores liberal and hybrid approaches to peacebuilding and their decisiveness in building sustainable peace in Sierra Leone. Contemporary peacebuilding interventions have been dominated by liberal peacebuilding, also known as liberal state-building. Post-conflict states have been transforming to replicate liberal states due to assumptions of liberal states being more peaceful and less likely to fall into conflict again than non-liberal states. There is growing criticism regarding the effectiveness of this approach as its initiatives have not always translated to sustainable peace. This failure is attributed to its minimal inclusion or exclusion of local actors in the peacebuilding process as well as its application of standardised approaches in complex contexts. In response to these shortfalls, international peacebuilding scholars propose an alternative approach that would combine the liberal and the local to produce a hybrid peace, which is inclusive and context-specific. This thesis tests the decisiveness of these approaches by examining the successful peacebuilding process in Sierra Leone. It then concludes that the peacebuilding interventions of Sierra Leone demonstrate how liberal peacebuilding initiatives have little or limited success when conducted without the inclusion of local actors. However, when local actors are included in the peace-building process to make meaningful contributions (hybrid peacebuilding), peacebuilding initiatives can have a much larger impact on society. , Thesis (MA) -- Faculty of Humanities, Political and International Studies, 2023
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2023-10-13
Evaluating liberal and hybrid approaches to peacebuilding : the case of Sierra Leone
- Authors: Sitole, Sivuyile
- Date: 2023-10-13
- Subjects: Peace-building Sierra Leone , Sierra Leone Politics and government 1961- , Nation-building , Postwar reconstruction Sierra Leone
- Language: English
- Type: Academic theses , Master's theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/425278 , vital:72225
- Description: This thesis explores liberal and hybrid approaches to peacebuilding and their decisiveness in building sustainable peace in Sierra Leone. Contemporary peacebuilding interventions have been dominated by liberal peacebuilding, also known as liberal state-building. Post-conflict states have been transforming to replicate liberal states due to assumptions of liberal states being more peaceful and less likely to fall into conflict again than non-liberal states. There is growing criticism regarding the effectiveness of this approach as its initiatives have not always translated to sustainable peace. This failure is attributed to its minimal inclusion or exclusion of local actors in the peacebuilding process as well as its application of standardised approaches in complex contexts. In response to these shortfalls, international peacebuilding scholars propose an alternative approach that would combine the liberal and the local to produce a hybrid peace, which is inclusive and context-specific. This thesis tests the decisiveness of these approaches by examining the successful peacebuilding process in Sierra Leone. It then concludes that the peacebuilding interventions of Sierra Leone demonstrate how liberal peacebuilding initiatives have little or limited success when conducted without the inclusion of local actors. However, when local actors are included in the peace-building process to make meaningful contributions (hybrid peacebuilding), peacebuilding initiatives can have a much larger impact on society. , Thesis (MA) -- Faculty of Humanities, Political and International Studies, 2023
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2023-10-13
- Authors: Sitole, Sivuyile
- Date: 2023-10-13
- Subjects: Peace-building Sierra Leone , Sierra Leone Politics and government 1961- , Nation-building , Postwar reconstruction Sierra Leone
- Language: English
- Type: Academic theses , Master's theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/425278 , vital:72225
- Description: This thesis explores liberal and hybrid approaches to peacebuilding and their decisiveness in building sustainable peace in Sierra Leone. Contemporary peacebuilding interventions have been dominated by liberal peacebuilding, also known as liberal state-building. Post-conflict states have been transforming to replicate liberal states due to assumptions of liberal states being more peaceful and less likely to fall into conflict again than non-liberal states. There is growing criticism regarding the effectiveness of this approach as its initiatives have not always translated to sustainable peace. This failure is attributed to its minimal inclusion or exclusion of local actors in the peacebuilding process as well as its application of standardised approaches in complex contexts. In response to these shortfalls, international peacebuilding scholars propose an alternative approach that would combine the liberal and the local to produce a hybrid peace, which is inclusive and context-specific. This thesis tests the decisiveness of these approaches by examining the successful peacebuilding process in Sierra Leone. It then concludes that the peacebuilding interventions of Sierra Leone demonstrate how liberal peacebuilding initiatives have little or limited success when conducted without the inclusion of local actors. However, when local actors are included in the peace-building process to make meaningful contributions (hybrid peacebuilding), peacebuilding initiatives can have a much larger impact on society. , Thesis (MA) -- Faculty of Humanities, Political and International Studies, 2023
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2023-10-13
Racism against Black soccer players in the English Premier League
- Authors: Zinyemba, Douglas Takudzwa
- Date: 2023-10-13
- Subjects: Racism in sports , Soccer players England , Athletes, Black England , FA Premier League , Racism in mass media , Soccer fans , Race discrimination , Online hate speech
- Language: English
- Type: Academic theses , Master's theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/425300 , vital:72227
- Description: This study analyses racism against black players in the English Premier League. To that end, this thesis studies online articles published between 2018 and 2021 by two British tabloids, namely, The Daily Mail and The Sun, to make sense of the various ways in which black soccer players experience racism. This thesis uses the theoretical concept of “racial xenophobia” to analyse and understand expressions of antipathy towards black players playing in the Premier League. A key finding in the thesis suggests that fans and players racially abuse black players in the stadiums by liking them to animals and treating them as sub-human. Another finding in the study is that fans use the bad performances of black players as an excuse to racially abuse them via social media platforms. Social media in the 21st century has now accelerated the rate at which racism is perpetrated as fans now have more access to players through their accounts. The study also found that tabloids do not only report about racist abuse but are also guilty of portraying black players in racially stereotypical ways. This research concludes that racism against black players remains a constant feature of football in the English Premier League from the time black players started to feature in the sport in the 1970s. , Thesis (MA) -- Faculty of Humanities, Political and International Studies, 2023
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2023-10-13
- Authors: Zinyemba, Douglas Takudzwa
- Date: 2023-10-13
- Subjects: Racism in sports , Soccer players England , Athletes, Black England , FA Premier League , Racism in mass media , Soccer fans , Race discrimination , Online hate speech
- Language: English
- Type: Academic theses , Master's theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/425300 , vital:72227
