The current nature of intra-regional trade in the proposed tripartite free trade area
- Authors: Chibuta, Chisengele
- Date: 2020
- Subjects: Customs unions -- Africa, Southern -- Economic integration , Africa, Southern -- Economic policy , Africa, Southern -- Economic integration , Africa, Southern -- Economic conditions , Tripartite Free Trade Area , Free trade -- Africa, Southern
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MCom
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/146744 , vital:38553
- Description: This thesis examines and analyses the current nature of intra-regional trade between member states of the proposed Tripartite Free Trade Area in order to contribute to an understanding of the potential for intra-regional trade within the region to increase. Trade Complementarity Indexes were used to determine how well the structures of the three founding blocs’ major imports and exports match. The results show that there is a high degree of trade complementarity in the trade of the top 5 major products traded between the regional groups. With the proposed TFTA in place, high trade complementarity could lead to increased trade between the regional groups. Trade Intensity Indexes were used to determine how intensively the three founding blocs trade with one another. Results from the indexes help determine the extent to which the blocs currently view each other as important trading partners and the implications of this for the proposed TFTA. Results show that EAC and SADC as well as EAC and COMESA viewed each other as significant trading partners while SADC and COMESA did not for the majority of the years from 2001 to 2018. With the TFTA in place, intra-regional trade could be strengthened among the members who currently trade intensively because tariffs between them would be progressively eliminated as required by the TFTA Agreement. Revealed Comparative Advantage Indexes were used to gain insights on whether member states have any comparative advantage in their top 5 exports. Results from the indexes were used to determine whether member states have comparative advantage in similar or dissimilar major exports and the implications of this for the proposed TFTA. Results show that member states have revealed comparative advantage in similar products and these products present opportunities for joint-production among member states as well as sectors for product development once the proposed TFTA is in place. Revealed Trade Barrier Indexes were used to gain insights into the extent of ease of market access into each regional bloc’s market. Results from the indexes indicate whether major products imported from each other receive possibly discriminatory or preferential treatment. The results indicate that the majority of the top 5 imports sourced from each region receive preferential treatment. This indicates that there is ease of market access for the top 5 imports sourced from each other and this could promote increased intra-regional trade among member states in these product categories because tariff and non-tariff barriers to trade will be progressively eliminated once the TFTA is in place.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2020
- Authors: Chibuta, Chisengele
- Date: 2020
- Subjects: Customs unions -- Africa, Southern -- Economic integration , Africa, Southern -- Economic policy , Africa, Southern -- Economic integration , Africa, Southern -- Economic conditions , Tripartite Free Trade Area , Free trade -- Africa, Southern
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MCom
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/146744 , vital:38553
- Description: This thesis examines and analyses the current nature of intra-regional trade between member states of the proposed Tripartite Free Trade Area in order to contribute to an understanding of the potential for intra-regional trade within the region to increase. Trade Complementarity Indexes were used to determine how well the structures of the three founding blocs’ major imports and exports match. The results show that there is a high degree of trade complementarity in the trade of the top 5 major products traded between the regional groups. With the proposed TFTA in place, high trade complementarity could lead to increased trade between the regional groups. Trade Intensity Indexes were used to determine how intensively the three founding blocs trade with one another. Results from the indexes help determine the extent to which the blocs currently view each other as important trading partners and the implications of this for the proposed TFTA. Results show that EAC and SADC as well as EAC and COMESA viewed each other as significant trading partners while SADC and COMESA did not for the majority of the years from 2001 to 2018. With the TFTA in place, intra-regional trade could be strengthened among the members who currently trade intensively because tariffs between them would be progressively eliminated as required by the TFTA Agreement. Revealed Comparative Advantage Indexes were used to gain insights on whether member states have any comparative advantage in their top 5 exports. Results from the indexes were used to determine whether member states have comparative advantage in similar or dissimilar major exports and the implications of this for the proposed TFTA. Results show that member states have revealed comparative advantage in similar products and these products present opportunities for joint-production among member states as well as sectors for product development once the proposed TFTA is in place. Revealed Trade Barrier Indexes were used to gain insights into the extent of ease of market access into each regional bloc’s market. Results from the indexes indicate whether major products imported from each other receive possibly discriminatory or preferential treatment. The results indicate that the majority of the top 5 imports sourced from each region receive preferential treatment. This indicates that there is ease of market access for the top 5 imports sourced from each other and this could promote increased intra-regional trade among member states in these product categories because tariff and non-tariff barriers to trade will be progressively eliminated once the TFTA is in place.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2020
