Being Indian, being MK: an exploration of the experiences and ethnic identities of Indian South African Umkhonto we Sizwe members
- Authors: Lalla, Varsha
- Date: 2011
- Subjects: Umkhonto we Sizwe (South Africa) -- Research Political activists -- Research -- South Africa East Indians -- Politics and government -- Research -- South Africa Ethnicity -- Political aspects -- South Africa -- Research
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2792 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003002
- Description: Umkhonto we Sizwe (MK) was a military organization dominated by black Africans. Although it is not generally associated with Indian South Africans, who form a minority in the country, there were Indian MK members. This thesis explores the way in which Indian MK members reconciled aspects of their ethnic identity with their membership of MK. It explores the experiences of two generations of members: those born between 1929 and 1944 and those born between 1960 and 1969. In particular it looks at whether they experienced tensions between their ethnic and political identities. It explores what set these Indian South Africans apart from the rest of the Indian South African community that did not join MK. It also looks at what significant differences there were between different generations of Indian MK members. The research results show that the first generation MK members believe that their MK activities were „the highest form of passive resistance‟. An explanation for this way of referring to their activities could be that this was a way of reconciling tensions between their ethnic and political identities. The first generation was also very critical of the Indian SA community. This could be because they still feel part of this community despite having a strong political consciousness that is different from most of the community. It was found that some of the features that set Indian MK members apart from other Indian South Africans were that they were not raised in very religious households and occupied a fairly low rather than „middle man‟ economic position. In addition, members of the first generation of MK members were raised in comparatively multi-racial areas. Both generations made the decision to join MK because of Indian role models. There were some marked differences between the two generations of MK veterans. Most notably, the younger did not see their activities as in line with passive resistance and they also displayed more ambivalence about their ethnic identities.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2011
- Authors: Lalla, Varsha
- Date: 2011
- Subjects: Umkhonto we Sizwe (South Africa) -- Research Political activists -- Research -- South Africa East Indians -- Politics and government -- Research -- South Africa Ethnicity -- Political aspects -- South Africa -- Research
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2792 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003002
- Description: Umkhonto we Sizwe (MK) was a military organization dominated by black Africans. Although it is not generally associated with Indian South Africans, who form a minority in the country, there were Indian MK members. This thesis explores the way in which Indian MK members reconciled aspects of their ethnic identity with their membership of MK. It explores the experiences of two generations of members: those born between 1929 and 1944 and those born between 1960 and 1969. In particular it looks at whether they experienced tensions between their ethnic and political identities. It explores what set these Indian South Africans apart from the rest of the Indian South African community that did not join MK. It also looks at what significant differences there were between different generations of Indian MK members. The research results show that the first generation MK members believe that their MK activities were „the highest form of passive resistance‟. An explanation for this way of referring to their activities could be that this was a way of reconciling tensions between their ethnic and political identities. The first generation was also very critical of the Indian SA community. This could be because they still feel part of this community despite having a strong political consciousness that is different from most of the community. It was found that some of the features that set Indian MK members apart from other Indian South Africans were that they were not raised in very religious households and occupied a fairly low rather than „middle man‟ economic position. In addition, members of the first generation of MK members were raised in comparatively multi-racial areas. Both generations made the decision to join MK because of Indian role models. There were some marked differences between the two generations of MK veterans. Most notably, the younger did not see their activities as in line with passive resistance and they also displayed more ambivalence about their ethnic identities.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2011
A Foucauldian critique of neo-liberalsim
- Authors: Sachikonye, Tawanda
- Date: 2010
- Subjects: Neoliberalism Political science -- Philosophy Philosophy, Marxist Foucault, Michel, 1926-1984 Socialism Capitalism
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2828 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003038
- Description: This study attempts to make a contribution to the critique of contemporary capitalism. This has been conceptualised through a Foucauldian critique of neo-liberalism, that is, Foucault’s concepts of power and governmentality have been used to criticise neo-liberalism. The study argues that neo-liberalism is a hegemonic and oppressive politico-economic social system. This has occurred in two ways; firstly, neo-liberalism came to dominate the global economy and, secondly, neo-liberalism has become the dominant politico-economic discourse. An attempt is made to expose the discourses and institutions that buttress the neo-liberal project by undertaking a Foucauldian critique. According to Foucault, knowledge shapes the social space through its ‘mechanisms’, discourses and institutions. In order to critique neo-liberalism, it is necessary to expose its power-knowledge base, which is what gives it legitimacy. By analysing and exposing neo-liberalism’s power-knowledge base, its oppression becomes clear through an observation of the material effects of neo-liberal ideology and policy. This study also evaluates to what extent Marxism is a viable alternative to neo-liberalism, in order to ascertain what Foucault adds to already existing critiques of capitalism, and neo-liberalism, in particular. It concludes by arguing that even though Marxism provides a useful framework in which to understand neo-liberal domination, its labour based social theory is somewhat outdated in our contemporary age of the information society. Therefore, it is Foucault’s concept of power-knowledge that is most pertinent in providing an effective critical theory of neo-liberalism in the age of the information society, as it focuses on the primacy of power-knowledge in matters of domination.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2010
- Authors: Sachikonye, Tawanda
- Date: 2010
- Subjects: Neoliberalism Political science -- Philosophy Philosophy, Marxist Foucault, Michel, 1926-1984 Socialism Capitalism
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2828 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003038
- Description: This study attempts to make a contribution to the critique of contemporary capitalism. This has been conceptualised through a Foucauldian critique of neo-liberalism, that is, Foucault’s concepts of power and governmentality have been used to criticise neo-liberalism. The study argues that neo-liberalism is a hegemonic and oppressive politico-economic social system. This has occurred in two ways; firstly, neo-liberalism came to dominate the global economy and, secondly, neo-liberalism has become the dominant politico-economic discourse. An attempt is made to expose the discourses and institutions that buttress the neo-liberal project by undertaking a Foucauldian critique. According to Foucault, knowledge shapes the social space through its ‘mechanisms’, discourses and institutions. In order to critique neo-liberalism, it is necessary to expose its power-knowledge base, which is what gives it legitimacy. By analysing and exposing neo-liberalism’s power-knowledge base, its oppression becomes clear through an observation of the material effects of neo-liberal ideology and policy. This study also evaluates to what extent Marxism is a viable alternative to neo-liberalism, in order to ascertain what Foucault adds to already existing critiques of capitalism, and neo-liberalism, in particular. It concludes by arguing that even though Marxism provides a useful framework in which to understand neo-liberal domination, its labour based social theory is somewhat outdated in our contemporary age of the information society. Therefore, it is Foucault’s concept of power-knowledge that is most pertinent in providing an effective critical theory of neo-liberalism in the age of the information society, as it focuses on the primacy of power-knowledge in matters of domination.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2010
A study of intra-African relations an analysis of the factors informing the foreign policy of Malawi towards Zimbabwe
- Authors: Njoloma, Eugenio
- Date: 2010
- Subjects: Malawi -- Foreign relations -- Zimbabwe Zimbabwe -- Foreign relations -- Malawi Malawi -- Politics and government -- 20th century Malawi -- Politics and government -- 21st century Southern African Development Community
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2818 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003028
- Description: There has been only limited scholarly analysis of Malawi’s foreign policy since its independence in 1964 with key texts focusing primarily on the early years of the new state. Perhaps due to its relatively small stature – economically, politically and militarily – in the region, very little attention has been paid to the factors informing Malawi’s apparently uncritical foreign policy response to the Zimbabwe crisis since it began in the late 1990s. This thesis addresses this deficit by locating its understanding of Malawi’s contemporary foreign policy towards Zimbabwe in the broader historical and contemporary context of bilateral relations between the two states and the multilateral forum of SADCC and SADC. It is argued that the Malawi’s long-standing quest for socio-economic development has forced it to manoeuvre a pragmatic but sometimes contentious foreign policy path. This was also evident until the end of the Cold War and the concomitant demise of apartheid in South Africa in the early 1990s. Malawi forged deliberate diplomatic and economic relations with the region’s white-ruled Zimbabwe (then Southern Rhodesia) and South Africa in pursuit of its national economic interests while the majority of southern African states collectively sought the liberation of the region by facilitating the independence of Zimbabwe and countering South Africa’s apartheid and regional destabilization policies. In the contemporary era, there has been a convergence of foreign policy ambitions in the region and Malawi now coordinates its regional foreign policy within the framework of SADC, which itself prioritizes the attainment of socio-economic development. However, to understand Malawi’s response to the Zimbabwe crisis only in the context of SADC’s “quiet diplomacy” mediation efforts obscures important historically rooted socioeconomic and political factors that have informed relations between Malawi and Zimbabwe and which cannot, it is argued, be ignored if a holistic understanding of Malawi’s position is to be sought. This study argues that the nature of historical ties between Malawi and Zimbabwe and the role of Malawi’s leaders in driving its long-standing quest for socioeconomic development have not only informed its overall foreign policy behaviour in the region but underpin its contemporary relations with Zimbabwe.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2010
