The economic rationale and modalities for rural infrastructure development: developmental local government in rural service delivery
- Stilwell, Ted, Atkinson, Doreen
- Authors: Stilwell, Ted , Atkinson, Doreen
- Date: 1999-09
- Subjects: Rural development -- South Africa , South Africa -- Economic conditions , Infrastructure (Economics) -- South Africa , Sustainable development -- South Africa , Local government -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: text , book
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/73841 , vital:30234 , 1919692444
- Description: The Policy Unit of the Development Bank of Southern Africa (DBSA) has developed a number of strategic themes embracing many cross-cutting issues. The main thrust of the Unit’s work, however, focuses on the core mandate of the Bank - infrastructure. In order to provide for a coherent whole, rural infrastructure must fit into a broader policy framework. Globally, the goals set for the first two decades of the next millennium are to address poverty and achieve food security. The DBSA can contribute to South Africa’s position on these global themes by addressing the issue of rural infrastructure delivery, taking cognisance of the South African government’s Growth, Employment and Redistribution (GEAR) programme. This discussion document will specifically address the local economic development activities of farm production and rural livelihoods in order to achieve food security, address poverty and foster economic growth in the marginalised, infrastructure-deprived rural areas of the country. It is assumed that additional entrepreneurial economic opportunities will arise at village and town level as producers become nett surplus producers, eg in small grain milling, cottage industry, village markets, processing (value adding), etc. In contrast to urban development, where economic activity is assumed by investing in infrastructure, the DBSA will actively have to support the transformation of economic activity in the rural scenario. One of the past successes of the DBSA has been the introduction of the Farmer Support Programme (FSP). The FSP’s provision of services and support, based on the needs of existing smallholders, is embedded in participatory planning and action. Without local initiatives, rural infrastructure cannot be delivered effectively to bolster economic growth, create jobs and redistribute income. Most of the country’s poor live in rural areas, and without rural development there can be no GEAR. Life in these areas needs to be made liveable by encouraging entrepreneurial development, which includes facilitating agriculture, creating jobs and increasing rural income through appropriate government actions for improving the welfare of rural households. One of the ways in which national, provincial and local government could have a broad-based impact is by providing rural economic infrastructure and, to this end, local government, including regional and district councils, has been mandated to develop integrated development plans. These plans have to include economic development plans, and entrepreneurial development has been singled out as important in this regard. From this it follows that district councils and municipalities have a prime responsibility for developing entrepreneurs, including farmers in their rural constituency.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1999-09
- Authors: Stilwell, Ted , Atkinson, Doreen
- Date: 1999-09
- Subjects: Rural development -- South Africa , South Africa -- Economic conditions , Infrastructure (Economics) -- South Africa , Sustainable development -- South Africa , Local government -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: text , book
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/73841 , vital:30234 , 1919692444
- Description: The Policy Unit of the Development Bank of Southern Africa (DBSA) has developed a number of strategic themes embracing many cross-cutting issues. The main thrust of the Unit’s work, however, focuses on the core mandate of the Bank - infrastructure. In order to provide for a coherent whole, rural infrastructure must fit into a broader policy framework. Globally, the goals set for the first two decades of the next millennium are to address poverty and achieve food security. The DBSA can contribute to South Africa’s position on these global themes by addressing the issue of rural infrastructure delivery, taking cognisance of the South African government’s Growth, Employment and Redistribution (GEAR) programme. This discussion document will specifically address the local economic development activities of farm production and rural livelihoods in order to achieve food security, address poverty and foster economic growth in the marginalised, infrastructure-deprived rural areas of the country. It is assumed that additional entrepreneurial economic opportunities will arise at village and town level as producers become nett surplus producers, eg in small grain milling, cottage industry, village markets, processing (value adding), etc. In contrast to urban development, where economic activity is assumed by investing in infrastructure, the DBSA will actively have to support the transformation of economic activity in the rural scenario. One of the past successes of the DBSA has been the introduction of the Farmer Support Programme (FSP). The FSP’s provision of services and support, based on the needs of existing smallholders, is embedded in participatory planning and action. Without local initiatives, rural infrastructure cannot be delivered effectively to bolster economic growth, create jobs and redistribute income. Most of the country’s poor live in rural areas, and without rural development there can be no GEAR. Life in these areas needs to be made liveable by encouraging entrepreneurial development, which includes facilitating agriculture, creating jobs and increasing rural income through appropriate government actions for improving the welfare of rural households. One of the ways in which national, provincial and local government could have a broad-based impact is by providing rural economic infrastructure and, to this end, local government, including regional and district councils, has been mandated to develop integrated development plans. These plans have to include economic development plans, and entrepreneurial development has been singled out as important in this regard. From this it follows that district councils and municipalities have a prime responsibility for developing entrepreneurs, including farmers in their rural constituency.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1999-09
October elections: a recipe for conflict?
