The response of the South African Police Service in the prevention and management of domestic violence
- Authors: Steinsland, Linda Renate
- Date: 2012
- Subjects: Restorative justice -- South Africa , Police|xResponse time -- South Africa , Family violence -- Prevention
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPhil
- Identifier: vital:8305 , http://hdl.handle.net/10948/d1019982
- Description: The levels of crime and violence in South Africa seem to go hand in hand with the increase in the number of police practitioners. However, despite all the work going into it, “nothing seems to reduce the general trend” (Burger 2007:1). Domestic violence, for instance, is one of the major challenges practitioners are faced with on a daily basis at all levels in South Africa (Bendall 2010:100). Nonetheless, the country has yet to recognise this specific type of violence as a crime in their official crime statistics (SAPS 2010). Domestic violence has, in fact, struggled to become recognised as one of the most serious types of crime in today‟s society. This might be explained in terms of the developments that have occurred – both in international research and in the domestic realm – especially in terms of the ever-changing nuclear family. However, this could also be explained in the way such violence is treated by the South African Police Service. Nonetheless, it appears that a significant amount of research has been undertaken on the nature and impact of domestic violence, including the various responses and strategies to its management. However, it seems as though no-one can come up with a proper solution to this problem. In terms of violence in general, a number of different researchers in the field have suggested possible explanations to the problem. Burton, for instance, explained violence in terms of the neglect of basic human needs, the need for identity and the need for control. This author suggested that if these basic needs are frustrated, violence could be expected to occur, including violence within the family. Moreover, some violent behaviour could be described in terms of a loss of control of the situation and the management thereof. It is especially in these circumstances that conflict management techniques are to be highly recommended. Mediation – or facilitation – collectively referred to as restorative justice – is an example of such a technique. However, the question of whether or not to include mediation has been subject to much discussion amongst scholars in the field. As one of the main roles of the police is to prevent violence, and to protect the citizens from harm, it would be appropriate for the purpose of this study, to focus specifically on the SAPS and their response to cases of domestic violence. Their lived experiences are evaluated in terms of the existing legal framework, as well as in the light of other empirical research.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2012
- Authors: Steinsland, Linda Renate
- Date: 2012
- Subjects: Restorative justice -- South Africa , Police|xResponse time -- South Africa , Family violence -- Prevention
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPhil
- Identifier: vital:8305 , http://hdl.handle.net/10948/d1019982
- Description: The levels of crime and violence in South Africa seem to go hand in hand with the increase in the number of police practitioners. However, despite all the work going into it, “nothing seems to reduce the general trend” (Burger 2007:1). Domestic violence, for instance, is one of the major challenges practitioners are faced with on a daily basis at all levels in South Africa (Bendall 2010:100). Nonetheless, the country has yet to recognise this specific type of violence as a crime in their official crime statistics (SAPS 2010). Domestic violence has, in fact, struggled to become recognised as one of the most serious types of crime in today‟s society. This might be explained in terms of the developments that have occurred – both in international research and in the domestic realm – especially in terms of the ever-changing nuclear family. However, this could also be explained in the way such violence is treated by the South African Police Service. Nonetheless, it appears that a significant amount of research has been undertaken on the nature and impact of domestic violence, including the various responses and strategies to its management. However, it seems as though no-one can come up with a proper solution to this problem. In terms of violence in general, a number of different researchers in the field have suggested possible explanations to the problem. Burton, for instance, explained violence in terms of the neglect of basic human needs, the need for identity and the need for control. This author suggested that if these basic needs are frustrated, violence could be expected to occur, including violence within the family. Moreover, some violent behaviour could be described in terms of a loss of control of the situation and the management thereof. It is especially in these circumstances that conflict management techniques are to be highly recommended. Mediation – or facilitation – collectively referred to as restorative justice – is an example of such a technique. However, the question of whether or not to include mediation has been subject to much discussion amongst scholars in the field. As one of the main roles of the police is to prevent violence, and to protect the citizens from harm, it would be appropriate for the purpose of this study, to focus specifically on the SAPS and their response to cases of domestic violence. Their lived experiences are evaluated in terms of the existing legal framework, as well as in the light of other empirical research.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2012
The role of municipal public accounts committee in the financial management of Intsika Yethu local municipality
- Authors: Xego Nomonde
- Date: 2012
- Subjects: Municipal finance--South Africa--Eastern Cape , Public finance--South Africa--Eastern Cape
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPhil
- Identifier: vital:8183 , http://hdl.handle.net/10948/d1007958 , Municipal finance--South Africa--Eastern Cape , Public finance--South Africa--Eastern Cape
- Description: In an attempt to address the challenges of audit queries in a sustainable way and improve service delivery. Municipality should deal with causes of disclaimer and adverse opinion which are reflected on their audit report. This study focuses on the role of the Municipal Public Accounts Committee in the financial management of the Intsika Yethu Local Municipality. Challenges facing the Municipal Public Accounts Committee include lack of capacity, lack of co-operation from municipal departments and lack of knowledge and skill in municipal management. This study investigated the role of the Municipal Public Accounts Committee in the financial management of the Intsika Yethu Local Municipality. Particular attention was paid to the various roles played by the Municipal Public Accounts Committee making a contribution towards improving municipal financial management.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2012