- Authors: Njoloma, Eugenio
- Date: 2010
- Subjects: Malawi -- Foreign relations -- Zimbabwe Zimbabwe -- Foreign relations -- Malawi Malawi -- Politics and government -- 20th century Malawi -- Politics and government -- 21st century Southern African Development Community
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2818 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003028
- Description: There has been only limited scholarly analysis of Malawi’s foreign policy since its independence in 1964 with key texts focusing primarily on the early years of the new state. Perhaps due to its relatively small stature – economically, politically and militarily – in the region, very little attention has been paid to the factors informing Malawi’s apparently uncritical foreign policy response to the Zimbabwe crisis since it began in the late 1990s. This thesis addresses this deficit by locating its understanding of Malawi’s contemporary foreign policy towards Zimbabwe in the broader historical and contemporary context of bilateral relations between the two states and the multilateral forum of SADCC and SADC. It is argued that the Malawi’s long-standing quest for socio-economic development has forced it to manoeuvre a pragmatic but sometimes contentious foreign policy path. This was also evident until the end of the Cold War and the concomitant demise of apartheid in South Africa in the early 1990s. Malawi forged deliberate diplomatic and economic relations with the region’s white-ruled Zimbabwe (then Southern Rhodesia) and South Africa in pursuit of its national economic interests while the majority of southern African states collectively sought the liberation of the region by facilitating the independence of Zimbabwe and countering South Africa’s apartheid and regional destabilization policies. In the contemporary era, there has been a convergence of foreign policy ambitions in the region and Malawi now coordinates its regional foreign policy within the framework of SADC, which itself prioritizes the attainment of socio-economic development. However, to understand Malawi’s response to the Zimbabwe crisis only in the context of SADC’s “quiet diplomacy” mediation efforts obscures important historically rooted socioeconomic and political factors that have informed relations between Malawi and Zimbabwe and which cannot, it is argued, be ignored if a holistic understanding of Malawi’s position is to be sought. This study argues that the nature of historical ties between Malawi and Zimbabwe and the role of Malawi’s leaders in driving its long-standing quest for socioeconomic development have not only informed its overall foreign policy behaviour in the region but underpin its contemporary relations with Zimbabwe.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2010
Consolidating democracy through integrating the chieftainship institution with elected councils in Lesotho: a case study of four community councils in Maseru
- Authors: Kapa, Motlamelle Anthony
- Date: 2010
- Subjects: Customary law -- Lesotho Constitutional law -- Lesotho Local government -- Lesotho -- Maseru Culture and law -- Lesotho -- Maseru Lesotho -- Politics and government Democracy -- Lesotho
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: vital:2786 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002996
- Description: This study analyses the relationship between the chieftainship institution and the elected councils in Lesotho. Based on a qualitative case study method the study seeks to understand this relationship in four selected councils in the Maseru district and how this can be nurtured to achieve a consolidated democracy. Contrary to modernists‟ arguments (that indigenous African political institutions, of which the chieftainship is part, are incompatible with liberal democracy since they are, inter alia, hereditary, they compete with their elective counterparts for political power, they threaten the democratic consolidation process, and they are irrelevant to democratising African systems), this study finds that these arguments are misplaced. Instead, chieftainship is not incompatible with liberal democracy per se. It supports the democratisation process (if the governing parties pursue friendly and accommodative policies to it) but uses its political agency in reaction to the policies of ruling parties to protect its survival interests, whether or not this undermines democratic consolidation process. The chieftainship has also acted to defend democracy when the governing party abuses its political power to undermine democratic rule. It performs important functions in the country. Thus, it is still viewed by the country‟s political leadership, academics, civil society, and councillors as legitimate and highly relevant to the Lesotho‟s contemporary political system. Because of the inadequacies of the government policies and the ambiguous chieftainship-councils integration model, which tend to marginalise the chieftainship and threaten its survival, its relationship with the councils was initially characterised by conflict. However, this relationship has improved, due to the innovative actions taken not by the central government, but by the individual Councils and chiefs themselves, thus increasing the prospects for democratic consolidation. I argue for and recommend the adoption in Lesotho of appropriate variants of the mixed government model to integrate the chieftainship with the elected councils, based on the re-contextualised and re-territorialised conception and practice of democracy, which eschews its universalistic EuroAmerican version adopted by the LCD government, but recognises and preserves the chieftainship as an integral part of the Basotho society, the embodiment of its culture, history, national identity and nationhood.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2010
- Authors: Kapa, Motlamelle Anthony
- Date: 2010
- Subjects: Customary law -- Lesotho Constitutional law -- Lesotho Local government -- Lesotho -- Maseru Culture and law -- Lesotho -- Maseru Lesotho -- Politics and government Democracy -- Lesotho
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: vital:2786 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002996
- Description: This study analyses the relationship between the chieftainship institution and the elected councils in Lesotho. Based on a qualitative case study method the study seeks to understand this relationship in four selected councils in the Maseru district and how this can be nurtured to achieve a consolidated democracy. Contrary to modernists‟ arguments (that indigenous African political institutions, of which the chieftainship is part, are incompatible with liberal democracy since they are, inter alia, hereditary, they compete with their elective counterparts for political power, they threaten the democratic consolidation process, and they are irrelevant to democratising African systems), this study finds that these arguments are misplaced. Instead, chieftainship is not incompatible with liberal democracy per se. It supports the democratisation process (if the governing parties pursue friendly and accommodative policies to it) but uses its political agency in reaction to the policies of ruling parties to protect its survival interests, whether or not this undermines democratic consolidation process. The chieftainship has also acted to defend democracy when the governing party abuses its political power to undermine democratic rule. It performs important functions in the country. Thus, it is still viewed by the country‟s political leadership, academics, civil society, and councillors as legitimate and highly relevant to the Lesotho‟s contemporary political system. Because of the inadequacies of the government policies and the ambiguous chieftainship-councils integration model, which tend to marginalise the chieftainship and threaten its survival, its relationship with the councils was initially characterised by conflict. However, this relationship has improved, due to the innovative actions taken not by the central government, but by the individual Councils and chiefs themselves, thus increasing the prospects for democratic consolidation. I argue for and recommend the adoption in Lesotho of appropriate variants of the mixed government model to integrate the chieftainship with the elected councils, based on the re-contextualised and re-territorialised conception and practice of democracy, which eschews its universalistic EuroAmerican version adopted by the LCD government, but recognises and preserves the chieftainship as an integral part of the Basotho society, the embodiment of its culture, history, national identity and nationhood.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2010
Gender and racial stereotyping in rape coverage: an analysis of rape coverage in Grocott's Mail
- Authors: Bonnes, Stephanie Marie
- Date: 2010
- Subjects: Grocott's Mail (Grahamstown, South Africa) Rape in mass media Rape -- South Africa Stereotypes (Social psychology) in mass media Sexism in mass media Racism in mass media Women -- Crimes against -- South Africa Violence in mass media Sex discrimination against women -- South Africa Journalism -- South Africa -- Grahamstown
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2762 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002972
- Description: This thesis analyzes rape coverage in a Grahamstown newspaper, Grocott’s Mail. Critical discourse analysis is used to discuss and analyze articles about rape that appear in Grocott’s Mail between October 14th 2008 and October 29th 2009. Drawing on existing literature on ‘rape myths’ in media coverage of rape, this thesis argues that Grocott’s Mail perpetuates racial and gender stereotypes through the way in which it reports on rape. While not all of the articles included in the analysis use rape myths, most use one or more when discussing rape incidents. Specifically, Grocott’s Mail tends to use rape myths that blame the victim for the rape and de-emphasize the role of the perpetrator in the rape. This is problematic as it sustains existing racial and gender inequalities.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2010
- Authors: Bonnes, Stephanie Marie
- Date: 2010
- Subjects: Grocott's Mail (Grahamstown, South Africa) Rape in mass media Rape -- South Africa Stereotypes (Social psychology) in mass media Sexism in mass media Racism in mass media Women -- Crimes against -- South Africa Violence in mass media Sex discrimination against women -- South Africa Journalism -- South Africa -- Grahamstown
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2762 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002972