Textile and clothing industry competitiveness in the Southern African region
- Authors: Mwamayi, Kibunji Adam
- Date: 2013
- Subjects: Textile industry -- Africa, Southern , Clothing trade -- Africa, Southern , Competition, International , Africa, Southern -- Economic policy
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Doctoral , DPhil
- Identifier: vital:9137 , http://hdl.handle.net/10948/d1018684
- Description: This is a study of the relationship between approaches to people management and competitiveness, by examining the case of the textile and clothing industry in Southern Africa. The textile and clothing industry has historically played a major role in many national economies (including many southern African countries) contributing not only to overall economic growth, but also to the creation of significant numbers of relatively well-paid jobs. In the Southern African Region (SAR), the textile and clothing industry has undergone many structural pressures in the face of increased cheap imports from South-East Asian countries – above all, China and Bangladesh - which have resulted in the closure of many firms, and the significant downsizing of many survivors. This study seeks to explore the relationship between HR practice and organizational sustainability in the textile and clothing industry in Southern Africa region, with a particular emphasis on the cases of three countries: South Africa, Mauritius and the Democratic Republic of the Congo. Whilst at very different stages of national development, and with distinct political and developmental histories, all three countries were subject to active industrial policies, including the development of national clothing and textile industries. Again, all have faced the challenge of sustaining these industries in the face of liberalization and intensive competition from the Far East. This study is based on a multi-method approach, combining in-depth interviews with national industry surveys, and the usage of relevant documentary sources. It takes cognizance of the increasing relevance of new HRM practices and discourses to the growing field of Development Studies in the 21st century. The existing HRM literature suggests that there are a number of alternative people management strategies through which firms may secure their competitiveness, most notably strategic approaches to hard HRM (which treats people as an instrument to be strategically deployed to promote competitiveness), soft HRM (which promotes cooperative approaches to managing people) and traditional labour repression (managing people simply as a cost, to be managed in a short-term, un-strategic manner). The literature on HRM in Africa has suggested an alternative paradigm, which combines autocratic paternalism with elements of communitarianism. This study found that the bulk of firms encompassed by the study employed HR policies that recognizably fell within the soft HRM paradigm, enabling high value added production. However, an important exception lies in the area of security of tenure: firms tended to combine high levels of employee involvement and participation; as well as a commitment to human resource development, along with a persistent reliance on the usage of redundancies to adjust changes in the relative need for labour. Hence, this study highlights the limitations of theoretical approaches which see HR strategies as being necessarily coherent and self-reinforcing. Firms may broadly adhere to one approach, whilst adopting aspects of another as needs arise and in response to external pressures. An important exception to this was Mauritius, in which security of tenure appeared to be stronger, perhaps owing to the greater ease of enforcing regulations against illegal imports in a relatively small island country by allowing firms to plan for the future with greater confidence. In contrast, firms in South Africa were characterized by much lower security of tenure, against a backdrop of declining profits, reflecting the competitive challenges posed not only by legitimate low cost imports, but also illegal imports and the proliferation of rural sweatships. One again, this study highlights the relative fragility of the position of many firms and the continued importance of governmental support, most notably in terms of export incentives, support and facilitation in the adoption of new technologies, as well as better policing against illegal imports.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2013
- Authors: Mwamayi, Kibunji Adam
- Date: 2013
- Subjects: Textile industry -- Africa, Southern , Clothing trade -- Africa, Southern , Competition, International , Africa, Southern -- Economic policy
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Doctoral , DPhil