- Authors: Xego Nomonde
- Date: 2012
- Subjects: Municipal finance--South Africa--Eastern Cape , Public finance--South Africa--Eastern Cape
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPhil
- Identifier: vital:8183 , http://hdl.handle.net/10948/d1007958 , Municipal finance--South Africa--Eastern Cape , Public finance--South Africa--Eastern Cape
- Description: In an attempt to address the challenges of audit queries in a sustainable way and improve service delivery. Municipality should deal with causes of disclaimer and adverse opinion which are reflected on their audit report. This study focuses on the role of the Municipal Public Accounts Committee in the financial management of the Intsika Yethu Local Municipality. Challenges facing the Municipal Public Accounts Committee include lack of capacity, lack of co-operation from municipal departments and lack of knowledge and skill in municipal management. This study investigated the role of the Municipal Public Accounts Committee in the financial management of the Intsika Yethu Local Municipality. Particular attention was paid to the various roles played by the Municipal Public Accounts Committee making a contribution towards improving municipal financial management.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2012
The social and political identities of coloured women in the northern areas of Port Elizabeth
- Authors: Barker, Celeste Heloise
- Date: 2012
- Subjects: Women, Colored -- South Africa -- Port Elizabeth , Colored people (South Africa) -- Race identity , Ethnicity -- South Africa -- Port Elizabeth
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPhil
- Identifier: vital:8261 , http://hdl.handle.net/10948/d1013081
- Description: This treatise explores the social and political identity of coloured women in the Nelson Mandela Bay Metro (NMBM) with the intention of understanding why some stereotypes of coloured women‟s identity have endured since colonialism in South Africa. Topic selection was stimulated by heated public response to a newspaper article (“Jou Ma se Kinders” (Your Mother‟s Children), (Roberts 2011: http://www.lifeissavage.com/) which negatively labeled and pigeon-holed coloured women‟s identity. With the notable exception of the Saartje Baartman story, most text selection in the Literature Review (Chapter 2) was informed by research in the Western Cape because studies have a patriarchal bias and there are scant records of coloured women‟s lives and identity in the East Cape, Port Elizabeth and the NMBM. The study includes select readings of literary theory and South African fiction from which examples were chosen to illustrate the longevity of stereotypes attached to coloured women‟s identity. Commemorative narrative highlights the role coloured women played and continue to play as their alternative histories or counter narratives embed alternative histories in group identity. A comparative historical analysis of racist and gendered policies and practices contextualises the social construction of coloured women‟s identity from the colonial period to the present time and a focus group discussion among ten female evictees from South End and Richmond ] Hill in Port Elizabeth (PE) generated rich details of coloured women‟s lives and experience in Port Elizabeth and the NMBM. Findings are captured in four themes: Living, Loving and Laughing; Religion and Resistance; Hardship and Trauma and Identity and Ambivalence. These themes highlight nostalgia, courage and humour; the special role played by religious affiliation and coloured people‟s successful resistance to the demolition and deconsecration of places of worship in PE together with pride and a sense of achievement which continues to influence coloured women‟s political identity in the NMBM. Police brutality, everyday racism and sexism, the impact of apartheid on matriculants and the influence of petty apartheid on coloured women‟s lives and identity, as well as participants‟ contradictory perceptions of their post-apartheid social and political identity which continue to be defined by a deficit discourse, are discussed and described in Chapter 4. Focus Group findings locate coloured women‟s identity in a milieu of racist and gendered laws, policies and practices. It is suggested that sexualised stereotypes of coloured women‟s commodification and second class status persist regardless of the South African transition to a constitutional democracy. Evidence is presented of coloured women as bounded storytellers who create a counter narrative to apartheid justification of forced removals.It is suggested that the counter narrative is a vehicle for group support, affirmation and the recovery of roots, identity and post apartheid heritage including records and memorabilia displayed in the South End Museum. As the field is under-researched it is recommended that further research should be conducted to include studies of the social and political identity of an expanded sample of coloured women representative of diverse ages and backgrounds in the rural and urban areas of South Africa.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2012
- Authors: Barker, Celeste Heloise
- Date: 2012
- Subjects: Women, Colored -- South Africa -- Port Elizabeth , Colored people (South Africa) -- Race identity , Ethnicity -- South Africa -- Port Elizabeth
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPhil
- Identifier: vital:8261 , http://hdl.handle.net/10948/d1013081
- Description: This treatise explores the social and political identity of coloured women in the Nelson Mandela Bay Metro (NMBM) with the intention of understanding why some stereotypes of coloured women‟s identity have endured since colonialism in South Africa. Topic selection was stimulated by heated public response to a newspaper article (“Jou Ma se Kinders” (Your Mother‟s Children), (Roberts 2011: http://www.lifeissavage.com/) which negatively labeled and pigeon-holed coloured women‟s identity. With the notable exception of the Saartje Baartman story, most text selection in the Literature Review (Chapter 2) was informed by research in the Western Cape because studies have a patriarchal bias and there are scant records of coloured women‟s lives and identity in the East Cape, Port Elizabeth and the NMBM. The study includes select readings of literary theory and South African fiction from which examples were chosen to illustrate the longevity of stereotypes attached to coloured women‟s identity. Commemorative narrative highlights the role coloured women played and continue to play as their alternative histories or counter narratives embed alternative histories in group identity. A comparative historical analysis of racist and gendered policies and practices contextualises the social construction of coloured women‟s identity from the