- Description: This study analyses racism against black players in the English Premier League. To that end, this thesis studies online articles published between 2018 and 2021 by two British tabloids, namely, The Daily Mail and The Sun, to make sense of the various ways in which black soccer players experience racism. This thesis uses the theoretical concept of “racial xenophobia” to analyse and understand expressions of antipathy towards black players playing in the Premier League. A key finding in the thesis suggests that fans and players racially abuse black players in the stadiums by liking them to animals and treating them as sub-human. Another finding in the study is that fans use the bad performances of black players as an excuse to racially abuse them via social media platforms. Social media in the 21st century has now accelerated the rate at which racism is perpetrated as fans now have more access to players through their accounts. The study also found that tabloids do not only report about racist abuse but are also guilty of portraying black players in racially stereotypical ways. This research concludes that racism against black players remains a constant feature of football in the English Premier League from the time black players started to feature in the sport in the 1970s. , Thesis (MA) -- Faculty of Humanities, Political and International Studies, 2023
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2023-10-13
The CODESRIA debate on academic and intellectual freedom in Africa: the role and responsibility of African intellectuals
- Authors: Cabe, Loyiso
- Date: 2023-10-13
- Subjects: Codesria , Academic freedom , Social responsibility , Neoliberalism , Pan-Africanism , Colonization , Decolonization , Neocolonialism , Intellectuals Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Academic theses , Master's theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/431463 , vital:72774
- Description: According to Fagunwa (2011), intellectuals serve as the glue that binds societies together and serve as the foundation upon which new civilizations are created and dismantled. The Council for the Development of Social Science Research in Africa (CODESRIA) of 1990 entrusted intellectuals with crucial transformative tasks (roles) and responsibilities in Africa. This study explores the transformational roles and responsibilities of African intellectuals in neo-liberal and neo-colonial Africa as well as how academic freedom must be understood by African academics in accordance with the present debate on academic freedom in South Africa, which was fueled by Nattrass (2020) paper. The primary premise of this study is that academic freedom in Africa today is viewed differently than it was during the CODESRIA meeting on academic freedom in 1990, and that this is because of African intellectuals not carrying out their roles and responsibilities in Africa. In CODESRIA 1990, academic freedom referred to an academic’s unrestricted, yet responsible, right to pursue their academic interests (CODESRIA 1990; Kampala Declaration 1990). African academics now understand academic freedom to be merely their own freedom, unrelated to their responsibility to use it ethically and professionally. Hence, for them, academic freedom entails the freedom to express oneself without restrictions or fear of criticism (Chachage, 2008; Nattrass, 2020b; Esso, and Long, 2020). Looking at this current misinterpretation of academic freedom, the 1990 CODESRIA meeting is a good reference point to the debate on academic freedom in Africa and role and responsibility of African intellectuals. This is because, it was where academic freedom and the role and responsibility of African intellectuals in Africa was professionally conceptualized. Thus, this study reviews the 1990 CODESRIA debate to understand the role and responsibility of African intellectuals. This study utilizes two theories, Social Constructivism Theory and the Social Responsibility Theory, to explain the position it has taken on the subject at hand. Thus, these theories provide an umbrella and a point of departure for understanding the context and dynamics of the ongoing conflict between academic freedom and social responsibility in South Africa's higher education institutions. , Thesis (MSocSci) -- Faculty of Humanities, Political and International Studies, 2023
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2023-10-13
- Authors: Cabe, Loyiso
- Date: 2023-10-13
- Subjects: Codesria , Academic freedom , Social responsibility , Neoliberalism , Pan-Africanism , Colonization , Decolonization , Neocolonialism , Intellectuals Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Academic theses , Master's theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/431463 , vital:72774
- Description: According to Fagunwa (2011), intellectuals serve as the glue that binds societies together and serve as the foundation upon which new civilizations are created and dismantled. The Council for the Development of Social Science Research in Africa (CODESRIA) of 1990 entrusted intellectuals with crucial transformative tasks (roles) and responsibilities in Africa. This study explores the transformational roles and responsibilities of African intellectuals in neo-liberal and neo-colonial Africa as well as how academic freedom must be understood by African academics in accordance with the present debate on academic freedom in South Africa, which was fueled by Nattrass (2020) paper. The primary premise of this study is that academic freedom in Africa today is viewed differently than it was during the CODESRIA meeting on academic freedom in 1990, and that this is because of African intellectuals not carrying out their roles and responsibilities in Africa. In CODESRIA 1990, academic freedom referred to an academic’s unrestricted, yet responsible, right to pursue their academic interests (CODESRIA 1990; Kampala Declaration 1990). African academics now understand academic freedom to be merely their own freedom, unrelated to their responsibility to use it ethically and professionally. Hence, for them, academic freedom entails the freedom to express oneself without restrictions or fear of criticism (Chachage, 2008; Nattrass, 2020b; Esso, and Long, 2020). Looking at this current misinterpretation of academic freedom, the 1990 CODESRIA meeting is a good reference point to the debate on academic freedom in Africa and role and responsibility of African intellectuals. This is because, it was where academic freedom and the role and responsibility of African intellectuals in Africa was professionally conceptualized. Thus, this study reviews the 1990 CODESRIA debate to understand the role and responsibility of African intellectuals. This study utilizes two theories, Social Constructivism Theory and the Social Responsibility Theory, to explain the position it has taken on the subject at hand. Thus, these theories provide an umbrella and a point of departure for understanding the context and dynamics of the ongoing conflict between academic freedom and social responsibility in South Africa's higher education institutions. , Thesis (MSocSci) -- Faculty of Humanities, Political and International Studies, 2023
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2023-10-13
Inadequate menstrual health management and human rights
- Authors: Hartley, Gemma-Maé
- Date: 2022-10-14
- Subjects: Menstrual hygiene management , Human rights , Political philosophy , Transgression , Women Social conditions , Economic, social and cultural rights
- Language: English
- Type: Academic theses , Master's theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/422506 , vital:71953
- Description: Various human rights bodies have suggested that Inadequate Menstrual Health Management (MHM) could contribute to violations of human rights or, at the very least, is connected to the fulfilment of human rights. Despite recognition of this, there has not been thorough analysis of whether inadequate MHM is a violation of human rights, particularly in political discussions on the philosophy of human rights. Using a liberal cosmopolitan framework, this thesis attempts to bridge this gap and, ultimately, to argue that inadequate MHM constitutes a violation of human rights. This assertion brings with it various complications due to the heavily contested nature of human rights, their correlative duties, and the requirements for a lack of fulfilment to be considered a violation. I address each complication in turn. I argue that the traditional approach to human rights violations fails to consider the various ways that human rights are violated in our contemporary, globalised world. I suggest that structural violations of human rights should not be ruled out, particularly when we consider severe poverty and its by-products. Ultimately, the question of inadequate MHM is concerned with the content of human rights. If inadequate MHM were a violation, it would be a violation of women’s socio-economic rights. However, both group rights and socio-economic rights are contested. This thesis therefore justifies these rights. Group-differentiated rights are argued to be necessary for substantive equality. This is particularly the case when we consider the various risks women face simply because they are women. Women therefore need special protections and provisions for their human rights to be fulfilled. Socio-economic rights are necessary for the well-being and dignity of individuals everywhere. We can justify them even if they are costly, vague, and demanding on states, as critics argue they are. Therefore, if we can accept socio-economic rights and women’s rights, we can argue that inadequate MHM is a structural violation of human rights. Thinking about inadequate MHM in this way means we can respond to it with a level of urgency. This has the potential to improve the well-being, development, and dignity of women. , Thesis (MA) -- Faculty of Humanities, Political and International Studies, 2023