- National Union of South African Students
- Authors: National Union of South African Students
- Date: 1988
- Subjects: Elections -- South Africa , Local elections -- South Africa , Local government -- South Africa , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1978-1989
- Language: English
- Type: text , book
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/72773 , vital:30112
- Description: On October 26 1988, for the first time in the country’s history, South Africans of all races will be expected to go to the polls to elect their local government representatives. Never before have these elections been held together on the same day. That is about all that is historically "new" about the coming local authority elections. Yet to the government, the forthcoming municipal elections are all-important. So much so, that it is now an offense to call on people to boycott the elections. This booklet will attempt to find some explanations for why the coming municipal elections are so important to the government. How do they fit into the National Party’s political plans for the country and, most importantly, how do the majority of politically unrepresented South Africans view the elections and the structures of local government?
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1988
- Authors: National Union of South African Students
- Date: 1988
- Subjects: Elections -- South Africa , Local elections -- South Africa , Local government -- South Africa , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1978-1989
- Language: English
- Type: text , book
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/72773 , vital:30112
- Description: On October 26 1988, for the first time in the country’s history, South Africans of all races will be expected to go to the polls to elect their local government representatives. Never before have these elections been held together on the same day. That is about all that is historically "new" about the coming local authority elections. Yet to the government, the forthcoming municipal elections are all-important. So much so, that it is now an offense to call on people to boycott the elections. This booklet will attempt to find some explanations for why the coming municipal elections are so important to the government. How do they fit into the National Party’s political plans for the country and, most importantly, how do the majority of politically unrepresented South Africans view the elections and the structures of local government?
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1988
Conference on the History of Opposition in Southern Africa
- Authors: Dison, David
- Date: 1978-01-27-30
- Subjects: South Africa -- Politics and government -- Congresses , South Africa -- Social conditions -- Congresses , Local government -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: text , book
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/66567 , vital:28964
- Description: It is certainly true that a number of the men who have sat in homeland representative councils live in white areas. Apartheid idealogues draw two inferences from this observation. Firstly, that as the policy of separate development unfolds, urban representation in homeland councils will be a continuing trend. Secondly, that the political aspirations of urban blacks can be fulfilled in the homeland political arena. (1) Both of these conclusions can be refuted at the empirical level alone. With regard to the first, Kotze himself inadvertently provides us with evidence to the contrary. Of the seven representatives " from white urban areas" whom he mentions, four of these men were forced out of the homeland political arena, in 1975 alone. Collins Ramusi and Mageza, having become "interior ministers" for their homelands (Lebowa and Gazankulu respectively) were forced to leave their positions towards the beginning of that year, and Barney Dladla, Executive Councillor for Community Affairs in Buthelezi's KwaZulu cabinet, was ousted as well. Baldwin Mudau’s Venda Independence People’s party suffered continual harassment and was thwarted in its attempts to hold elections in Venda. It was decided to examine the cases of Mudau and Mageza in greater depth to explain how the demise in their roles as ’homeland politicians’ occurred. This examination revealed the fallaciousness of the second and central inference mentioned earlier. It was shown that although these men lived and worked in the city, their electoral support did not come from the urban areas. Once it was established that their electoral base was in fact a predominantly rural one, the refutation of this second theme became complete. On a purely empirical level then, the contentions of Kotze et al were refuted. But to merely refute these ideological statements by providing evidence to the contrary does not answer the questions that have arisen as a result of the investigation. , Opposition politics in Venda and Gazenkulu
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1978-01-27-30
- Authors: Dison, David
- Date: 1978-01-27-30
- Subjects: South Africa -- Politics and government -- Congresses , South Africa -- Social conditions -- Congresses , Local government -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: text , book
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/66567 , vital:28964
- Description: It is certainly true that a number of the men who have sat in homeland representative councils live in white areas. Apartheid idealogues draw two inferences from this observation. Firstly, that as the policy of separate development unfolds, urban representation in homeland councils will be a continuing trend. Secondly, that the political aspirations of urban blacks can be fulfilled in the homeland political arena. (1) Both of these conclusions can be refuted at the empirical level alone. With regard to the first, Kotze himself inadvertently provides us with evidence to the contrary. Of the seven representatives " from white urban areas" whom he mentions, four of these men were forced out of the homeland political arena, in 1975 alone. Collins Ramusi and Mageza, having become "interior ministers" for their homelands (Lebowa and Gazankulu respectively) were forced to leave their positions towards the beginning of that year, and Barney Dladla, Executive Councillor for Community Affairs in Buthelezi's KwaZulu cabinet, was ousted as well. Baldwin Mudau’s Venda Independence People’s party suffered continual harassment and was thwarted in its attempts to hold elections in Venda. It was decided to examine the cases of Mudau and Mageza in greater depth to explain how the demise in their roles as ’homeland politicians’ occurred. This examination revealed the fallaciousness of the second and central inference mentioned earlier. It was shown that although these men lived and worked in the city, their electoral support did not come from the urban areas. Once it was established that their electoral base was in fact a predominantly rural one, the refutation of this second theme became complete. On a purely empirical level then, the contentions of Kotze et al were refuted. But to merely refute these ideological statements by providing evidence to the contrary does not answer the questions that have arisen as a result of the investigation. , Opposition politics in Venda and Gazenkulu
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1978-01-27-30
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