colonial period to the present time and a focus group discussion among ten female evictees from South End and Richmond ] Hill in Port Elizabeth (PE) generated rich details of coloured women‟s lives and experience in Port Elizabeth and the NMBM. Findings are captured in four themes: Living, Loving and Laughing; Religion and Resistance; Hardship and Trauma and Identity and Ambivalence. These themes highlight nostalgia, courage and humour; the special role played by religious affiliation and coloured people‟s successful resistance to the demolition and deconsecration of places of worship in PE together with pride and a sense of achievement which continues to influence coloured women‟s political identity in the NMBM. Police brutality, everyday racism and sexism, the impact of apartheid on matriculants and the influence of petty apartheid on coloured women‟s lives and identity, as well as participants‟ contradictory perceptions of their post-apartheid social and political identity which continue to be defined by a deficit discourse, are discussed and described in Chapter 4. Focus Group findings locate coloured women‟s identity in a milieu of racist and gendered laws, policies and practices. It is suggested that sexualised stereotypes of coloured women‟s commodification and second class status persist regardless of the South African transition to a constitutional democracy. Evidence is presented of coloured women as bounded storytellers who create a counter narrative to apartheid justification of forced removals.It is suggested that the counter narrative is a vehicle for group support, affirmation and the recovery of roots, identity and post apartheid heritage including records and memorabilia displayed in the South End Museum. As the field is under-researched it is recommended that further research should be conducted to include studies of the social and political identity of an expanded sample of coloured women representative of diverse ages and backgrounds in the rural and urban areas of South Africa.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2012
The South African Communist Party and its prospects for achieving socialism in a democratic South Africa
- Authors: Tali, Lolonga Lincoln
- Date: 2012
- Subjects: Communist Party of South Africa , Socialism -- South Africa , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1994-
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPhil
- Identifier: vital:8332 , http://hdl.handle.net/10948/d1020569
- Description: “It should not be forgotten that this ideological contribution impacted itself in a very real way on the whole national and democratic movement. It helped transform the ANC from its early beginnings of petition politics into a revolutionary nationalist movement.” Joe Slovo (in a speech delivered at the University of the Western Cape to mark the 70th anniversary of the SACP, 19 July 1991) At the time that the late Joe Slovo, former secretary of the South African Communist Party and former Minister of Housing in the first Government of national unity, made the speech the former party had about a year of legal existence inside the country after President FW de Klerk had unbanned all previously banned political parties in February 1990. Indeed the unbanning of political parties in South Africa was preceded by cataclysmic events in both Soviet Russia and Eastern Europe. General Secretary Mikhail Gorbachev who was leader of the Soviet Communist Party was at the helm in Moscow. He introduced a number of policies whose main objective was to democratize Soviet society and do away with some of the undemocratic practices that were always associated with the policy of communism. Consequently, there was much talk about glasnost (openness) and perestroika during the period of President Gorbachev’s rule of Soviet Russia. The two policies were the main feature of his quest to modernize Soviet Russia and gradually move away from communism. The collapse of the Berlin Wall in 1989 and the fall of Nicolai Ceausescu in Romania and the disintegration of other East European countries like Yugoslavia signalled a death knell for East European socialism. The foregoing events also implied that the era of the Cold War between the West (led by USA, Britain, and West Germany et al) and East (led by the USSR, Poland, and East Germany et al) was over. The Cold War was a period of tremendous tension as Soviet Russia sought to spread its system of communism to Third World countries in Africa and South America. The West for its part tried to counteract by supporting forces which were opposed to communism in these countries. One can cite the example of Angola where Soviet Russia supported the Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola (MPLA) led by Augustinho Neto which had adopted the system at the independence of the country in 1975. Jonas Savimbi led the Union for the Total Independence of Angola (UNITA) which was opposed to communism and was supported by South Africa and other Western countries which were also opposed to the system of communism. In essence the Cold War was a contest between the West and the East in gaining converts to their respective belief systems. The collapse of communism was viewed by the West as triumph of its own belief system and the confirmation of the failure of communism. It is against the backdrop of these foregoing events that the South African Communist Party was unbanned together with other erstwhile banned on the 2nd of February 1990.The SACP which had much influence in the ANC in the late 1950s and early 1960s and much of the time the parties were in exile was unbanned against the backdrop of the foregoing events. Of interest to observers was whether the party after it was unbanned would be able to exert the same influence it did on the ANC during the time in exile. Would the SACP take over from the ANC after the democratic transition and impose a socialist state in South Africa even if globally the trend was to move away from communism/socialism? Would the ANC itself follow a system which had been shown to lack the ability to confront the challenges of the 20th century? Some political commentators viewed the relationship between the ANC and the SACP as that of a metaphorical rider (the latter) and donkey (the former). In essence they argued that the SACP was the one determining the general trajectory of the liberation movement and its economic policies in particular. This dissertation will show that the influence of the SACP within the Tripartite Alliance in general and the ANC government in particular swings like a pendulum. It depends on who is in charge as president of the ANC. Before and during the exile years as the ANC was led by the late Oliver Tambo, the party enjoyed relatively better influence within the former organizations. The two organizations co-operated well in many ventures like the Defiance campaign, drafting of the Freedom Charter and the establishment of Umkhonto Wesizwe in 1961. During the presidency of Nelson