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2022-10-14
- Authors: Hartley, Gemma-Maé
- Date: 2022-10-14
- Subjects: Menstrual hygiene management , Human rights , Political philosophy , Transgression , Women Social conditions , Economic, social and cultural rights
- Language: English
- Type: Academic theses , Master's theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/422506 , vital:71953
- Description: Various human rights bodies have suggested that Inadequate Menstrual Health Management (MHM) could contribute to violations of human rights or, at the very least, is connected to the fulfilment of human rights. Despite recognition of this, there has not been thorough analysis of whether inadequate MHM is a violation of human rights, particularly in political discussions on the philosophy of human rights. Using a liberal cosmopolitan framework, this thesis attempts to bridge this gap and, ultimately, to argue that inadequate MHM constitutes a violation of human rights. This assertion brings with it various complications due to the heavily contested nature of human rights, their correlative duties, and the requirements for a lack of fulfilment to be considered a violation. I address each complication in turn. I argue that the traditional approach to human rights violations fails to consider the various ways that human rights are violated in our contemporary, globalised world. I suggest that structural violations of human rights should not be ruled out, particularly when we consider severe poverty and its by-products. Ultimately, the question of inadequate MHM is concerned with the content of human rights. If inadequate MHM were a violation, it would be a violation of women’s socio-economic rights. However, both group rights and socio-economic rights are contested. This thesis therefore justifies these rights. Group-differentiated rights are argued to be necessary for substantive equality. This is particularly the case when we consider the various risks women face simply because they are women. Women therefore need special protections and provisions for their human rights to be fulfilled. Socio-economic rights are necessary for the well-being and dignity of individuals everywhere. We can justify them even if they are costly, vague, and demanding on states, as critics argue they are. Therefore, if we can accept socio-economic rights and women’s rights, we can argue that inadequate MHM is a structural violation of human rights. Thinking about inadequate MHM in this way means we can respond to it with a level of urgency. This has the potential to improve the well-being, development, and dignity of women. , Thesis (MA) -- Faculty of Humanities, Political and International Studies, 2023
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2022-10-14
The governance of schools for internally displaced learners in Puntland, Somalia: a top-down or bottom-up approach to education peacebuilding?
- Authors: Ramaite, Adivhaho Florence
- Date: 2022-10-14
- Subjects: Peace-building Somalia Puntland , Internally displaced persons Education Somalia Puntland , School management and organization Somalia Puntland , Educational governance , Top-down and bottom-up design
- Language: English
- Type: Academic theses , Master's theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/406807 , vital:70309
- Description: This study examines educational governance in schools for internally displaced learners in Puntland, Somalia. Many Somalis have been internally displaced from the south and central of Somalia and neighbouring regions because of armed insurgence, as well as climate and ecological disasters. Communities of internally displaced Somalis who have settled in the north-eastern region of Somalia, together with the Ministry of Education and nongovernmental organisations such as Relief International, have established schools for internally displaced learners. The study uses interviews with teachers, school principals and school committee members to examine their experiences of how schools are governed, specifically in terms of the bottom-up and top-down approaches to peacebuilding education. This research study is the first of its kind to examine the experiences of education actors in internally displaced person schools in Somalia. It provides crucial, new information on northern NGOs and how they shape the governance of knowledge and resources in Somali schools and how Somali education actors interpret and respond to these interventions. Drawing on education studies and international relations, it develops a transdisciplinary framing of peacebuilding education and specifically focuses on the top-down and bottom-up approaches to peacebuilding education provision. It weaves these two disciplinary perspectives together to help establish the implications of the security sector in education and broadly post-conflict reconstruction. The study finds that donors, international NGOs and government actors use a top-down approach to education, which may sit at odds with local needs and priorities. It finds that Somali knowledge and values are marginalised in the curriculum and teachers’ professional development and that the distribution of resources such as teacher salaries and school feeding programmes is fragmented, opaque and lacking in accountability. The study emphasises that the exclusion of local voices may further contribute to the causes underlying conflict. , Thesis (MA) -- Faculty of Humanities, Political and International Studies, 2022
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2022-10-14
- Authors: Ramaite, Adivhaho Florence
- Date: 2022-10-14
- Subjects: Peace-building Somalia Puntland , Internally displaced persons Education Somalia Puntland , School management and organization Somalia Puntland , Educational governance , Top-down and bottom-up design
- Language: English
- Type: Academic theses , Master's theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/406807 , vital:70309
- Description: This study examines educational governance in schools for internally displaced learners in Puntland, Somalia. Many Somalis have been internally displaced from the south and central of Somalia and neighbouring regions because of armed insurgence, as well as climate and ecological disasters. Communities of internally displaced Somalis who have settled in the north-eastern region of Somalia, together with the Ministry of Education and nongovernmental organisations such as Relief International, have established schools for internally displaced learners. The study uses interviews with teachers, school principals and school committee members to examine their experiences of how schools are governed, specifically in terms of the bottom-up and top-down approaches to peacebuilding education. This research study is the first of its kind to examine the experiences of education actors in internally displaced person schools in Somalia. It provides crucial, new information on northern NGOs and how they shape the governance of knowledge and resources in Somali schools and how Somali education actors interpret and respond to these interventions. Drawing on education studies and international relations, it develops a transdisciplinary framing of peacebuilding education and specifically focuses on the top-down and bottom-up approaches to peacebuilding education provision. It weaves these two disciplinary perspectives together to help establish the implications of the security sector in education and broadly post-conflict reconstruction. The study finds that donors, international NGOs and government actors use a top-down approach to education, which may sit at odds with local needs and priorities. It finds that Somali knowledge and values are marginalised in the curriculum and teachers’ professional development and that the distribution of resources such as teacher salaries and school feeding programmes is fragmented, opaque and lacking in accountability. The study emphasises that the exclusion of local voices may further contribute to the causes underlying conflict. , Thesis (MA) -- Faculty of Humanities, Political and International Studies, 2022