- Description: This thesis analyzes rape coverage in a Grahamstown newspaper, Grocott’s Mail. Critical discourse analysis is used to discuss and analyze articles about rape that appear in Grocott’s Mail between October 14th 2008 and October 29th 2009. Drawing on existing literature on ‘rape myths’ in media coverage of rape, this thesis argues that Grocott’s Mail perpetuates racial and gender stereotypes through the way in which it reports on rape. While not all of the articles included in the analysis use rape myths, most use one or more when discussing rape incidents. Specifically, Grocott’s Mail tends to use rape myths that blame the victim for the rape and de-emphasize the role of the perpetrator in the rape. This is problematic as it sustains existing racial and gender inequalities.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2010
Israel and Palestine: some critical international relations perspectives on the 'two-state' solution
- Authors: Pienaar, Ashwin Mark
- Date: 2010
- Subjects: Arab-Israeli conflict Jewish-Arab relations Nationalism -- Israel Nationalism -- Palestine Land settlement -- West Bank Land settlement -- Gaza Strip Realism Liberalism Palestinian Arabs -- Politics and government -- 20th century Israel -- Politics and government -- 20th century Israel -- Foreign relations -- Palestine Palestine -- Foreign relations -- Israel
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2820 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003030
- Description: This research questions whether Israel and Palestine should be divided into two states. Viewed through the International Relations (IR) theories of Realism and Liberalism, the ‘Two-State’ solution is the orthodox policy for Israel and Palestine. But Israelis and Palestinians are interspersed and share many of the same resources making it difficult to create two states. So, this research critiques the aforementioned IR theories which underpin the ‘Two-State’ solution. The conclusion reached is that there ought to be new thinking on how to resolve the Israel-Palestine issue.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2010
Israel and Palestine: some critical international relations perspectives on the 'two-state' solution
- Authors: Pienaar, Ashwin Mark
- Date: 2010
- Subjects: Arab-Israeli conflict Jewish-Arab relations Nationalism -- Israel Nationalism -- Palestine Land settlement -- West Bank Land settlement -- Gaza Strip Realism Liberalism Palestinian Arabs -- Politics and government -- 20th century Israel -- Politics and government -- 20th century Israel -- Foreign relations -- Palestine Palestine -- Foreign relations -- Israel
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2820 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003030
- Description: This research questions whether Israel and Palestine should be divided into two states. Viewed through the International Relations (IR) theories of Realism and Liberalism, the ‘Two-State’ solution is the orthodox policy for Israel and Palestine. But Israelis and Palestinians are interspersed and share many of the same resources making it difficult to create two states. So, this research critiques the aforementioned IR theories which underpin the ‘Two-State’ solution. The conclusion reached is that there ought to be new thinking on how to resolve the Israel-Palestine issue.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2010
Participatory human development in post-apartheid South Africa: a discussion of the 2006/7 Tantyi Youth Empowerment Project
- Authors: Kulundu, Injairu M
- Date: 2010
- Subjects: Spirals Trust (South Africa) Community development -- South Africa -- Citizen participation Economic development projects -- South Africa -- Citizen participation Youth in development -- South Africa Non-governmental organizations -- South Africa Post-apartheid era -- South Africa South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1994-
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2791 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003001
- Description: This thesis relates the work of a non-governmental organisation, The Spirals Trust, to discussions on human and participatory development. The focus of the study is one of The Spirals Trust’s projects, the 2006/7 Tantyi Youth Empowerment Project, which is discussed in relation to theoretical material on human development and participatory development. Collectively these perspectives are defined in this thesis as ‘participatory human development’. The 2006/7 Tantyi Youth Empowerment Project illustrates some of the challenges that face the practice of participatory human development. Workshops and focus group interviews were conducted with participants who were part of the 2006/7 Tantyi Youth Empowerment Project in order to draw out their experiences of the project. Questions were created from themes that emerged from the participants’ discussion of their experiences and these questions were then posed to members of staff of The Spirals Trust. The experiences of both the participants and the staff members are discussed in order to explore issues that emerge in the practice of participatory human development in the 2006/7 Tantyi Youth Empowerment Project. The results highlight the challenges of putting into action the tenets of participatory human development. Feedback showed that a focus on personal development can help cultivate the ethic of participation. The effort that this entailed on the part of facilitators is discussed. The importance of exposing and continually working with power dynamics that may emerge in projects of this nature is revealed and the eroding influence of bureaucratic compliance in projects like this one is explored. The study also suggests that there is a need to promote development initiatives that challenge the political status quo rather than just finding ways to incorporate the marginalised more effectively into current systems. New questions that the research poses to the practice of participatory human development are considered in conjunction with suggestions for further research.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2010
- Authors: Kulundu, Injairu M
- Date: 2010
- Subjects: Spirals Trust (South Africa) Community development -- South Africa -- Citizen participation Economic development projects -- South Africa -- Citizen participation Youth in development -- South Africa Non-governmental organizations -- South Africa Post-apartheid era -- South Africa South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1994-
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2791 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003001
- Description: This thesis relates the work of a non-governmental organisation, The Spirals Trust, to discussions on human and participatory development. The focus of the study is one of The Spirals Trust’s projects, the 2006/7 Tantyi Youth Empowerment Project, which is discussed in relation to theoretical material on human development and participatory development. Collectively these perspectives are defined in this thesis as ‘participatory human development’. The 2006/7 Tantyi Youth Empowerment Project illustrates some of the challenges that face the practice of participatory human development. Workshops and focus group interviews were conducted with participants who were part of the 2006/7 Tantyi Youth Empowerment Project in order to draw out their experiences of the project. Questions were created from themes that emerged from the participants’ discussion of their experiences and these questions were then posed to members of staff of The Spirals Trust. The experiences of both the participants and the staff members are discussed in order to explore issues that emerge in the practice of participatory human development in the 2006/7 Tantyi Youth Empowerment Project. The results highlight the challenges of putting into action the tenets of participatory human development. Feedback showed that a focus on personal development can help cultivate the ethic of participation. The effort that this entailed on the part of facilitators is discussed. The importance of exposing and continually working with power dynamics that may emerge in projects of this nature is revealed and the eroding influence of bureaucratic compliance in projects like this one is explored. The study also suggests that there is a need to promote development initiatives that challenge the political status quo rather than just finding ways to incorporate the marginalised more effectively into current systems. New questions that the research poses to the practice of participatory human development are considered in conjunction with suggestions for further research.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2010
The migration of the term "civil war" : a social constructivist explanation
- Authors: Bailie, Lawrence Craig
- Date: 2010
- Subjects: Civil Wars United States -- History -- Civil War, 1861-1865 Iraq -- History -- Civil War, 1991
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2845 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1006022 , DOI http://doi.org/10.21504/10962/d1006022
- Description: Although the occurrence of wars between states has been in decline, the same cannot be said of conflict within states – especially when considering the innumerable ‘Civil Wars’ said to have occurred since the end of the Cold War. In this context the use of the word ‘innumerable’ is qualified more by the variance in how ‘Civil War’ is understood as a concept (leading to different claims as to how many conflicts of this kind may have occurred over a period of time) and less by their large number. Claims regarding the occurrence of ‘Civil War’ suggest this type of conflict to be the dominant form at least since the end of World War Two. This prevalence in the face of a decline in inter-state warfare has afforded greater interest to ‘Civil War’ as a topic of inquiry. The understanding that ‘Civil Wars’ have with time increased in their occurrence and changed in their nature comes under investigation in this thesis and is seen as problematic in that the means by which a phenomenon is measured (i.e. through its nature) must be fixed so as to measure the frequency of that phenomenon. Using Social Constructivism as a theoretical lens of inquiry, sense is made of this understanding and, furthermore, the true meaning behind the claim that ‘Civil War’ has changed is revealed. The empirical evidence that accompanies this theoretical work exists in the American Civil War of 1861–1865 and the debate over the conflict in Iraq following the U.S. invasion in 2003. This debate is used as a means by which to bring the contestation over the notion of ‘Civil War’ to the fore, while a comparison of this conflict with the quintessential American Civil War reveals the migration of the term.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2010
- Authors: Bailie, Lawrence Craig
- Date: 2010
- Subjects: Civil Wars United States -- History -- Civil War, 1861-1865 Iraq -- History -- Civil War, 1991
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2845 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1006022 , DOI http://doi.org/10.21504/10962/d1006022