Mandela most SACP members were in the first democratic cabinet though they did not exert as much influence as would be desirable. The main economic policy that the ruling ANC advocated was under the umbrella of what was termed the Reconstruction and Development Programme (RDP) and was not even the brainchild of the SACP but of the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU). In 1996 Thabo Mbeki, then deputy president to Nelson Mandela, came with the neo-liberal policy of Growth, Employment and Redistribution to try and salvage the South African economy which at the time was not performing at its best. Not only was GEAR unashamedly neo-liberal, it was also done without consultation of the SACP by its alliance partner the ANC. This engendered palpable tension within the alliance and led to name-calling from the party which derogatively referred to all the advocates of GEAR as the ‘Class of 1996’. The tension between the SACP and the ANC continued until former President Thabo Mbeki and his ‘Class of 1996’ were ousted from office in the 2007 ANC Polokwane elective conference. After the Polokwane conference, Jacob Zuma who had been Thabo Mbeki’s deputy president in both government and the ANC, assumed power. Zuma did not deviate much from the policies that were adopted by his predecessor though the SACP had played a significant role in bringing him to power. Just like Mbeki and Mandela before him, he had a number of SACP members in his cabinet and, in his case, some of them in key cabinet posts like Ebrahim Patel (a member of the SACP) who serves as Minister of Economic Development. Though he has these staunch members of the party in his cabinet, the Zuma administration has been able to adopt a neo-liberal economic policy which it has termed: National Development Plan which has been criticized by communists as no better than GEAR. This dissertation will show how the party sometimes struggle and sometimes wins that struggle to influence government policy.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2012
- Authors: Tali, Lolonga Lincoln
- Date: 2012
- Subjects: Communist Party of South Africa , Socialism -- South Africa , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1994-
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPhil
- Identifier: vital:8332 , http://hdl.handle.net/10948/d1020569
- Description: “It should not be forgotten that this ideological contribution impacted itself in a very real way on the whole national and democratic movement. It helped transform the ANC from its early beginnings of petition politics into a revolutionary nationalist movement.” Joe Slovo (in a speech delivered at the University of the Western Cape to mark the 70th anniversary of the SACP, 19 July 1991) At the time that the late Joe Slovo, former secretary of the South African Communist Party and former Minister of Housing in the first Government of national unity, made the speech the former party had about a year of legal existence inside the country after President FW de Klerk had unbanned all previously banned political parties in February 1990. Indeed the unbanning of political parties in South Africa was preceded by cataclysmic events in both Soviet Russia and Eastern Europe. General Secretary Mikhail Gorbachev who was leader of the Soviet Communist Party was at the helm in Moscow. He introduced a number of policies whose main objective was to democratize Soviet society and do away with some of the undemocratic practices that were always associated with the policy of communism. Consequently, there was much talk about glasnost (openness) and perestroika during the period of President Gorbachev’s rule of Soviet Russia. The two policies were the main feature of his quest to modernize Soviet Russia and gradually move away from communism. The collapse of the Berlin Wall in 1989 and the fall of Nicolai Ceausescu in Romania and the disintegration of other East European countries like Yugoslavia signalled a death knell for East European socialism. The foregoing events also implied that the era of the Cold War between the West (led by USA, Britain, and West Germany et al) and East (led by the USSR, Poland, and East Germany et al) was over. The Cold War was a period of tremendous tension as Soviet Russia sought to spread its system of communism to Third World countries in Africa and South America. The West for its part tried to counteract by supporting forces which were opposed to communism in these countries. One can cite the example of Angola where Soviet Russia supported the Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola (MPLA) led by Augustinho Neto which had adopted the system at the independence of the country in 1975. Jonas Savimbi led the Union for the Total Independence of Angola (UNITA) which was opposed to communism and was supported by South Africa and other Western countries which were also opposed to the system of communism. In essence the Cold War was a contest between the West and the East in gaining converts to their respective belief systems. The collapse of communism was viewed by the West as triumph of its own belief system and the confirmation of the failure of communism. It is against the backdrop of these foregoing events that the South African Communist Party was unbanned together with other erstwhile banned on the 2nd of February 1990.The SACP which had much influence in the ANC in the late 1950s and early 1960s and much of the time the parties were in exile was unbanned against the backdrop of the foregoing events. Of interest to observers was whether the party after it was unbanned would be able to exert the same influence it did on the ANC during the time in exile. Would the SACP take over from the ANC after the democratic transition and impose a socialist state in South Africa even if globally the trend was to move away from communism/socialism? Would the ANC itself follow a system which had been shown to lack the ability to confront the challenges of the 20th century? Some political commentators viewed the relationship between the ANC and the SACP as that of a metaphorical rider (the latter) and donkey (the former). In essence they argued that the SACP was the one determining the general trajectory of the liberation movement and its economic policies in particular. This dissertation will show that the influence of the SACP within the Tripartite Alliance in general and the ANC government in particular swings like a pendulum. It depends on who is in charge as president of the ANC. Before and during the exile years as the ANC was led by the late Oliver Tambo, the party enjoyed relatively better influence within the former organizations. The two organizations co-operated well in many ventures like the Defiance campaign, drafting of the Freedom Charter and the establishment of Umkhonto Wesizwe in 1961. During the presidency of Nelson Mandela most SACP members were in the first democratic cabinet though they did not exert as much influence as would be desirable. The main economic