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2022-10-14
Joice Mujuru and the Zanu-PF Women’s League 1973-2014: opportunities and limits of maternal dignity (musha mukadzi) and self-preservation
- Authors: Mataruse, Sisasenkosi
- Date: 2022-04-07
- Subjects: Mujuru, Amai Joice T R (Amai Joice Teurai Ropa) , ZANU Women's League , Women and democracy Zimbabwe , Women Political activity Zimbabwe , Political leadership Zimbabwe , Sexism in political culture Zimbabwe , Patriarchy Zimbabwe , Women Zimbabwe Social conditions , Maternal dignity (musha mukadzi)
- Language: English
- Type: Academic theses , Master's theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/292748 , vital:57012
- Description: The foundations of African feminisms are intertwined with the historical liberation of the African continent. Joice Mujuru’s five decades in Zimbabwean political parties are no different in showing the gendered nature of the fight against the intersectional oppressions of nation, race, class and gender. The research aimed to examine the political life of Joice Mujuru between 1973 and 2018 in various political roles and what this might mean for how women political leaders participate and make decisions as autonomous individuals within political parties in Zimbabwe. This study is a political biography of Joice Mujuru’s ideas and leadership in political parties in Zimbabwe since 1973, when she joined the Zimbabwe African National Union – Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF) as a guerilla of its military wing, the Zimbabwe African National Liberation Army (ZANLA). Mujuru was the only woman in the first ZANU-PF cabinet in 1980. She served the Zimbabwean government in different cabinet positions and became the first female vice-president in 2004, until her ousting in 2014. This study is based on an interview with Mujuru, and nine interviews with one Member of Parliament, two independent political party candidates, three academics, two CSO activists, the leader of LEAD political party in Zimbabwe and personal communication with a celebrated Zimbabwean writer. The study uses the concept of “patriarchal bargain” (Kandiyoti, 1988; Makhunga, 2016) and “femocracy” (Mama, 1995b) to show that Mujuru’s participation in political parties has been shaped by compromising and negotiating a complex web of patriarchal constraints for acceptance and respect. This study shows that wifehood and motherhood, the idea of musha mukadzi (‘woman as home’), stands out as a defining factor for Mujuru in her identity formation as a political party leader and how she views the roles of other women in Zimbabwean political parties and politics. I term this political identity maternal dignity, which is a collective set of ideas of maternal respect determining women’s participation in political parties. The study shows that Mujuru uses dominant ideas of maternal dignity as a tool of self-presentation and self-preservation to survive as a political leader. Mujuru’s expulsion from ZANU-PF and her subsequent leadership in other political parties demonstrates the ways in which maternal dignity limits women from shaping alternative ideas of leadership outside of respectable womanhood. Through a political biography of Mujuru, the study reaches the conclusion that post-independence Zimbabwe offers limited space for women’s leadership, whether those women have liberation history credentials or not. The strategy of maternal dignity that Mujuru has used to navigate her political career is a “patriarchal bargain” with limited possibilities for women’s meaningful participation, and the transformation of political parties and governance in Zimbabwe. , Thesis (MA) -- Faculty of Humanities, Political and International Studies, 2022
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2022-04-07
- Authors: Mataruse, Sisasenkosi
- Date: 2022-04-07
- Subjects: Mujuru, Amai Joice T R (Amai Joice Teurai Ropa) , ZANU Women's League , Women and democracy Zimbabwe , Women Political activity Zimbabwe , Political leadership Zimbabwe , Sexism in political culture Zimbabwe , Patriarchy Zimbabwe , Women Zimbabwe Social conditions , Maternal dignity (musha mukadzi)
- Language: English
- Type: Academic theses , Master's theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/292748 , vital:57012
- Description: The foundations of African feminisms are intertwined with the historical liberation of the African continent. Joice Mujuru’s five decades in Zimbabwean political parties are no different in showing the gendered nature of the fight against the intersectional oppressions of nation, race, class and gender. The research aimed to examine the political life of Joice Mujuru between 1973 and 2018 in various political roles and what this might mean for how women political leaders participate and make decisions as autonomous individuals within political parties in Zimbabwe. This study is a political biography of Joice Mujuru’s ideas and leadership in political parties in Zimbabwe since 1973, when she joined the Zimbabwe African National Union – Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF) as a guerilla of its military wing, the Zimbabwe African National Liberation Army (ZANLA). Mujuru was the only woman in the first ZANU-PF cabinet in 1980. She served the Zimbabwean government in different cabinet positions and became the first female vice-president in 2004, until her ousting in 2014. This study is based on an interview with Mujuru, and nine interviews with one Member of Parliament, two independent political party candidates, three academics, two CSO activists, the leader of LEAD political party in Zimbabwe and personal communication with a celebrated Zimbabwean writer. The study uses the concept of “patriarchal bargain” (Kandiyoti, 1988; Makhunga, 2016) and “femocracy” (Mama, 1995b) to show that Mujuru’s participation in political parties has been shaped by compromising and negotiating a complex web of patriarchal constraints for acceptance and respect. This study shows that wifehood and motherhood, the idea of musha mukadzi (‘woman as home’), stands out as a defining factor for Mujuru in her identity formation as a political party leader and how she views the roles of other women in Zimbabwean political parties and politics. I term this political identity maternal dignity, which is a collective set of ideas of maternal respect determining women’s participation in political parties. The study shows that Mujuru uses dominant ideas of maternal dignity as a tool of self-presentation and self-preservation to survive as a political leader. Mujuru’s expulsion from ZANU-PF and her subsequent leadership in other political parties demonstrates the ways in which maternal dignity limits women from shaping alternative ideas of leadership outside of respectable womanhood. Through a political biography of Mujuru, the study reaches the conclusion that post-independence Zimbabwe offers limited space for women’s leadership, whether those women have liberation history credentials or not. The strategy of maternal dignity that Mujuru has used to navigate her political career is a “patriarchal bargain” with limited possibilities for women’s meaningful participation, and the transformation of political parties and governance in Zimbabwe. , Thesis (MA) -- Faculty of Humanities, Political and International Studies, 2022
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2022-04-07
Inkcitha nzila nobomi obutsha (The release of the widow and life after mourning): Xhosa widows and citizenship
- Jimlongo, Gcotyelwa Nomxolisi
- Authors: Jimlongo, Gcotyelwa Nomxolisi
- Date: 2021-10-29
- Subjects: Widows South Africa Eastern Cape , Women, Black South Africa Eastern Cape , Xhosa (African people) South Africa Eastern Cape , Widows Social conditions , Widowhood Psychological aspects South Africa Eastern Cape , Widowhood Economic aspects South Africa Eastern Cape , Widowhood Social aspects South Africa Eastern Cape , Mourning customs South Africa Eastern Cape , Feminist economics South Africa Eastern Cape
- Language: English
- Type: Master's theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/192220 , vital:45206