- Description: Although the occurrence of wars between states has been in decline, the same cannot be said of conflict within states – especially when considering the innumerable ‘Civil Wars’ said to have occurred since the end of the Cold War. In this context the use of the word ‘innumerable’ is qualified more by the variance in how ‘Civil War’ is understood as a concept (leading to different claims as to how many conflicts of this kind may have occurred over a period of time) and less by their large number. Claims regarding the occurrence of ‘Civil War’ suggest this type of conflict to be the dominant form at least since the end of World War Two. This prevalence in the face of a decline in inter-state warfare has afforded greater interest to ‘Civil War’ as a topic of inquiry. The understanding that ‘Civil Wars’ have with time increased in their occurrence and changed in their nature comes under investigation in this thesis and is seen as problematic in that the means by which a phenomenon is measured (i.e. through its nature) must be fixed so as to measure the frequency of that phenomenon. Using Social Constructivism as a theoretical lens of inquiry, sense is made of this understanding and, furthermore, the true meaning behind the claim that ‘Civil War’ has changed is revealed. The empirical evidence that accompanies this theoretical work exists in the American Civil War of 1861–1865 and the debate over the conflict in Iraq following the U.S. invasion in 2003. This debate is used as a means by which to bring the contestation over the notion of ‘Civil War’ to the fore, while a comparison of this conflict with the quintessential American Civil War reveals the migration of the term.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2010
Transformativity: recognising melancholic power, and renegotiating vulnerability
- Authors: Knowles, Corinne Ruth
- Date: 2010
- Subjects: Transformational leadership -- South Africa Educational change -- South Africa Universities and colleges -- South Africa Sex discrimination in higher education -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2789 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002999
- Description: South African universities are embedded in an unequal society. Transformation strategies and interventions in the sector attempt to address this, but arguably, the policies and practices which aim to bring about transformation are merely platforms for potential change and do not guarantee the achievement of their aspirations. This study engages with the notion of transformation in one university, looking at how an organisation for women has contributed to transformation in individuals and in the institution. It explores the idea that vulnerability is the starting point of transformation, and must be recognized and incorporated into how an organisation, institution or individual regards vulnerable groups, in order to build a more equitable society. The reframing of vulnerability is a process of acknowledging the way power works, and arguably, power’s melancholic nature and expression in society and in universities has particular challenges with regard to how vulnerable groups experience their vulnerability. If the framing of an individual as vulnerable does not also provide that individual with the conditions that shelter the vulnerability they experience, leading to a renegotiation of whom they can become, their “vulnerable” status is entrenched. The study explores ways in which an organisation for women uses its legitimized platform for renegotiating subjectivities, norms and performances, and the potential this has for transformativity.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2010
- Authors: Knowles, Corinne Ruth
- Date: 2010
- Subjects: Transformational leadership -- South Africa Educational change -- South Africa Universities and colleges -- South Africa Sex discrimination in higher education -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2789 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002999
- Description: South African universities are embedded in an unequal society. Transformation strategies and interventions in the sector attempt to address this, but arguably, the policies and practices which aim to bring about transformation are merely platforms for potential change and do not guarantee the achievement of their aspirations. This study engages with the notion of transformation in one university, looking at how an organisation for women has contributed to transformation in individuals and in the institution. It explores the idea that vulnerability is the starting point of transformation, and must be recognized and incorporated into how an organisation, institution or individual regards vulnerable groups, in order to build a more equitable society. The reframing of vulnerability is a process of acknowledging the way power works, and arguably, power’s melancholic nature and expression in society and in universities has particular challenges with regard to how vulnerable groups experience their vulnerability. If the framing of an individual as vulnerable does not also provide that individual with the conditions that shelter the vulnerability they experience, leading to a renegotiation of whom they can become, their “vulnerable” status is entrenched. The study explores ways in which an organisation for women uses its legitimized platform for renegotiating subjectivities, norms and performances, and the potential this has for transformativity.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2010
Arguing from identity: ontology to advocacy in Charles Taylor's political thought
- Authors: Sadian, Samuel Dominic
- Date: 2009
- Subjects: Taylor, Charles, 1931- -- Political and social views Taylor, Charles, 1931- -- Criticism and interpretation Cultural pluralism Political culture Identity (Philosophical concept) Ontology
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2829 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003039
- Description: In this thesis I discuss three normative claims that I take to be central elements of Charles Taylor’s political thought. The first of these is Taylor’s contention that, in contemporary pluralistic societies, justifying socially prevailing norms by appealing to universally binding moral values is unlikely to promote social solidarity. Because this approach tends to downplay the goods that people realise through membership in particular associations, Taylor believes we must adopt a model of justification that does not prioritise universal over particular goods if we are to further social co-operation. A second claim Taylor defends is that commitment to the liberal value of collective self-rule implies treating patriotically motivated public service as a non-instrumental good. We should not, Taylor argues, regard collective association as nothing more than a means to satisfying private goals. Taylor advances a third claim, that is, he maintains that liberal toleration for diverse ways of life may require a perfectionist state that supports particularistic ways of life when they are threatened by decline. I offer a qualified defence of the first two claims, but suggest that the third is less compelling. I attempt to do this by evaluating Taylor’s claims against the standards of lucid argumentation that he himself lays down. In discussing social and political norms, which he describes as “advocacy” issues, Taylor argues that our normative commitments necessarily rely on an underlying social ontology. More specifically, Taylor argues that the political values we defend are those that enable us to secure the interests we have as the bearers of an identity possessing both individual and collective dimensions. In setting out the conditions that favour integrated and free identity formation we may thereby reach a clearer understanding of the political norms that we wish to endorse. I argue that, while Taylor’s ontological reflections might well incline us to accept his model of justification and his account of patriotic social commitment, they do not of themselves dispose us to accept state perfectionism.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2009
- Authors: Sadian, Samuel Dominic
- Date: 2009
- Subjects: Taylor, Charles, 1931- -- Political and social views Taylor, Charles, 1931- -- Criticism and interpretation Cultural pluralism Political culture Identity (Philosophical concept) Ontology
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2829 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003039
- Description: In this thesis I discuss three normative claims that I take to be central elements of Charles Taylor’s political thought. The first of these is Taylor’s contention that, in contemporary pluralistic societies, justifying socially prevailing norms by appealing to universally binding moral values is unlikely to promote social solidarity. Because this approach tends to downplay the goods that people realise through membership in particular associations, Taylor believes we must adopt a model of justification that does not prioritise universal over particular goods if we are to further social co-operation. A second claim Taylor defends is that commitment to the liberal value of collective self-rule implies treating patriotically motivated public service as a non-instrumental good. We should not, Taylor argues, regard collective association as nothing more than a means to satisfying private goals. Taylor advances a third claim, that is, he maintains that liberal toleration for diverse ways of life may require a perfectionist state that supports particularistic ways of life when they are threatened by decline. I offer a qualified defence of the first two claims, but suggest that the third is less compelling. I attempt to do this by evaluating Taylor’s claims against the standards of lucid argumentation that he himself lays down. In discussing social and political norms, which he describes as “advocacy” issues, Taylor argues that our normative commitments necessarily rely on an underlying social ontology. More specifically, Taylor argues that the political values we defend are those that enable us to secure the interests we have as the bearers of an identity possessing both individual and collective dimensions. In setting out the conditions that favour integrated and free identity formation we may thereby reach a clearer understanding of the political norms that we wish to endorse. I argue that, while Taylor’s ontological reflections might well incline us to accept his model of justification and his account of patriotic social commitment, they do not of themselves dispose us to accept state perfectionism.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2009
Civil society's quest for democracy in Zimbabwe: origins,barriers and prospects, 1900-2008
- Authors: Magure, Booker
- Date: 2009
- Subjects: Civil Society -- Zimbabwe Zimbabwe -- Politics and government -- 1980 Zimbabwe -- Economic conditions Zimbabwe -- History
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: vital:2798 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003008