policy that the ruling ANC advocated was under the umbrella of what was termed the Reconstruction and Development Programme (RDP) and was not even the brainchild of the SACP but of the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU). In 1996 Thabo Mbeki, then deputy president to Nelson Mandela, came with the neo-liberal policy of Growth, Employment and Redistribution to try and salvage the South African economy which at the time was not performing at its best. Not only was GEAR unashamedly neo-liberal, it was also done without consultation of the SACP by its alliance partner the ANC. This engendered palpable tension within the alliance and led to name-calling from the party which derogatively referred to all the advocates of GEAR as the ‘Class of 1996’. The tension between the SACP and the ANC continued until former President Thabo Mbeki and his ‘Class of 1996’ were ousted from office in the 2007 ANC Polokwane elective conference. After the Polokwane conference, Jacob Zuma who had been Thabo Mbeki’s deputy president in both government and the ANC, assumed power. Zuma did not deviate much from the policies that were adopted by his predecessor though the SACP had played a significant role in bringing him to power. Just like Mbeki and Mandela before him, he had a number of SACP members in his cabinet and, in his case, some of them in key cabinet posts like Ebrahim Patel (a member of the SACP) who serves as Minister of Economic Development. Though he has these staunch members of the party in his cabinet, the Zuma administration has been able to adopt a neo-liberal economic policy which it has termed: National Development Plan which has been criticized by communists as no better than GEAR. This dissertation will show how the party sometimes struggle and sometimes wins that struggle to influence government policy.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2012
An exploration of the causes of social unrest in Omay communal lands of Nyami Nyami district in Zimbabwe: a human needs perspective
- Authors: Musona, Mambo
- Date: 2011
- Subjects: Human rights -- Zimbabwe -- Omay Communial Lands , Zimbabwe -- Politics and government
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPhil
- Identifier: vital:8192 , http://hdl.handle.net/10948/1372 , Human rights -- Zimbabwe -- Omay Communial Lands , Zimbabwe -- Politics and government
- Description: One of the responsibilities of every government is to make provisions of basic needs for its citizens. The situation in Omay resembles people living during the dark ages when there was no constitutional government. The government should in accordance with the priorities of its people be seen to be improving the lives of its citizens by providing health, education, roads, communication facilities, and participation in decision making especially on issues that have a bearing on their lives. The human needs theory postulates that one of the most ideal ways of resolving protracted conflicts is by helping people meet their needs. Human needs are not for trading according to conflict scholar John Burton, implying that if one does not meet his or her needs he/she might do anything to strive to meet them. The people of Omay have been deprived of their needs in all facets; first the previous government relocated them to create Lake Kariba for the hydroelectric plant. They were not compensated. They were dumped on very arid, tsetse fly infested mountainous areas adjacent to game reserves and national parks where they have to make do with wildlife; some that destroy their few crops (elephants) and others that kill them or their animals (lions). As a minority group they have been engaged in social unrest and small skirmishes with government and other, bigger ethnic groups as a form of resistance. A deliberate affirmative action to channel funds towards raising their living standards and develop their area so that they meet their needs could be the panacea to the social unrest.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2011
- Authors: Musona, Mambo
- Date: 2011
- Subjects: Human rights -- Zimbabwe -- Omay Communial Lands , Zimbabwe -- Politics and government
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPhil
- Identifier: vital:8192 , http://hdl.handle.net/10948/1372 , Human rights -- Zimbabwe -- Omay Communial Lands , Zimbabwe -- Politics and government
- Description: One of the responsibilities of every government is to make provisions of basic needs for its citizens. The situation in Omay resembles people living during the dark ages when there was no constitutional government. The government should in accordance with the priorities of its people be seen to be improving the lives of its citizens by providing health, education, roads, communication facilities, and participation in decision making especially on issues that have a bearing on their lives. The human needs theory postulates that one of the most ideal ways of resolving protracted conflicts is by helping people meet their needs. Human needs are not for trading according to conflict scholar John Burton, implying that if one does not meet his or her needs he/she might do anything to strive to meet them. The people of Omay have been deprived of their needs in all facets; first the previous government relocated them to create Lake Kariba for the hydroelectric plant. They were not compensated. They were dumped on very arid, tsetse fly infested mountainous areas adjacent to game reserves and national parks where they have to make do with wildlife; some that destroy their few crops (elephants) and others that kill them or their animals (lions). As a minority group they have been engaged in social unrest and small skirmishes with government and other, bigger ethnic groups as a form of resistance. A deliberate affirmative action to channel funds towards raising their living standards and develop their area so that they meet their needs could be the panacea to the social unrest.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2011
An exploratory study of the AmaTshezi chieftaincy conflict in Mthonjana Village, Mqanduli in the Eastern Cape, 2002-2007
- Authors: Nodada, Lubabalo Yandisa
- Date: 2011
- Subjects: Chiefdoms -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , Xhosa (African people) -- South Africa -- Kings and rulers , Conflict of interests -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPhil
- Identifier: vital:8258 , http://hdl.handle.net/10948/d1012345 , Chiefdoms -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , Xhosa (African people) -- South Africa -- Kings and rulers , Conflict of interests -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape
- Description: The battle for traditional leadership successions continue to have negative effects on many Tribal Authority Councils across Africa, for example, the Valoyi Tribe, part of Tsonga/Shangaan nation in South Africa, and the Godban chieftaincy conflict in the northern town of Yendi in Ghana. Community conflicts related to chieftaincy positions across South Africa are apparent. This study was an attempt to explore and describe the dynamics of the AmaTshezi chieftaincy conflict in Mthonjana village, Mqanduli. The analysis focused on exploring the AmaTshezi chieftaincy conflict in terms of conflict and conflict process theory. This explorative study sought to explore and describe the perceptions of eight ad hoc committee members (government officials) who had been involved with attempting to resolve the AmaTshezi chieftaincy conflict. The researcher conducted extensive face-to-face interviews with these committee members and thoroughly studied the necessary documents that informed the study. Thematic data analysis revealed latent conflict, conflict emergence, conflict escalation, conflict stalemate, and conflict de-escalation, as key conflict phases in the AmaTshezi chieftaincy conflict. A number of recommendations are made about how those in authority could better manage communal conflict. The recommendations may, for instance, be used in the formulation of policies to influence better conflict management by government and help the Eastern Cape House of Traditional Leaders to manage communal conflicts better and to facilitate public education programmes about issues relating to birthright leadership positions and lineage procedures.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2011
- Authors: Nodada, Lubabalo Yandisa
- Date: 2011
- Subjects: Chiefdoms -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , Xhosa (African people) -- South Africa -- Kings and rulers , Conflict of interests -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPhil
- Identifier: vital:8258 , http://hdl.handle.net/10948/d1012345 , Chiefdoms -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , Xhosa (African people) -- South Africa -- Kings and rulers , Conflict of interests -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape
- Description: The battle for traditional leadership successions continue to have negative effects on many Tribal Authority Councils across Africa, for example, the Valoyi Tribe, part of Tsonga/Shangaan nation in South Africa, and the Godban chieftaincy conflict in the northern town of Yendi in Ghana. Community conflicts related to chieftaincy positions across South Africa are apparent. This study was an attempt to explore and describe the dynamics of the AmaTshezi chieftaincy conflict in Mthonjana village, Mqanduli. The analysis focused on exploring the AmaTshezi chieftaincy conflict in terms of conflict and conflict process theory. This explorative study sought to explore and describe the perceptions of eight ad hoc committee members (government officials) who had been involved with attempting to resolve the AmaTshezi chieftaincy conflict. The researcher conducted extensive face-to-face interviews with these committee members and thoroughly studied the necessary documents that informed the study. Thematic data analysis revealed latent conflict, conflict emergence, conflict escalation, conflict stalemate, and conflict de-escalation, as key conflict phases in the AmaTshezi chieftaincy conflict. A number of recommendations are made about how those in authority could better manage communal conflict. The recommendations may, for instance, be used in the formulation of policies to influence better conflict management by government and help the Eastern Cape House of Traditional Leaders to manage communal conflicts better and to facilitate public education programmes about issues relating to birthright leadership positions and lineage procedures.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2011
An investigation into service delivery : a case study of Ezakhe Township, Ladysmith, KwaZulu-Natal
- Authors: Hlophe, Nonjabulo Thobile
- Date: 2011
- Subjects: Local government -- South Africa -- KwaZulu Natal , Municipal government -- South Africa -- KwaZulu Natal , Municipal services -- South Africa -- KwaZulu Natal
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPhil
- Identifier: vital:8182 , http://hdl.handle.net/10948/1463 , Local government -- South Africa -- KwaZulu Natal , Municipal government -- South Africa -- KwaZulu Natal , Municipal services -- South Africa -- KwaZulu Natal
- Description: South Africa has been experiencing a continuous bout of service delivery protests since the late 1990s. Protests are a public manifestation of conflict and therefore this study uses the term conflict and protest interchangeably. The cost of the damage which results from these protests is immense. It is critical that solutions to this protest ensure that the underlying factors leading to the protest are addressed, in order to reduce the probability of its reoccurrence. This study seeks to investigate whether or not service delivery conflict could be prevented through improved implementation of government services in all spheres. The provision of basic service delivery is critical for the livelihood of any community and even more so for previously disadvantaged communities. It is important to verify if the lack of, or poor, service delivery can lead communities to revolt against each other or the governing authority. The challenge with any conflict situation is that when it erupts into destruction, only the visible symptoms are addressed, because addressing the underlying factors is a long-term process which requires a holistic understanding of the conflict. Previously disadvantaged communities are experiencing a backlog of service delivery, the exploitation of their plight by different agencies and mismanagement by public servants, which further delays service delivery. The Ezakheni community has been one of those communities who were previously disadvantaged and expected different levels of government to meet their service delivery needs, from land ownership to the building of houses. This community expected that the process of improving their livelihood would be fast-tracked instead it was delayed by community conflict. The conflict started as a revolution against agencies that were against the community’s process of acquiring land, but ended up as community members fought each other and government departments in order to survive. The Ezakheni community conflicts date back to 1998 and subsided during late 2005. Any conflict after that was latent, although there were still killings, but they were sporadic and sometimes not linked to the conflict but categorised as criminal behaviour. The present study takes the reader through the process of evaluating whether or not there is a logical relationship between Ezakheni community conflict and service delivery. Chapter One gives an overview of the study and the processes that were followed during this study. Chapter Two opens up theoretical debates that influence the epistemology of this study. Chapter Three gives the reader a detailed overview of the profile of the case study. Chapter Four describes the methodology that has been utilised in the study. Chapter Five presents the data and interprets it. Chapter Six concludes the study.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2011