- Description: This study examines the everyday conceptions and navigations of citizenship by Xhosa widows. It examines widows’ own understandings and experiences of citizenship once the official mourning period, known amongst amaXhosa as ukuzila, has ended. The study draws from 14 interviews with Xhosa widows from the Amalinda, Tsholomnqa, Mdantsane, Magcumeni, KwaNonkcampa, and Dimbaza areas in the Eastern Cape, South Africa. This thesis contextualises claims to widowhood in the context of democratic South Africa, and the various ways in which widowed women conceptualise their lives after ukuzila. While ukuzila itself is written about in the literature, the contentious claims to widowhood and the ways in which women come to make sense of their lives in the post-mourning period remains largely unexplored. Interviews were conducted with women who had undertaken customary and/or civil marriages, had divorced or separated from their partners, or had cohabited. They reveal that widowhood is tenuous and as such, remains contested and contestable. The study demonstrates that much of the claims to widowhood are made because of the undeniable labour that women perform during the partnerships, where they are the primary economic providers. The study shows that whether in the formal and informal sector, women have been central in building the economic livelihoods of their families. In the post-mourning period, the theme of ukuhlala (to stay) that is articulated by widows, shows that they choose to remain in their marital homes to protect what they have laboured for. The findings demonstrate that the key to ‘good’ widowhood is intricately linked to ‘good’ motherhood. For Xhosa widows, much of their decision-making, and livelihood strategies, rests on how they craft good livelihoods for their families. These include a negotiation of feminist economies with woman-centred networks, a reliance on spirituality, as well as negotiations for dignity and respect within the homestead through the protection and maintenance of what they have built over the years. , Thesis (MA) -- Faculty of Humanities, Political and International Studies, 2021
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2021-10-29
- Authors: Jimlongo, Gcotyelwa Nomxolisi
- Date: 2021-10-29
- Subjects: Widows South Africa Eastern Cape , Women, Black South Africa Eastern Cape , Xhosa (African people) South Africa Eastern Cape , Widows Social conditions , Widowhood Psychological aspects South Africa Eastern Cape , Widowhood Economic aspects South Africa Eastern Cape , Widowhood Social aspects South Africa Eastern Cape , Mourning customs South Africa Eastern Cape , Feminist economics South Africa Eastern Cape
- Language: English
- Type: Master's theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/192220 , vital:45206
- Description: This study examines the everyday conceptions and navigations of citizenship by Xhosa widows. It examines widows’ own understandings and experiences of citizenship once the official mourning period, known amongst amaXhosa as ukuzila, has ended. The study draws from 14 interviews with Xhosa widows from the Amalinda, Tsholomnqa, Mdantsane, Magcumeni, KwaNonkcampa, and Dimbaza areas in the Eastern Cape, South Africa. This thesis contextualises claims to widowhood in the context of democratic South Africa, and the various ways in which widowed women conceptualise their lives after ukuzila. While ukuzila itself is written about in the literature, the contentious claims to widowhood and the ways in which women come to make sense of their lives in the post-mourning period remains largely unexplored. Interviews were conducted with women who had undertaken customary and/or civil marriages, had divorced or separated from their partners, or had cohabited. They reveal that widowhood is tenuous and as such, remains contested and contestable. The study demonstrates that much of the claims to widowhood are made because of the undeniable labour that women perform during the partnerships, where they are the primary economic providers. The study shows that whether in the formal and informal sector, women have been central in building the economic livelihoods of their families. In the post-mourning period, the theme of ukuhlala (to stay) that is articulated by widows, shows that they choose to remain in their marital homes to protect what they have laboured for. The findings demonstrate that the key to ‘good’ widowhood is intricately linked to ‘good’ motherhood. For Xhosa widows, much of their decision-making, and livelihood strategies, rests on how they craft good livelihoods for their families. These include a negotiation of feminist economies with woman-centred networks, a reliance on spirituality, as well as negotiations for dignity and respect within the homestead through the protection and maintenance of what they have built over the years. , Thesis (MA) -- Faculty of Humanities, Political and International Studies, 2021
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2021-10-29
Shifting Norms and Practices of International Criminal Justice: Exploring African State and Non-State Agency at the International Criminal Court
- Authors: Mtero, Shingirai
- Date: 2021-10-29
- Subjects: Uncatalogued
- Language: English
- Type: Doctoral theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/192875 , vital:45273
- Description: Thesis (PhD) -- Faculty of Humanities, Political and International Studies, 2021
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2021-10-29
- Authors: Mtero, Shingirai
- Date: 2021-10-29
- Subjects: Uncatalogued
- Language: English
- Type: Doctoral theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/192875 , vital:45273
- Description: Thesis (PhD) -- Faculty of Humanities, Political and International Studies, 2021
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2021-10-29
The roots run deep?: Understanding branch politics within the African National Congress
- Authors: Mkhutle, Nhlanhla Handsome
- Date: 2021-10-29
- Subjects: African National Congress , Manipulative behavior Political aspects South Africa , Cartels South Africa , Power (Social sciences) South Africa , Patronage, Political South Africa , Political party organization South Africa , Branch politics
- Language: English
- Type: Master's theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/190261 , vital:44978
- Description: This thesis explores the functioning of branch politics within the African National Congress (ANC) and the influence of branch politics on the organization and its structures. The ANC has many of the characteristics of a mass party. In mass parties, mass participation is supposed to be promoted through the activities of party branches. This thesis documents the weakening of the ANC’s local level structures and their political control over the organization’s decisions. ANC branches are investigated as democratic vanguards of ANC’s mass party persona, in relation to their functioning as the most basic units of the organization. The thesis reflects on branch members’ experiences in different ANC branches to understand the interplay between branch politics, political power, and patronage politics within the ANC. This research project also explores the possibility of manipulation of ANC branches by senior leaders and would-be-leaders of the ANC. The thesis then concludes by summarising the state of branch politics within the ANC and giving recommendations on further study with regards to branch politics of the ANC. , Thesis (MA) -- Faculty of Humanities, Political and International Studies, 2021
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2021-10-29
- Authors: Mkhutle, Nhlanhla Handsome
- Date: 2021-10-29
- Subjects: African National Congress , Manipulative behavior Political aspects South Africa , Cartels South Africa , Power (Social sciences) South Africa , Patronage, Political South Africa , Political party organization South Africa , Branch politics
- Language: English
- Type: Master's theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/190261 , vital:44978