- Description: This thesis is a critical examination of the origins, barriers and prospects for a working class-led civil society as it sought to democratise Zimbabwe’s post-colonial state. It is an interdisciplinary but historically informed analysis of how advanced capitalist development promoted the emergence of social movement unionism with a potentiality to advance democracy in Zimbabwe. Despite occurring on a much smaller and thinner scale, the evolution of civil society in colonial Zimbabwe was akin to what happened in 19th century Britain where capitalist expansion presented a foundation for democratisation. However, big underlying barriers exist in Zimbabwe, resulting from various forms of authoritarian structures and forcible mobilisation strategies emanating from colonialism and the protracted war of liberation. ZANU PF’s violent reaction to memory contests by non-participants in the war of liberation seeking an alternative political agenda attest to the controversial and polemical nature of struggles over memory and forgetting in contemporary Zimbabwean politics. These structural impediments forestalled the organic growth of civil society in Zimbabwe, thereby explaining its inchoate status and the failure to significantly determine the course of public policy. While recognising the democratic aspirations and capacities of the working class in precipitating political change, this thesis takes into consideration the impact of other factors on state-society relations. These include deepening state barbarism, globalisation, and technological advances in communication, transnational civil society, a dysfunctional economy, migration and remittances. Finally this thesis presents an optimistic scenario about the prospects for civil society and democratisation in Zimbabwe. I argue that the revival of the productive sectors of the economy can possibly strengthen the labour movement and revive its capacities for ushering in a democracy.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2009
- Authors: Magure, Booker
- Date: 2009
- Subjects: Civil Society -- Zimbabwe Zimbabwe -- Politics and government -- 1980 Zimbabwe -- Economic conditions Zimbabwe -- History
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: vital:2798 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003008
- Description: This thesis is a critical examination of the origins, barriers and prospects for a working class-led civil society as it sought to democratise Zimbabwe’s post-colonial state. It is an interdisciplinary but historically informed analysis of how advanced capitalist development promoted the emergence of social movement unionism with a potentiality to advance democracy in Zimbabwe. Despite occurring on a much smaller and thinner scale, the evolution of civil society in colonial Zimbabwe was akin to what happened in 19th century Britain where capitalist expansion presented a foundation for democratisation. However, big underlying barriers exist in Zimbabwe, resulting from various forms of authoritarian structures and forcible mobilisation strategies emanating from colonialism and the protracted war of liberation. ZANU PF’s violent reaction to memory contests by non-participants in the war of liberation seeking an alternative political agenda attest to the controversial and polemical nature of struggles over memory and forgetting in contemporary Zimbabwean politics. These structural impediments forestalled the organic growth of civil society in Zimbabwe, thereby explaining its inchoate status and the failure to significantly determine the course of public policy. While recognising the democratic aspirations and capacities of the working class in precipitating political change, this thesis takes into consideration the impact of other factors on state-society relations. These include deepening state barbarism, globalisation, and technological advances in communication, transnational civil society, a dysfunctional economy, migration and remittances. Finally this thesis presents an optimistic scenario about the prospects for civil society and democratisation in Zimbabwe. I argue that the revival of the productive sectors of the economy can possibly strengthen the labour movement and revive its capacities for ushering in a democracy.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2009
Comparing and contrasting liberal, communitarian and feminist approaches to resolving tensions between customary and constitutional law: the case of polygamy in Swaziland
- Authors: Manson, Katherine Elizabeth
- Date: 2009
- Subjects: Human rights -- Swaziland Constitutional law -- Swaziland Customary law -- Swaziland Culture and law -- Swaziland Women's rights -- Swaziland Sex discrimination against women -- Swaziland Polygamy -- Swaziland Liberalism Communitarianism
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2801 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003011
- Description: Tensions between the individual rights and freedoms found in constitutional bills of rights and the traditionally prescribed social roles and positions articulated in African customary law systems have often been characterised as tensions between communitarian and liberal philosophies. In particular, the notion of gender equality, which is often a feature of the protections offered by constitutional bills of rights, is seen to be in direct opposition to the overtly patriarchal character of many African customs and traditions. This thesis looks specifically at polygamy, long and widely considered in the West to be an oppressive practice premised on the assumed inferiority of women. The analysis considers the implications of polygamy in a particular cultural context, that of the Kingdom of Swaziland, where the newly instituted constitution is often seen to be incompatible with many aspects of Swazi customary law. Here, the tension between the constitutional commitment to gender equality and the persistence of polygamy as a seemingly discriminatory cultural practice forms a lens through which to view the debate as a whole. The theoretical analysis is supplemented by empirical research sourced from local media archives and in-depth interviews conducted with twelve Swazi women, both unmarried and married in polygamous relationships. Communitarian and liberal approaches to resolving this tension are compared, contrasted and finally critiqued from a feminist standpoint. The feminist critique of both communitarianism and liberalism implies that neither ideology promises much for women and affirms the relatively recent feminist suggestion that the key to resolving tensions between constitutional and customary law in general, and to uplifting the social/legal status of women in particular lies in the enhancement of women’s democratic participation and the improvement of women’s decision-making powers.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2009
- Authors: Manson, Katherine Elizabeth
- Date: 2009
- Subjects: Human rights -- Swaziland Constitutional law -- Swaziland Customary law -- Swaziland Culture and law -- Swaziland Women's rights -- Swaziland Sex discrimination against women -- Swaziland Polygamy -- Swaziland Liberalism Communitarianism
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2801 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003011
- Description: Tensions between the individual rights and freedoms found in constitutional bills of rights and the traditionally prescribed social roles and positions articulated in African customary law systems have often been characterised as tensions between communitarian and liberal philosophies. In particular, the notion of gender equality, which is often a feature of the protections offered by constitutional bills of rights, is seen to be in direct opposition to the overtly patriarchal character of many African customs and traditions. This thesis looks specifically at polygamy, long and widely considered in the West to be an oppressive practice premised on the assumed inferiority of women. The analysis considers the implications of polygamy in a particular cultural context, that of the Kingdom of Swaziland, where the newly instituted constitution is often seen to be incompatible with many aspects of Swazi customary law. Here, the tension between the constitutional commitment to gender equality and the persistence of polygamy as a seemingly discriminatory cultural practice forms a lens through which to view the debate as a whole. The theoretical analysis is supplemented by empirical research sourced from local media archives and in-depth interviews conducted with twelve Swazi women, both unmarried and married in polygamous relationships. Communitarian and liberal approaches to resolving this tension are compared, contrasted and finally critiqued from a feminist standpoint. The feminist critique of both communitarianism and liberalism implies that neither ideology promises much for women and affirms the relatively recent feminist suggestion that the key to resolving tensions between constitutional and customary law in general, and to uplifting the social/legal status of women in particular lies in the enhancement of women’s democratic participation and the improvement of women’s decision-making powers.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2009
Harmful scripts : raunch femininity as the disguised reiteration of emphasized feminine goals : an exploration of young women's accounts of sexually explicit forms of public expression
- Authors: Thorpe, Jennifer
- Date: 2009 , 2013-07-12
- Subjects: Femininity Women -- Sexual behavior Feminine beauty (Aesthetics) Women's rights Human body -- Political aspects Stereotypes (Social psychology)
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2840 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1004521
- Description: Women are subject to a number of societal recommendations about what it means to be an 'ideal' woman. These recommendations take the form of social scripts, constructing an idea of ideal femininity, which women must perform in order to be socially accepted and successful. 'Emphasized femininity', a white, Western, script of femininity is dominant and has been critiqued by feminists, social theorists, and individual women for the limits that it places on women's behaviour. As a result a number of alternative scripts of femininity have arisen. These scripts can provide alternatives to restrictive understandings of female sexuality and beauty - they can serve to challenge 'appropriate' feminine behaviour and hence allow women to live more freely. Raunch femininity is a contemporary alternative that uses sexually explicit public performance, and encourages specific body and dress norms, in an attempt to challenge the norms of emphasized femininity. This thesis looks at raunch femininity, specifically its norms of sexuality and beauty, in the hopes of understanding what the effects of such a script are on women's behaviour. Theoretical understandings and explanations of women's lives are often contradicted by reports that women provide of their lived experiences. For this reason, this thesis investigates the lived experiences of women who self-identify as subscribers to this script in order to assess to what extent superficial expressions of freedom have deeper effects on women's freedom. The tension between theory and empirical reports is evident. However, in many cases, the reports of research participants reveal that the script of raunch femininity, like other scripts of feminine behaviour, has its own limits that women must abide with in order to be accepted. This thesis argues that these limits outweigh the benefits of this script. , KMBT_363 , Adobe Acrobat 9.54 Paper Capture Plug-in
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2009
- Authors: Thorpe, Jennifer
- Date: 2009 , 2013-07-12
- Subjects: Femininity Women -- Sexual behavior Feminine beauty (Aesthetics) Women's rights Human body -- Political aspects Stereotypes (Social psychology)