- Authors: Hlophe, Nonjabulo Thobile
- Date: 2011
- Subjects: Local government -- South Africa -- KwaZulu Natal , Municipal government -- South Africa -- KwaZulu Natal , Municipal services -- South Africa -- KwaZulu Natal
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPhil
- Identifier: vital:8182 , http://hdl.handle.net/10948/1463 , Local government -- South Africa -- KwaZulu Natal , Municipal government -- South Africa -- KwaZulu Natal , Municipal services -- South Africa -- KwaZulu Natal
- Description: South Africa has been experiencing a continuous bout of service delivery protests since the late 1990s. Protests are a public manifestation of conflict and therefore this study uses the term conflict and protest interchangeably. The cost of the damage which results from these protests is immense. It is critical that solutions to this protest ensure that the underlying factors leading to the protest are addressed, in order to reduce the probability of its reoccurrence. This study seeks to investigate whether or not service delivery conflict could be prevented through improved implementation of government services in all spheres. The provision of basic service delivery is critical for the livelihood of any community and even more so for previously disadvantaged communities. It is important to verify if the lack of, or poor, service delivery can lead communities to revolt against each other or the governing authority. The challenge with any conflict situation is that when it erupts into destruction, only the visible symptoms are addressed, because addressing the underlying factors is a long-term process which requires a holistic understanding of the conflict. Previously disadvantaged communities are experiencing a backlog of service delivery, the exploitation of their plight by different agencies and mismanagement by public servants, which further delays service delivery. The Ezakheni community has been one of those communities who were previously disadvantaged and expected different levels of government to meet their service delivery needs, from land ownership to the building of houses. This community expected that the process of improving their livelihood would be fast-tracked instead it was delayed by community conflict. The conflict started as a revolution against agencies that were against the community’s process of acquiring land, but ended up as community members fought each other and government departments in order to survive. The Ezakheni community conflicts date back to 1998 and subsided during late 2005. Any conflict after that was latent, although there were still killings, but they were sporadic and sometimes not linked to the conflict but categorised as criminal behaviour. The present study takes the reader through the process of evaluating whether or not there is a logical relationship between Ezakheni community conflict and service delivery. Chapter One gives an overview of the study and the processes that were followed during this study. Chapter Two opens up theoretical debates that influence the epistemology of this study. Chapter Three gives the reader a detailed overview of the profile of the case study. Chapter Four describes the methodology that has been utilised in the study. Chapter Five presents the data and interprets it. Chapter Six concludes the study.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2011
Analysis of the management of conflict and transformation in the public service focussing on the central district, North West Province during 2000 to 2005
- Authors: Matlou, Molefe
- Date: 2011
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPhil
- Identifier: vital:8168 , http://hdl.handle.net/10948/1310
- Description: The dawn of democracy in South Africa in 1994 placed an imperative on the government to make provision for transformation of the public service from the one that was base on race and gender to the one based on respect and dignity of people irrespective of race, gender or religion. The point of departure was to initiate change in legislation in order to create conducive environment for the public service to establish forums and commissions that would inform the approach that transformation had to take. One of the major challenges was to deal with the reality of a public service that was dominated by white males in order to implement the Constitutional imperative of equal opportunities to all and to enable black people in general and women in particular to occupy positions where their full potential and capabilities would be recognised. Affirmative Action became a tool that the new government adopted to inform the employment equity targets that every government department had to set for itself and annual reports had to be submitted to parliament for oversight to ensure that no government entity deviated from the realisation of the objective to fully transform the public service. The fact that there were some quarters within the broader society that perceived this is a threat and that within the targeted groups such as blacks and women there were people who felt that the concept „‟affirmative action‟‟ was degrading as it suggested that, despite their potential and education, black people and women still had to be affirmed was indicative of the conflict that resulted from the good intention by government to diversify the public service. To date, there are still institutions of government where males still dominate senior positions in the public service and women are still confined to lower level occupational bands which do not afford them an opportunity to rise to senior levels. The only recognisable change, one may argue, is that black males benefitted a lot more from transformation in the public service than females and people with disabilities. For all people to benefit from transformation in the public service there must be a vigilant approach to the implementation of policy and severe penalties for non compliance. Oversight bodies must be empowered to do a lot more than pep talk on transformation.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2011
- Authors: Matlou, Molefe
- Date: 2011
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPhil
- Identifier: vital:8168 , http://hdl.handle.net/10948/1310