- Description: This thesis explores the functioning of branch politics within the African National Congress (ANC) and the influence of branch politics on the organization and its structures. The ANC has many of the characteristics of a mass party. In mass parties, mass participation is supposed to be promoted through the activities of party branches. This thesis documents the weakening of the ANC’s local level structures and their political control over the organization’s decisions. ANC branches are investigated as democratic vanguards of ANC’s mass party persona, in relation to their functioning as the most basic units of the organization. The thesis reflects on branch members’ experiences in different ANC branches to understand the interplay between branch politics, political power, and patronage politics within the ANC. This research project also explores the possibility of manipulation of ANC branches by senior leaders and would-be-leaders of the ANC. The thesis then concludes by summarising the state of branch politics within the ANC and giving recommendations on further study with regards to branch politics of the ANC. , Thesis (MA) -- Faculty of Humanities, Political and International Studies, 2021
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2021-10-29
“Munhu wese ihama yako (everyone is your relative)”: Ubuntu and the social inclusion of students with disabilities at South African universities
- Authors: Chiwandire, Desire
- Date: 2021
- Subjects: College students with disabilities -- Education -- South Africa , Inclusive education -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/170578 , vital:41938 , 10.21504/10962/170578
- Description: Background: During apartheid, South African students with disabilities (SWDs) were educated in special schools and taught an inferior curriculum. Black learners with disabilities were discriminated against on grounds of both race and disability. Following South Africa’s first democratic election in 1994, the African National Congress (ANC) government put in place arrange of new laws to address the educational and other needs of those disadvantaged under apartheid, including persons with disabilities (PWDs). The South African government is a signatory of the 2006 United Nations Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities (UNCRPD) which has resulted in the country assuming obligations to promote inclusive education for ASWDs. However, research (see, for instance, Chiwandire & Vincent 2019; Chiwandire 2019; Mutanga 2019; Majoko & Phasha 2018; Mutanga et al. 2018; Mutanga 2017a; Chiwandire 2017; Israel 2017) has shown that SWDs continue to fare differently in comparison to their non-disabled peers in terms of participation in education with the likelihood of success. Higher education institutions (HEIs) have thus been urged to create conducive environments for the academic inclusion of SWDs with particular attention being paid to lecturers employing inclusive instructional strategies as well as flexible curricula, if they are to ensure the equal opportunity for academic success of SWDs in the regular classroom setting. The focus, to date, on academic inclusion, while important, has meant that issues relating to the social inclusion of SWDs have received minimal attention. Purpose: To date, there is a dearth of South African studies which have investigated the social inclusion needs of SWDs on South African campuses. Although a number of studies have given voice to the perspectives of SWDs and lecturers, with respect to their experiences in relation to matters of academic inclusion in South African higher education (HE), few have focused on Disability Unit Staff Members(DUSMs) who are pivotal to ensuring fair and equitable policies and practices for SWDs in HEIs. Disability Studies (DS) as a field has been criticised for being dominated by voices from the Global North, which fail to consider or effectively theorise Global South disability experiences in a contextually relevant way. The thesis argues that the failure to recognise the value of diversity and to treat SWDs as valued and welcomed participants in South African HEIs partly stems from policy, practice and relationships being informed by the Western individualist paradigm that prizes individual achievement and success rather than cooperation and mutuality. The African philosophy of Ubuntu, which stresses values of communalism, hospitality and respect for human dignity is offered here as an alternative starting point for achieving genuinely inclusive campuses. Methods: In-depth face-to-face qualitative interviews were conducted with 40 participants, most of whom were, at the time of being interviewed, Heads of Disability Units and DUSMs based at 10 different universities in four of South Africa’s nine provinces. Data were coded and analysed using Braun & Clarke’s (2006) method of inductive and deductive thematic analysis. Results: The findings of this study indicate that South African campuses are ableist spaces in which the social needs of SWDs are not prioritised. The thesis argues that in order for campuses to become genuinely inclusive, South African campuses ought to seek to inculcate in their members the values of the African worldview Ubuntu, in contrast to the dominant Western individualist orthodoxy. SWDs are being excluded and denied a sense of belonging and equal participation despite universities giving lip service to embracing such inclusive education-oriented values as co-operative learning. Non-disabled students steeped in Western individualism, which affirms the solitary pursuit of individual success rather than the value of interdependence and diversity, end up marginalising SWDs who are seen as less capable. DUSMs addressing the needs of SWDs through an ableist/Western individualist lens are not challenging unfair practices which are impairing the dignity of SWDs, particularly students with physical disabilities who are being forced to “fit into” oppressive inaccessible built environments on campuses. These DUSMs may unwittingly re-inscribe ableist assumptions that normalise discrimination against SWDs. Conclusions and Recommendations: Ubuntu values offer a starting point for building mutual respect and interdependence between SWDs and their non-disabled peers. The thesis finds however that as was the case in traditional African communities, which embraced the values of Ubuntu, acts of leadership are required if Ubuntu’s values of human dignity, mutual respect and acceptance are to be fostered on campuses. In a range of important ways, the dignity of SWDs is not respected at HEIs in South Africa. This includes, for example, such practical matters as the inaccessibility of toilets to wheelchair users and the lack of appropriate signage for blind students. Disrespectful attitudes and assumptions about SWDs on the part of non-disabled university members also result in SWDs’ human dignity being impaired. Ubuntu’s value of hospitality stresses the importance of promoting relations of group solidarity and interdependence between SWDs and their non-disabled peers. Both academic inclusion-oriented programmes and the promotion of a wide range of social activities, involving both SWDs and non-disabled students, can play an important role in cultivating the formation of long-term fruitful and respectful friendships between SWDs and non-disabled students. An enabling classroom environment alone is not enough to holistically address the social inclusion needs of SWDs. South African HEIs that embrace the Ubuntu values of communalism, human dignity and hospitality will be in a position to respect the needs of SWDs as “whole persons”. Amongst other things, this requires DUSMs to be fully empowered to make important decisions regarding vital matters such as disability inclusion, and it necessitates university management to relinquish their power, so that they may work collaboratively with DUSMs and SWDs, all on equal footing, to ensure that HE funding allocation, policy and planning also prioritises the social needs of SWDs.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2021
- Authors: Chiwandire, Desire
- Date: 2021
- Subjects: College students with disabilities -- Education -- South Africa , Inclusive education -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/170578 , vital:41938 , 10.21504/10962/170578