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2840 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1004521
- Description: Women are subject to a number of societal recommendations about what it means to be an 'ideal' woman. These recommendations take the form of social scripts, constructing an idea of ideal femininity, which women must perform in order to be socially accepted and successful. 'Emphasized femininity', a white, Western, script of femininity is dominant and has been critiqued by feminists, social theorists, and individual women for the limits that it places on women's behaviour. As a result a number of alternative scripts of femininity have arisen. These scripts can provide alternatives to restrictive understandings of female sexuality and beauty - they can serve to challenge 'appropriate' feminine behaviour and hence allow women to live more freely. Raunch femininity is a contemporary alternative that uses sexually explicit public performance, and encourages specific body and dress norms, in an attempt to challenge the norms of emphasized femininity. This thesis looks at raunch femininity, specifically its norms of sexuality and beauty, in the hopes of understanding what the effects of such a script are on women's behaviour. Theoretical understandings and explanations of women's lives are often contradicted by reports that women provide of their lived experiences. For this reason, this thesis investigates the lived experiences of women who self-identify as subscribers to this script in order to assess to what extent superficial expressions of freedom have deeper effects on women's freedom. The tension between theory and empirical reports is evident. However, in many cases, the reports of research participants reveal that the script of raunch femininity, like other scripts of feminine behaviour, has its own limits that women must abide with in order to be accepted. This thesis argues that these limits outweigh the benefits of this script. , KMBT_363 , Adobe Acrobat 9.54 Paper Capture Plug-in
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2009
National identity and nation-building in post-apartheid South Africa
- Authors: Stinson, Andrew Todd
- Date: 2009
- Subjects: Post-apartheid era -- South Africa , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1994- , Nationalism -- South Africa , Civil society -- South Africa , Democracy -- South Africa , South Africa -- Social policy , Ethnicity -- South Africa , South Africa -- Economic conditions -- 1991- , South Africa -- Social conditions -- 1994-
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2832 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003042
- Description: Throughout South Africa’s post-Apartheid history, the ANC-led government has undertaken a distinct nation-building program in pursuit of “a truly united, democratic and prosperous South Africa” (ANC, 2007). This is reflected in a two-pronged approach, coupling political and socioeconomic transformation with the social-psychological aspect of forging a broad and inclusive national consciousness. The ANC’s “rainbow nation” approach embraces cultural diversity through what I shall call the practice of “interculturalism”. Interculturalism is a way of recognizing commonalities, reducing tensions and promoting the formation of social partnerships among different cultural groups. The ANC has also promoted a civic culture based on the principles of liberal democracy, non-racism, equality and the protection of individual rights. Interculturalism and civic nationalism are critically important factors to South African nation-building since together they foster a shared public culture and support meaningful participation in the creation of a truly just and democratic South Africa. Unfortunately, in many ways South African society remains deeply divided by race, ethnicity and economic inequality. This thesis analyses various theoretical approaches to national identity and nationbuilding with the aim of identifying several concepts which arguably throw light on the problems of South African nation-building and national identity formation. It is argued that interculturalism and civic nationalism are context appropriate approaches which have been adopted by the ANC to further an inclusive sense of shared public culture and promote participation in the creation of a shared public future. These approaches have led to the limited emergence of a broad South African national identity. However, South Africa’s commitment to socio-economic transformation has been less successful in generating widespread support for a broad national identity. While some of those previously disadvantaged under Apartheid have benefited from poverty alleviation schemes, service delivery initiatives and black economic empowerment programs, many continue to suffer from homelessness, unemployment and worsening economic conditions. Increasing economic marginalization has caused growing discontent among South Africa’s poor and constitutes the biggest threat to the formation of a cohesive national identity in South African society. Ultimately, it is argued that while interculturalism and civic nationalism have played an important role in fostering the growth of a broad national identity, true South African social cohesion will fail to emerge without a massive and sustained commitment to wide-ranging socio-economic transformation.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2009
- Authors: Stinson, Andrew Todd
- Date: 2009
- Subjects: Post-apartheid era -- South Africa , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1994- , Nationalism -- South Africa , Civil society -- South Africa , Democracy -- South Africa , South Africa -- Social policy , Ethnicity -- South Africa , South Africa -- Economic conditions -- 1991- , South Africa -- Social conditions -- 1994-
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2832 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003042
- Description: Throughout South Africa’s post-Apartheid history, the ANC-led government has undertaken a distinct nation-building program in pursuit of “a truly united, democratic and prosperous South Africa” (ANC, 2007). This is reflected in a two-pronged approach, coupling political and socioeconomic transformation with the social-psychological aspect of forging a broad and inclusive national consciousness. The ANC’s “rainbow nation” approach embraces cultural diversity through what I shall call the practice of “interculturalism”. Interculturalism is a way of recognizing commonalities, reducing tensions and promoting the formation of social partnerships among different cultural groups. The ANC has also promoted a civic culture based on the principles of liberal democracy, non-racism, equality and the protection of individual rights. Interculturalism and civic nationalism are critically important factors to South African nation-building since together they foster a shared public culture and support meaningful participation in the creation of a truly just and democratic South Africa. Unfortunately, in many ways South African society remains deeply divided by race, ethnicity and economic inequality. This thesis analyses various theoretical approaches to national identity and nationbuilding with the aim of identifying several concepts which arguably throw light on the problems of South African nation-building and national identity formation. It is argued that interculturalism and civic nationalism are context appropriate approaches which have been adopted by the ANC to further an inclusive sense of shared public culture and promote participation in the creation of a shared public future. These approaches have led to the limited emergence of a broad South African national identity. However, South Africa’s commitment to socio-economic transformation has been less successful in generating widespread support for a broad national identity. While some of those previously disadvantaged under Apartheid have benefited from poverty alleviation schemes, service delivery initiatives and black economic empowerment programs, many continue to suffer from homelessness, unemployment and worsening economic conditions. Increasing economic marginalization has caused growing discontent among South Africa’s poor and constitutes the biggest threat to the formation of a cohesive national identity in South African society. Ultimately, it is argued that while interculturalism and civic nationalism have played an important role in fostering the growth of a broad national identity, true South African social cohesion will fail to emerge without a massive and sustained commitment to wide-ranging socio-economic transformation.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2009
The binding roots of free speech
- Authors: Boughey, Thomas John George
- Date: 2009
- Subjects: Freedom of speech
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2849 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1006255
- Description: This thesis argues that the modern notion of free-speech was born within the Westphalian nation-state. It suggests that the legal rights framework - particular to the Westphalian nationstate - not only legitimizes and legalizes the right to free-speech, but also enables us to invoke legally the necessary limitations that demand the limitation of free-speech in certain contexts. However, such a legal-rights framework is exclusive to the nation-state and cannot be enforced on an international level, outside of the nation-state boundary. With reference to examples on an international level, this thesis demonstrates that calls for the limitation of free-speech are indeed legitimate and necessary but cannot be enforced on an international level for the reasons just mentioned. In order to address this problem, this thesis proposes a framework - based on a Kantian model - that enables us to invoke the limitation of free-speech on an international level without appealing to a legal-rights discourse to do so.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2009
- Authors: Boughey, Thomas John George
- Date: 2009
- Subjects: Freedom of speech
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2849 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1006255
- Description: This thesis argues that the modern notion of free-speech was born within the Westphalian nation-state. It suggests that the legal rights framework - particular to the Westphalian nationstate - not only legitimizes and legalizes the right to free-speech, but also enables us to invoke legally the necessary limitations that demand the limitation of free-speech in certain contexts. However, such a legal-rights framework is exclusive to the nation-state and cannot be enforced on an international level, outside of the nation-state boundary. With reference to examples on an international level, this thesis demonstrates that calls for the limitation of free-speech are indeed legitimate and necessary but cannot be enforced on an international level for the reasons just mentioned. In order to address this problem, this thesis proposes a framework - based on a Kantian model - that enables us to invoke the limitation of free-speech on an international level without appealing to a legal-rights discourse to do so.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2009
The silencing of race at Rhodes: ritual and anti-politics on a post-apartheid campus
- Authors: Goga, Safiyya