- Identifier: vital:9137 , http://hdl.handle.net/10948/d1018684
- Description: This is a study of the relationship between approaches to people management and competitiveness, by examining the case of the textile and clothing industry in Southern Africa. The textile and clothing industry has historically played a major role in many national economies (including many southern African countries) contributing not only to overall economic growth, but also to the creation of significant numbers of relatively well-paid jobs. In the Southern African Region (SAR), the textile and clothing industry has undergone many structural pressures in the face of increased cheap imports from South-East Asian countries – above all, China and Bangladesh - which have resulted in the closure of many firms, and the significant downsizing of many survivors. This study seeks to explore the relationship between HR practice and organizational sustainability in the textile and clothing industry in Southern Africa region, with a particular emphasis on the cases of three countries: South Africa, Mauritius and the Democratic Republic of the Congo. Whilst at very different stages of national development, and with distinct political and developmental histories, all three countries were subject to active industrial policies, including the development of national clothing and textile industries. Again, all have faced the challenge of sustaining these industries in the face of liberalization and intensive competition from the Far East. This study is based on a multi-method approach, combining in-depth interviews with national industry surveys, and the usage of relevant documentary sources. It takes cognizance of the increasing relevance of new HRM practices and discourses to the growing field of Development Studies in the 21st century. The existing HRM literature suggests that there are a number of alternative people management strategies through which firms may secure their competitiveness, most notably strategic approaches to hard HRM (which treats people as an instrument to be strategically deployed to promote competitiveness), soft HRM (which promotes cooperative approaches to managing people) and traditional labour repression (managing people simply as a cost, to be managed in a short-term, un-strategic manner). The literature on HRM in Africa has suggested an alternative paradigm, which combines autocratic paternalism with elements of communitarianism. This study found that the bulk of firms encompassed by the study employed HR policies that recognizably fell within the soft HRM paradigm, enabling high value added production. However, an important exception lies in the area of security of tenure: firms tended to combine high levels of employee involvement and participation; as well as a commitment to human resource development, along with a persistent reliance on the usage of redundancies to adjust changes in the relative need for labour. Hence, this study highlights the limitations of theoretical approaches which see HR strategies as being necessarily coherent and self-reinforcing. Firms may broadly adhere to one approach, whilst adopting aspects of another as needs arise and in response to external pressures. An important exception to this was Mauritius, in which security of tenure appeared to be stronger, perhaps owing to the greater ease of enforcing regulations against illegal imports in a relatively small island country by allowing firms to plan for the future with greater confidence. In contrast, firms in South Africa were characterized by much lower security of tenure, against a backdrop of declining profits, reflecting the competitive challenges posed not only by legitimate low cost imports, but also illegal imports and the proliferation of rural sweatships. One again, this study highlights the relative fragility of the position of many firms and the continued importance of governmental support, most notably in terms of export incentives, support and facilitation in the adoption of new technologies, as well as better policing against illegal imports.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2013
From confrontation to co-operation: new security challenges facing post-apartheid Southern Africa
- Authors: Monnakgotla, Kgomotso
- Date: 1998
- Subjects: Economic security -- Africa, Southern , Cooperation -- Africa, Southern , Africa, Southern -- Economic policy , Africa, Southern -- Foreign relations
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2807 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003017 , Economic security -- Africa, Southern , Cooperation -- Africa, Southern , Africa, Southern -- Economic policy , Africa, Southern -- Foreign relations
- Description: Trite as it may sound, the end of the Cold War is a landmark event in the history of human-kind. As such, this thesis was motivated by some of the international and local events that have taken place since the end of the 1980s. At the international level, the end of the Cold War has encouraged the re-examination of the concept of security. In Southern Africa too, this process has been strengthened by the demise of apartheid in South Africa. Initially challenged by a few academics, the traditional conception of security which perceived the threat to 'national' security primarily in the form of external military aggression no longer enjoys the primacy it was accorded during the Cold War era. A 'new' security discourse has emerged, and even though it has not yet made inroads into many governments' policy papers, there is some realisation that