- Description: Background: During apartheid, South African students with disabilities (SWDs) were educated in special schools and taught an inferior curriculum. Black learners with disabilities were discriminated against on grounds of both race and disability. Following South Africa’s first democratic election in 1994, the African National Congress (ANC) government put in place arrange of new laws to address the educational and other needs of those disadvantaged under apartheid, including persons with disabilities (PWDs). The South African government is a signatory of the 2006 United Nations Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities (UNCRPD) which has resulted in the country assuming obligations to promote inclusive education for ASWDs. However, research (see, for instance, Chiwandire & Vincent 2019; Chiwandire 2019; Mutanga 2019; Majoko & Phasha 2018; Mutanga et al. 2018; Mutanga 2017a; Chiwandire 2017; Israel 2017) has shown that SWDs continue to fare differently in comparison to their non-disabled peers in terms of participation in education with the likelihood of success. Higher education institutions (HEIs) have thus been urged to create conducive environments for the academic inclusion of SWDs with particular attention being paid to lecturers employing inclusive instructional strategies as well as flexible curricula, if they are to ensure the equal opportunity for academic success of SWDs in the regular classroom setting. The focus, to date, on academic inclusion, while important, has meant that issues relating to the social inclusion of SWDs have received minimal attention. Purpose: To date, there is a dearth of South African studies which have investigated the social inclusion needs of SWDs on South African campuses. Although a number of studies have given voice to the perspectives of SWDs and lecturers, with respect to their experiences in relation to matters of academic inclusion in South African higher education (HE), few have focused on Disability Unit Staff Members(DUSMs) who are pivotal to ensuring fair and equitable policies and practices for SWDs in HEIs. Disability Studies (DS) as a field has been criticised for being dominated by voices from the Global North, which fail to consider or effectively theorise Global South disability experiences in a contextually relevant way. The thesis argues that the failure to recognise the value of diversity and to treat SWDs as valued and welcomed participants in South African HEIs partly stems from policy, practice and relationships being informed by the Western individualist paradigm that prizes individual achievement and success rather than cooperation and mutuality. The African philosophy of Ubuntu, which stresses values of communalism, hospitality and respect for human dignity is offered here as an alternative starting point for achieving genuinely inclusive campuses. Methods: In-depth face-to-face qualitative interviews were conducted with 40 participants, most of whom were, at the time of being interviewed, Heads of Disability Units and DUSMs based at 10 different universities in four of South Africa’s nine provinces. Data were coded and analysed using Braun & Clarke’s (2006) method of inductive and deductive thematic analysis. Results: The findings of this study indicate that South African campuses are ableist spaces in which the social needs of SWDs are not prioritised. The thesis argues that in order for campuses to become genuinely inclusive, South African campuses ought to seek to inculcate in their members the values of the African worldview Ubuntu, in contrast to the dominant Western individualist orthodoxy. SWDs are being excluded and denied a sense of belonging and equal participation despite universities giving lip service to embracing such inclusive education-oriented values as co-operative learning. Non-disabled students steeped in Western individualism, which affirms the solitary pursuit of individual success rather than the value of interdependence and diversity, end up marginalising SWDs who are seen as less capable. DUSMs addressing the needs of SWDs through an ableist/Western individualist lens are not challenging unfair practices which are impairing the dignity of SWDs, particularly students with physical disabilities who are being forced to “fit into” oppressive inaccessible built environments on campuses. These DUSMs may unwittingly re-inscribe ableist assumptions that normalise discrimination against SWDs. Conclusions and Recommendations: Ubuntu values offer a starting point for building mutual respect and interdependence between SWDs and their non-disabled peers. The thesis finds however that as was the case in traditional African communities, which embraced the values of Ubuntu, acts of leadership are required if Ubuntu’s values of human dignity, mutual respect and acceptance are to be fostered on campuses. In a range of important ways, the dignity of SWDs is not respected at HEIs in South Africa. This includes, for example, such practical matters as the inaccessibility of toilets to wheelchair users and the lack of appropriate signage for blind students. Disrespectful attitudes and assumptions about SWDs on the part of non-disabled university members also result in SWDs’ human dignity being impaired. Ubuntu’s value of hospitality stresses the importance of promoting relations of group solidarity and interdependence between SWDs and their non-disabled peers. Both academic inclusion-oriented programmes and the promotion of a wide range of social activities, involving both SWDs and non-disabled students, can play an important role in cultivating the formation of long-term fruitful and respectful friendships between SWDs and non-disabled students. An enabling classroom environment alone is not enough to holistically address the social inclusion needs of SWDs. South African HEIs that embrace the Ubuntu values of communalism, human dignity and hospitality will be in a position to respect the needs of SWDs as “whole persons”. Amongst other things, this requires DUSMs to be fully empowered to make important decisions regarding vital matters such as disability inclusion, and it necessitates university management to relinquish their power, so that they may work collaboratively with DUSMs and SWDs, all on equal footing, to ensure that HE funding allocation, policy and planning also prioritises the social needs of SWDs.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2021
A comparative analysis of the use of participatory practices by indigenous trusts and mainstream development NGOs in Zvimba Communal Area Zimbabwe
- Authors: Mbanje, Bowden Bolt
- Date: 2020
- Subjects: Caritas Zimbabwe , Zvimba Community Share Ownership Trust (ZvCSOT) , Non-governmental organizations -- Zimbabwe -- Zvimba District , Community development -- Zimbabwe -- Zvimba District , Rural development -- Zimbabwe -- Zvimba District , Zvimba Communal Land (Zimbabwe)
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/167099 , vital:41437
- Description: This thesis compares the extent to which participatory practices have been used by Caritas Zimbabwe, a mainstream NGO, and the Zvimba Community Share Ownership Trust (ZvCSOT), an indigenous Trust, in Zvimba District, Zimbabwe. Participatory development initiatives are common practice in NGO and government development work in Zimbabwe. The thesis begins with a discussion of two aspects of participatory development (PD). Firstly, PD is discussed in relation to decentralization processes where central government transfers administrative and financial authority to sub-national government units in order to enhance the participation of rural communities in development interventions. Secondly, PD is discussed in relation to the increased role of NGOs in development work. During the 1980s and 1990s, shifts in development thinking resulted in NGOs being perceived as important actors who could attend to the development gaps left by an economically incapacitated state. Both NGOs and sub-national government units were seen to be closer to rural communities and so were thought to be in a better position to enhance the participation of these communities in meaningful development projects. An analysis of the practices of the NGO and CSOT under consideration in this study shows that while there has been much rhetorical commitment to participation, community participation in the development interventions of the NGO and the CSOT is inadequate. In introducing and implementing development interventions, there has been a tendency by both the NGO and CSOT to give priority to organizational preferences over local needs. While recognizing the participatory efforts made by mainstream development NGOs (Caritas in particular) and indigenous Trusts (Zvimba Community Share Ownership Trust in particular) in Zimbabwe, this thesis also considers the impact of other factors on participatory development initiatives. A major observation from the study is that in as much as we expect genuine participatory approaches which include grassroots communities’ inputs from the project’s conceptualization all the way to its evaluation, the challenge is that the elites at the higher level (central government and donor offices) have their own development preferences and interests while the elites at the lower levels (local government and NGO offices) also have their own priorities and needs. Consequently, local communities tend to be confined to implementing development projects foisted on them by elites at the higher level as well as those at the lower level. Worse still, the study shows that elites at the lowest level (community) sometimes hijack or take advantage of the imposed projects. Participation has been stalled by elites at various levels of the participatory development ladder. Thus, unless power imbalances are seriously addressed at all levels, participatory development will remain elusive.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2020