- Date: 2009
- Subjects: Democracy -- South Africa Racism -- South Africa Post-apartheid era -- South Africa College students -- South Africa -- Political activity South Africa -- Politics and government -- 20th century
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2778 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002988
- Description: Almost fifteen years after democracy, issues of 'race' still hold daily South African life firmly in its grip. Following calls from foremost South African theorists on 'race', such as Sarah Nuttall, this thesis moves beyond a study of crude 'racism', to the more complex consideration of 'race' as an embedded ideological social formation within the spatial context of Rhodes University. Using analytical concepts such as 'silencing' and 'ritual' the thesis weaves an understanding (1) of how particular powerful representations of institutional history are produced and made dominant, and (2) how seemingly innocuous performances of institutional identity are key to reproducing 'racial' dominance within Rhodes' student life. This ultimately manifests in the production of a deeply 'racialized' commonsensical understanding of the 'most' legitimate and authentic representation and ownership of institutional space. The thesis delves into dominant representations of Rhodes University'S history, considering how these help produce and reproduce 'racial' dominance through, for instance, the production of defining apolitical narratives of 'excellence'. Central to the dominant apolitical institutional history is the production of silences about the past. History, I argue, is less compelling in any revelation of 'what happened' than in illustrating the production of silences used to enable the appropriation of a particular history as the sole relevant history. The 'inheritors of the past', those who are able to lay authoritative and representative claim to it, it is argued, ultimately claim ownership over institutional space. I argue too, that the dominant practices and performances of daily institutional life (re)produce the institutional space as a space of 'racial' dominance. Ritualized performance of the dominant institutional identity produces ownership of institutional space through making some articulations of 'Rhodes identity' more acceptable, legitimate and authentic than others. The dominance of 'drinking culture' in Rhodes student life produces a particular 'racialized' institutional identity as most legitimate. 'Racial' dominance is instituted, consecrated and reproduced through the ritualistic performance of 'drinking culture', which ultimately produces a superior claim of ownership over the institutional space through the reiteration of racial domination that these performances of institutional identity powerfully symbolize.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2009
- Authors: Goga, Safiyya
- Date: 2009
- Subjects: Democracy -- South Africa Racism -- South Africa Post-apartheid era -- South Africa College students -- South Africa -- Political activity South Africa -- Politics and government -- 20th century
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2778 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002988
- Description: Almost fifteen years after democracy, issues of 'race' still hold daily South African life firmly in its grip. Following calls from foremost South African theorists on 'race', such as Sarah Nuttall, this thesis moves beyond a study of crude 'racism', to the more complex consideration of 'race' as an embedded ideological social formation within the spatial context of Rhodes University. Using analytical concepts such as 'silencing' and 'ritual' the thesis weaves an understanding (1) of how particular powerful representations of institutional history are produced and made dominant, and (2) how seemingly innocuous performances of institutional identity are key to reproducing 'racial' dominance within Rhodes' student life. This ultimately manifests in the production of a deeply 'racialized' commonsensical understanding of the 'most' legitimate and authentic representation and ownership of institutional space. The thesis delves into dominant representations of Rhodes University'S history, considering how these help produce and reproduce 'racial' dominance through, for instance, the production of defining apolitical narratives of 'excellence'. Central to the dominant apolitical institutional history is the production of silences about the past. History, I argue, is less compelling in any revelation of 'what happened' than in illustrating the production of silences used to enable the appropriation of a particular history as the sole relevant history. The 'inheritors of the past', those who are able to lay authoritative and representative claim to it, it is argued, ultimately claim ownership over institutional space. I argue too, that the dominant practices and performances of daily institutional life (re)produce the institutional space as a space of 'racial' dominance. Ritualized performance of the dominant institutional identity produces ownership of institutional space through making some articulations of 'Rhodes identity' more acceptable, legitimate and authentic than others. The dominance of 'drinking culture' in Rhodes student life produces a particular 'racialized' institutional identity as most legitimate. 'Racial' dominance is instituted, consecrated and reproduced through the ritualistic performance of 'drinking culture', which ultimately produces a superior claim of ownership over the institutional space through the reiteration of racial domination that these performances of institutional identity powerfully symbolize.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2009
Transnational civil society's ability to successfully influence state actors on human rights issues through international non-governmental organizations (INGOs) : a case study of the coalition to stop the use of child soldiers
- Authors: VerHage, Alicia
- Date: 2009
- Subjects: International Campaign to Ban Landmines , Convention on the Rights of the Child (1989 November 20) , Non-governmental organizations , Child soldiers , Children's rights , Human rights , Children (International law)
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2884 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1015249
- Description: The international dilemma of child soldiers is a humanitarian concern throughout the world. The Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers (CSUCS) began in 1998 and is currently the leading collaborative movement to address the issue. However, because of its emphasis on a universal 'Straight 18' approach and support of the Optional Protocol of the Convention on the Rights of a Child (CRC), the CSUCS ignores contextual realities that affect the implementation ofthe international legislation and the development of norms concerning child soldiers. This research project will examine the current international nongovernmental organization (INGO) response to child soldiers- focusing on the CSCUS - and formulate suggestions for potential avenues to further INGO involvement with policies and projects. The argument is based on a neoliberal institutionalist platform that argues in favour ofiNGOs' ability to successfully influence actions taken by state actors to address human right issues. Highlighting the successful INGO influence on states during the International Campaign to Ban Landmines, I will present this example as a potential model for the Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, and explore the feasibility of this model whilst making suggestions for more effective involvement of INGOs with regard to the issue of child soldiers.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2009
- Authors: VerHage, Alicia
- Date: 2009
- Subjects: International Campaign to Ban Landmines , Convention on the Rights of the Child (1989 November 20) , Non-governmental organizations , Child soldiers , Children's rights , Human rights , Children (International law)
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2884 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1015249
- Description: The international dilemma of child soldiers is a humanitarian concern throughout the world. The Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers (CSUCS) began in 1998 and is currently the leading collaborative movement to address the issue. However, because of its emphasis on a universal 'Straight 18' approach and support of the Optional Protocol of the Convention on the Rights of a Child (CRC), the CSUCS ignores contextual realities that affect the implementation ofthe international legislation and the development of norms concerning child soldiers. This research project will examine the current international nongovernmental organization (INGO) response to child soldiers- focusing on the CSCUS - and formulate suggestions for potential avenues to further INGO involvement with policies and projects. The argument is based on a neoliberal institutionalist platform that argues in favour ofiNGOs' ability to successfully influence actions taken by state actors to address human right issues. Highlighting the successful INGO influence on states during the International Campaign to Ban Landmines, I will present this example as a potential model for the Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, and explore the feasibility of this model whilst making suggestions for more effective involvement of INGOs with regard to the issue of child soldiers.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2009
Understanding propaganda: Noam Chomsky and the institutional analysis of power
- Authors: Cathey, Paul Eben
- Date: 2009
- Subjects: Chomsky, Noam -- Political and social views Propaganda Gramsci, Antonio, 1891-1937 -- Political and social views Social classes
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2765 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002975
- Description: This thesis argues that Noam Chomsky’s theory of propaganda is a useful way to understand class domination. The strengths and weaknesses of Chomsky’s theory are examined by means of a comparison with Antonio Gramsci’s theory of cultural hegemony. Since work that discusses and analyses Chomsky’s theory is sparse, this piece first gives a detailed explanation of his theory. This requires a short clarification of Chomsky’s terminology, focusing on his definitions of indoctrination and class. Thereafter a thorough account of Chomsky’s ideas regarding class structure, the indoctrinating functions of educational and media institutions and the difference between upper and lower class propaganda are discussed. A common criticism of Chomsky’s arguments is that they are conspiratorial. Thus, following the discussion of Chomsky’s theory I present an argument that Chomsky uses an institutional analysis as opposed to conspiracy theory to reach his conclusions. After arguing that Chomsky has a coherent, logical theory of propaganda that is not conspiratorial, this thesis shifts to a comparison of Chomsky and Gramsci’s theory. The elements of Gramsci’s theory that are relevant to Chomsky are discussed, focusing on their overall similarities, in particular, the question of consent. The final chapter consists of a comparison of the two theories, examining each theorist’s ideas on the nature of education, language, consent and the possible ways in which the lower classes can oppose their own oppression.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2009