people's security concerns go beyond external military aggression to the state. Proponents of this 'new' thinking make reference to people-centred or human security - the notion that people and not the state, must be the objects of security. Arising from that, they point to the existence of many phenomena which should also be accorded security status especially in developing countries where people are confronted by life-threatening challenges such as disease, poverty, famine, and other challenges which do not necessarily threaten life, but if not tackled with urgency could transform themselves into the more conventional military threats. Here reference is made to the proliferation of small arms, political instability, mass migr?tions, and so on. In a region besotted by many of the challenges mentioned above, a security conception informed by the 'new' approach seems more appropriate. The outcome of the traditional approach to security is well known to the region many millions of lives were lost and it is estimated that billions of dollars in revenue were also lost, all in the name of maintaining the security of the South African state. Seeing neighbouring states as threats to its security because they accommodated liberation movements who occasionally instigated military attacks against Pretoria, the former apartheid state through its policy of 'Total Strategy' terrorised the entire region, including the majority of citizens within South Africa. However, since the end of apartheid in 1994, the new democratically elected South African government has committed itself to help build a politically stable, more secure, economically prosperous and integrated region. Through its accession to the Southern African Development Community (SADC), a body which it once tried to undermine, South Africa has further demonstrated a commitment to tackle some of the region's problems in unison with its former adversaries. Throughout the Southern African region there is a realisation that there are more long-term benefits to be gained by working together to tackle the challenges that confront almost all the countries in the region than trying to solve problems independently. Therefore through SADC, primarily a development-oriented body, Southern African states will also seek to address the region's security concerns. Many of the region's governments seem to show an understanding that security and development are intertwined - that they are two sides of the same coin whereby one cannot be attained without the other. Much as this understanding is laudable, in practice it does not seem as if it will translate to the prominence of so-called development issues or marginal security issues. Accepting the 'new' thinking on security also implies an acceptance of a wider range of security agents. It does not mean that by widening the agenda of security to include nonmilitary threats, more tasks will follow for the 'men' in uniform. What it means is that, the military establishment should no longer be the sole agent of security. Instead, where there is no military threat, resources should be channeled to other establishments such as those of health and research in order to fight the spread of AIDS. Furthermore, departments of water, environmental affairs, and so on, should be part of the security policy-making process. In addition, civil society should also be included in the policy-making process. Notwithstanding its limitations, and without undermining inter-governmental projects, civil society can at best promote security by serving as a watch-dog over policies adopted by governments. South Africa during the era of apartheid is a classic example of how governments cannot always be entrusted with the security of ordinary citizens. However, an examination of the structure and terms of reference of the newly created SADC Organ for Politics, Defence and Security (from henceforth referred to as the Organ) reflects a preponderance of the traditional/realist approach to addressing security concerns. It was conceived by, and is primarily constituted by the traditional establishments of security, that is, the military and the police. Some of the Organ's objectives include; security and defence cooperation through conflict prevention, management and resolution and mediation of disputes and conflicts. Nowhere is it evident that others besides those from a military/police background were involved in the formation of this important body. There is also no indication as to how other dimensions of security will be attained through the Organ. All this casts doubt regarding SADC's actual commitment to a development-oriented, people-centred and people-driven security. Nonetheless, current debates on security give hope to the notion that in the future, people's overall security needs will be addressed.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1998
- Authors: Monnakgotla, Kgomotso
- Date: 1998
- Subjects: Economic security -- Africa, Southern , Cooperation -- Africa, Southern , Africa, Southern -- Economic policy , Africa, Southern -- Foreign relations
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2807 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003017 , Economic security -- Africa, Southern , Cooperation -- Africa, Southern , Africa, Southern -- Economic policy , Africa, Southern -- Foreign relations