- Authors: Mbanje, Bowden Bolt
- Date: 2020
- Subjects: Caritas Zimbabwe , Zvimba Community Share Ownership Trust (ZvCSOT) , Non-governmental organizations -- Zimbabwe -- Zvimba District , Community development -- Zimbabwe -- Zvimba District , Rural development -- Zimbabwe -- Zvimba District , Zvimba Communal Land (Zimbabwe)
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/167099 , vital:41437
- Description: This thesis compares the extent to which participatory practices have been used by Caritas Zimbabwe, a mainstream NGO, and the Zvimba Community Share Ownership Trust (ZvCSOT), an indigenous Trust, in Zvimba District, Zimbabwe. Participatory development initiatives are common practice in NGO and government development work in Zimbabwe. The thesis begins with a discussion of two aspects of participatory development (PD). Firstly, PD is discussed in relation to decentralization processes where central government transfers administrative and financial authority to sub-national government units in order to enhance the participation of rural communities in development interventions. Secondly, PD is discussed in relation to the increased role of NGOs in development work. During the 1980s and 1990s, shifts in development thinking resulted in NGOs being perceived as important actors who could attend to the development gaps left by an economically incapacitated state. Both NGOs and sub-national government units were seen to be closer to rural communities and so were thought to be in a better position to enhance the participation of these communities in meaningful development projects. An analysis of the practices of the NGO and CSOT under consideration in this study shows that while there has been much rhetorical commitment to participation, community participation in the development interventions of the NGO and the CSOT is inadequate. In introducing and implementing development interventions, there has been a tendency by both the NGO and CSOT to give priority to organizational preferences over local needs. While recognizing the participatory efforts made by mainstream development NGOs (Caritas in particular) and indigenous Trusts (Zvimba Community Share Ownership Trust in particular) in Zimbabwe, this thesis also considers the impact of other factors on participatory development initiatives. A major observation from the study is that in as much as we expect genuine participatory approaches which include grassroots communities’ inputs from the project’s conceptualization all the way to its evaluation, the challenge is that the elites at the higher level (central government and donor offices) have their own development preferences and interests while the elites at the lower levels (local government and NGO offices) also have their own priorities and needs. Consequently, local communities tend to be confined to implementing development projects foisted on them by elites at the higher level as well as those at the lower level. Worse still, the study shows that elites at the lowest level (community) sometimes hijack or take advantage of the imposed projects. Participation has been stalled by elites at various levels of the participatory development ladder. Thus, unless power imbalances are seriously addressed at all levels, participatory development will remain elusive.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2020
A comparison of representations of the imperative of higher education change as „transformation‟ versus „decolonisation‟ in South African public discourse
- Authors: Makgakge, Rebecca Dineo
- Date: 2020
- Subjects: Education in mass media -- South Africa , Higher education and state -- South Africa , Education, Higher -- Curricula -- South Africa , Discrimination in education -- South Africa , South Africa -- Colonial influence , Educational change -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/142498 , vital:38085
- Description: The context of higher education in South Africa which has been shaped by the legacies of the old apartheid system is faced with a paramount task of the continuous process of restructuring and change. In shaping the restructuring and change of the higher education system the concept of transformation has been a constant theme for the post-apartheid government policies. However more recently we have seen the heightened prominence of the concept of change understood as decolonisation of South African higher education – as opposed to “transformation‘. This thesis was concerned with how these concepts of change, “transformation‘ and “decolonisation‘ have been used in debates surrounding higher education in South Africa. The thesis compares and contrasts the ways and context in which they are used. This study of 177 South African newspaper articles taken form independent media stables from the time 2008 to the present provides an analysis of representations of higher education change as “transformation‘ and as “decolonisation‘ evinced in the corpus. This required using both content and framing analysis as a method to analyse the corpus. Three themes emerged from the analysis that are relevant to the comparison between South African higher education institutional change represented as “transformation‘ and South African higher education institutional change represented at “decolonisation‘: the first theme concerns the differences and similarities in how the two terms are defined; the second theme concerns how the two ideas play themselves out when it comes to curriculum change and the final theme concerns the implications of seeing change as “transformation‘ and seeing change as “decolonisation‘ for changing institutional cultures.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2020
- Authors: Makgakge, Rebecca Dineo
- Date: 2020
- Subjects: Education in mass media -- South Africa , Higher education and state -- South Africa , Education, Higher -- Curricula -- South Africa , Discrimination in education -- South Africa , South Africa -- Colonial influence , Educational change -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/142498 , vital:38085
- Description: The context of higher education in South Africa which has been shaped by the legacies of the old apartheid system is faced with a paramount task of the continuous process of restructuring and change. In shaping the restructuring and change of the higher education system the concept of transformation has been a constant theme for the post-apartheid government policies. However more recently we have seen the heightened prominence of the concept of change understood as decolonisation of South African higher education – as opposed to “transformation‘. This thesis was concerned with how these concepts of change, “transformation‘ and “decolonisation‘ have been used in debates surrounding higher education in South Africa. The thesis compares and contrasts the ways and context in which they are used. This study of 177 South African newspaper articles taken form independent media stables from the time 2008 to the present provides an analysis of representations of higher education change as “transformation‘ and as “decolonisation‘ evinced in the corpus. This required using both content and framing analysis as a method to analyse the corpus. Three themes emerged from the analysis that are relevant to the comparison between South African higher education institutional change represented as “transformation‘ and South African higher education institutional change represented at “decolonisation‘: the first theme concerns the differences and similarities in how the two terms are defined; the second theme concerns how the two ideas play themselves out when it comes to curriculum change and the final theme concerns the implications of seeing change as “transformation‘ and seeing change as “decolonisation‘ for changing institutional cultures.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2020