- Authors: Cathey, Paul Eben
- Date: 2009
- Subjects: Chomsky, Noam -- Political and social views Propaganda Gramsci, Antonio, 1891-1937 -- Political and social views Social classes
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2765 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002975
- Description: This thesis argues that Noam Chomsky’s theory of propaganda is a useful way to understand class domination. The strengths and weaknesses of Chomsky’s theory are examined by means of a comparison with Antonio Gramsci’s theory of cultural hegemony. Since work that discusses and analyses Chomsky’s theory is sparse, this piece first gives a detailed explanation of his theory. This requires a short clarification of Chomsky’s terminology, focusing on his definitions of indoctrination and class. Thereafter a thorough account of Chomsky’s ideas regarding class structure, the indoctrinating functions of educational and media institutions and the difference between upper and lower class propaganda are discussed. A common criticism of Chomsky’s arguments is that they are conspiratorial. Thus, following the discussion of Chomsky’s theory I present an argument that Chomsky uses an institutional analysis as opposed to conspiracy theory to reach his conclusions. After arguing that Chomsky has a coherent, logical theory of propaganda that is not conspiratorial, this thesis shifts to a comparison of Chomsky and Gramsci’s theory. The elements of Gramsci’s theory that are relevant to Chomsky are discussed, focusing on their overall similarities, in particular, the question of consent. The final chapter consists of a comparison of the two theories, examining each theorist’s ideas on the nature of education, language, consent and the possible ways in which the lower classes can oppose their own oppression.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2009
Commodity fetishism and domination: the contributions of Marx, Lukács, Horkheimer, Adorno and Bourdieu
- Authors: Lloyd, Gareth
- Date: 2008
- Subjects: Marx, Karl, 1818-1883 Lukács, György, 1885-1971 Horkheimer, Max, 1895-1973 Adorno, Theodor W., 1903-1969 Bourdieu, Pierre, 1930-2002 Commodity fetishism Capitalism Consumption (Economics) Marxian economics
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2795 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003005
- Description: This thesis seeks to trace domination theory back to the influential work done by Marx on commodity fetishism. Marx's work proves to be an original account of domination that explains how the dominated many accept the rule of the privileged few. The theory of commodity fetishism develops the idea that individuals come to adopt beliefs that bolster and reproduce the status quo of capitalism. For Marx, the way that individuals experience capitalism is different from the way that it actually works because, in fact, lived experience is actually false. Oppression, inequality and exploitation are thus hidden and the main source of conflict between the oppressed many and the privileged few is obscured. I seek to develop this insight of Marx's into a more comprehensive account of how dominating capitalism self maintains. Lukács' theory of reification explains how capitalism has become all-embracing because capitalism has developed its own type of rationality. This specific rationality shapes thought, which in turn, generates false beliefs that favour the continuation of the status quo. Horkheimer and Adorno argue that capitalism extends its influence by means of its deep involvement in modern culture. Today, culture has become an massive industry which inculcates the logic and principles of capitalism into individuals. For these theorists, capitalism has penetrated all areas of life; experience, knowledge and thought have become extensions of capitalism itself. Marx, Lukács, Horkheimer and Adorno give accounts of how false beliefs are put into practice. Hence the importance of the work of Bourdieu. Bourdieu's theory of distinction describes how the status quo in capitalism is maintained by the behaviour of individuals through their daily acts of consumption. I argue that the consumption of commodities reproduces the status quo in two ways: firstly, establishing an upper-class which takes the lead in patterns of consumption, and, secondly, by creating a middle class that follows its example. Finally, I relate Bourdieu's insights to the theories of Marx, Lukács, Horkheimer and Adorno and Bourdieu in order to arrive at a more inclusive account of how.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2008
- Authors: Lloyd, Gareth
- Date: 2008
- Subjects: Marx, Karl, 1818-1883 Lukács, György, 1885-1971 Horkheimer, Max, 1895-1973 Adorno, Theodor W., 1903-1969 Bourdieu, Pierre, 1930-2002 Commodity fetishism Capitalism Consumption (Economics) Marxian economics
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2795 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003005
- Description: This thesis seeks to trace domination theory back to the influential work done by Marx on commodity fetishism. Marx's work proves to be an original account of domination that explains how the dominated many accept the rule of the privileged few. The theory of commodity fetishism develops the idea that individuals come to adopt beliefs that bolster and reproduce the status quo of capitalism. For Marx, the way that individuals experience capitalism is different from the way that it actually works because, in fact, lived experience is actually false. Oppression, inequality and exploitation are thus hidden and the main source of conflict between the oppressed many and the privileged few is obscured. I seek to develop this insight of Marx's into a more comprehensive account of how dominating capitalism self maintains. Lukács' theory of reification explains how capitalism has become all-embracing because capitalism has developed its own type of rationality. This specific rationality shapes thought, which in turn, generates false beliefs that favour the continuation of the status quo. Horkheimer and Adorno argue that capitalism extends its influence by means of its deep involvement in modern culture. Today, culture has become an massive industry which inculcates the logic and principles of capitalism into individuals. For these theorists, capitalism has penetrated all areas of life; experience, knowledge and thought have become extensions of capitalism itself. Marx, Lukács, Horkheimer and Adorno give accounts of how false beliefs are put into practice. Hence the importance of the work of Bourdieu. Bourdieu's theory of distinction describes how the status quo in capitalism is maintained by the behaviour of individuals through their daily acts of consumption. I argue that the consumption of commodities reproduces the status quo in two ways: firstly, establishing an upper-class which takes the lead in patterns of consumption, and, secondly, by creating a middle class that follows its example. Finally, I relate Bourdieu's insights to the theories of Marx, Lukács, Horkheimer and Adorno and Bourdieu in order to arrive at a more inclusive account of how.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2008
Microfinance sustainability versus development objectives: an assessment of the South African environment
- Authors: Hoskinson, Brenda
- Date: 2008
- Subjects: Microfinance -- South Africa South Africa -- Economic conditions -- 1991- Poor -- Finance, Personal Microfinance -- South Africa Case studies
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2782 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002992
- Description: In a world where almost half of the population lives in poverty, the alleviation of poverty is a serious developmental challenge for many states. Microfinance has grown in popularity as a means for achieving poverty reduction all over the world. Due to the success of microfinance institutions, such as the Grameen Bank, in achieving self-sufficiency and improving the lives of its clients, the expectations for similar institutions are high. MFIs attempt to find a balance between business and development goals. It is not necessarily a contradiction to be a business seeking profit as well as being an institution committed to development. However, the values coupled with these two objectives are sometimes conflicting. Thus it is important to see how equilibrium can be achieved and to note what sacrifices must be made in order to reach a balance. This thesis will focus on examining and assessing the challenges faced by South African MFIs in balancing development goals while at the same time having to be self-sufficient. The Small Enterprise Foundation will be used as a case study to consider the particular experiences of a South African MFI. The evaluation of the unique challenges that the South African landscape presents will provide a context in which to understand microfinance operations and a clearer understanding of the particular problems and challenges faced by the South African micro-finance industry in balancing the achievement of development goals against the imperative to be self sustainable in providing services to the poor. Through that understanding the common conception of what makes a “successful” MFI will also be challenged.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2008
- Authors: Hoskinson, Brenda
- Date: 2008
- Subjects: Microfinance -- South Africa South Africa -- Economic conditions -- 1991- Poor -- Finance, Personal Microfinance -- South Africa Case studies
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2782 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002992
- Description: In a world where almost half of the population lives in poverty, the alleviation of poverty is a serious developmental challenge for many states. Microfinance has grown in popularity as a means for achieving poverty reduction all over the world. Due to the success of microfinance institutions, such as the Grameen Bank, in achieving self-sufficiency and improving the lives of its clients, the expectations for similar institutions are high. MFIs attempt to find a balance between business and development goals. It is not necessarily a contradiction to be a business seeking profit as well as being an institution committed to development. However, the values coupled with these two objectives are sometimes conflicting. Thus it is important to see how equilibrium can be achieved and to note what sacrifices must be made in order to reach a balance. This thesis will focus on examining and assessing the challenges faced by South African MFIs in balancing development goals while at the same time having to be self-sufficient. The Small Enterprise Foundation will be used as a case study to consider the particular experiences of a South African MFI. The evaluation of the unique challenges that the South African landscape presents will provide a context in which to understand microfinance operations and a clearer understanding of the particular problems and challenges faced by the South African micro-finance industry in balancing the achievement of development goals against the imperative to be self sustainable in providing services to the poor. Through that understanding the common conception of what makes a “successful” MFI will also be challenged.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2008