- Description: Trite as it may sound, the end of the Cold War is a landmark event in the history of human-kind. As such, this thesis was motivated by some of the international and local events that have taken place since the end of the 1980s. At the international level, the end of the Cold War has encouraged the re-examination of the concept of security. In Southern Africa too, this process has been strengthened by the demise of apartheid in South Africa. Initially challenged by a few academics, the traditional conception of security which perceived the threat to 'national' security primarily in the form of external military aggression no longer enjoys the primacy it was accorded during the Cold War era. A 'new' security discourse has emerged, and even though it has not yet made inroads into many governments' policy papers, there is some realisation that people's security concerns go beyond external military aggression to the state. Proponents of this 'new' thinking make reference to people-centred or human security - the notion that people and not the state, must be the objects of security. Arising from that, they point to the existence of many phenomena which should also be accorded security status especially in developing countries where people are confronted by life-threatening challenges such as disease, poverty, famine, and other challenges which do not necessarily threaten life, but if not tackled with urgency could transform themselves into the more conventional military threats. Here reference is made to the proliferation of small arms, political instability, mass migr?tions, and so on. In a region besotted by many of the challenges mentioned above, a security conception informed by the 'new' approach seems more appropriate. The outcome of the traditional approach to security is well known to the region many millions of lives were lost and it is estimated that billions of dollars in revenue were also lost, all in the name of maintaining the security of the South African state. Seeing neighbouring states as threats to its security because they accommodated liberation movements who occasionally instigated military attacks against Pretoria, the former apartheid state through its policy of 'Total Strategy' terrorised the entire region, including the majority of citizens within South Africa. However, since the end of apartheid in 1994, the new democratically elected South African government has committed itself to help build a politically stable, more secure, economically prosperous and integrated region. Through its accession to the Southern African Development Community (SADC), a body which it once tried to undermine, South Africa has further demonstrated a commitment to tackle some of the region's problems in unison with its former adversaries. Throughout the Southern African region there is a realisation that there are more long-term benefits to be gained by working together to tackle the challenges that confront almost all the countries in the region than trying to solve problems independently. Therefore through SADC, primarily a development-oriented body, Southern African states will also seek to address the region's security concerns. Many of the region's governments seem to show an understanding that security and development are intertwined - that they are two sides of the same coin whereby one cannot be attained without the other. Much as this understanding is laudable, in practice it does not seem as if it will translate to the prominence of so-called development issues or marginal security issues. Accepting the 'new' thinking on security also implies an acceptance of a wider range of security agents. It does not mean that by widening the agenda of security to include nonmilitary threats, more tasks will follow for the 'men' in uniform. What it means is that, the military establishment should no longer be the sole agent of security. Instead, where there is no military threat, resources should be channeled to other establishments such as those of health and research in order to fight the spread of AIDS. Furthermore, departments of water, environmental affairs, and so on, should be part of the security policy-making process. In addition, civil society should also be included in the policy-making process. Notwithstanding its limitations, and without undermining inter-governmental projects, civil society can at best promote security by serving as a watch-dog over policies adopted by governments. South Africa during the era of apartheid is a classic example of how governments cannot always be entrusted with the security of ordinary citizens. However, an examination of the structure and terms of reference of the newly created SADC Organ for Politics, Defence and Security (from henceforth referred to as the Organ) reflects a preponderance of the traditional/realist approach to addressing security concerns. It was conceived by, and is primarily constituted by the traditional establishments of security, that is, the military and the police. Some of the Organ's objectives include; security and defence cooperation through conflict prevention, management and resolution and mediation of disputes and conflicts. Nowhere is it evident that others besides those from a military/police background were involved in the formation of this important body. There is also no indication as to how other dimensions of security will be attained through the Organ. All this casts doubt regarding SADC's actual commitment to a development-oriented, people-centred and people-driven security. Nonetheless, current debates on security give hope to the notion that in the future, people's overall security needs will be addressed.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1998
- «
- ‹
- 1
- ›
- »