- Description: The dawn of democracy in South Africa in 1994 placed an imperative on the government to make provision for transformation of the public service from the one that was base on race and gender to the one based on respect and dignity of people irrespective of race, gender or religion. The point of departure was to initiate change in legislation in order to create conducive environment for the public service to establish forums and commissions that would inform the approach that transformation had to take. One of the major challenges was to deal with the reality of a public service that was dominated by white males in order to implement the Constitutional imperative of equal opportunities to all and to enable black people in general and women in particular to occupy positions where their full potential and capabilities would be recognised. Affirmative Action became a tool that the new government adopted to inform the employment equity targets that every government department had to set for itself and annual reports had to be submitted to parliament for oversight to ensure that no government entity deviated from the realisation of the objective to fully transform the public service. The fact that there were some quarters within the broader society that perceived this is a threat and that within the targeted groups such as blacks and women there were people who felt that the concept „‟affirmative action‟‟ was degrading as it suggested that, despite their potential and education, black people and women still had to be affirmed was indicative of the conflict that resulted from the good intention by government to diversify the public service. To date, there are still institutions of government where males still dominate senior positions in the public service and women are still confined to lower level occupational bands which do not afford them an opportunity to rise to senior levels. The only recognisable change, one may argue, is that black males benefitted a lot more from transformation in the public service than females and people with disabilities. For all people to benefit from transformation in the public service there must be a vigilant approach to the implementation of policy and severe penalties for non compliance. Oversight bodies must be empowered to do a lot more than pep talk on transformation.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2011
Coping strategies among female Zimbabwean refugees at the central Methodist church in Johannesburg : a conflict management perspective
- Authors: Bjorknes, Guro Lauvland
- Date: 2011
- Subjects: Central Methodist Church Refugee Community , Church work with refugees , Conflict management , Interpersonal relations
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPhil
- Identifier: vital:8188 , http://hdl.handle.net/10948/1424 , Central Methodist Church Refugee Community , Church work with refugees , Conflict management , Interpersonal relations
- Description: This treatise represents an investigation into the coping strategies of female Zimbabwean refugees at the Central Methodist Church (CMC) in Johannesburg. The CMC in Johannesburg includes a non-profit organisation called Ray of Hope that has functioned as a provider of accommodation and emergency refuge at the church since 1997. A vast number of Zimbabweans are moving to adjacent countries as a consequence of the conflict in Zimbabwe and approximately 85 percent of the people that have sought refuge in the CMC in Johannesburg are Zimbabweans that have fled the economic and political conflict in Zimbabwe. Using an interviewing strategy of a sample of 20 female Zimbabwean refugees, conducted at the CMC, the researcher gathered data, indicating that they face various conflicts on a daily basis inside as well as outside the refugee community in the CMC in Johannesburg. An extensive literature review and researcher‟s own observations during hours spent in the refugee community have also contributed to the collection of data. The findings suggest that coping mechanisms have been adopted by the female refugees to deal with the conflicts. Analysis of data was guided by grounded theory approach which allowed key findings about coping mechanisms to surface which encouraged recommendations presented in the conclusion of the treatise.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2011
- Authors: Bjorknes, Guro Lauvland
- Date: 2011
- Subjects: Central Methodist Church Refugee Community , Church work with refugees , Conflict management , Interpersonal relations
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPhil
- Identifier: vital:8188 , http://hdl.handle.net/10948/1424 , Central Methodist Church Refugee Community , Church work with refugees , Conflict management , Interpersonal relations
- Description: This treatise represents an investigation into the coping strategies of female Zimbabwean refugees at the Central Methodist Church (CMC) in Johannesburg. The CMC in Johannesburg includes a non-profit organisation called Ray of Hope that has functioned as a provider of accommodation and emergency refuge at the church since 1997. A vast number of Zimbabweans are moving to adjacent countries as a consequence of the conflict in Zimbabwe and approximately 85 percent of the people that have sought refuge in the CMC in Johannesburg are Zimbabweans that have fled the economic and political conflict in Zimbabwe. Using an interviewing strategy of a sample of 20 female Zimbabwean refugees, conducted at the CMC, the researcher gathered data, indicating that they face various conflicts on a daily basis inside as well as outside the refugee community in the CMC in Johannesburg. An extensive literature review and researcher‟s own observations during hours spent in the refugee community have also contributed to the collection of data. The findings suggest that coping mechanisms have been adopted by the female refugees to deal with the conflicts. Analysis of data was guided by grounded theory approach which allowed key findings about coping mechanisms to surface which encouraged recommendations presented in the conclusion of the treatise.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2011
The challenges facing non-governmental organisations in transforming conflict through capacity-building in Nothern Uganda
- Authors: Akurut, Catherine
- Date: 2011
- Subjects: Conflict management -- Uganda , Peace-building -- Uganda
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPhil
- Identifier: vital:8189 , http://hdl.handle.net/10948/1412 , Conflict management -- Uganda , Peace-building -- Uganda
- Description: Capacity-building is an essential component of post-conflict reconstruction (PCR) and peace-building in the aftermath of violent conflict. Civilians, mainly women and children are driven or abducted from their homes during violent conflict and suffer various abuses and atrocities. Many spend the duration of the conflict as refugees in Internally Displaced People (IDP) camps in neighbouring countries. Violent conflict impinges on their psychological well-being and socio-economic development making their re-integration into their former communities extremely complex and challenging. In the case of Northern Uganda, the conflict lasted for over two decades. However, since the ―Cessation of Hostilities Agreement‖ of 2006, the peace-building process has been particularly evident here. Numerous stakeholders have been involved in the capacity-building processes in Northern Uganda, and one such organisation is the Friends of Orphans (FRO) in Pader district, Northern Uganda. The purpose of this research study is to explore the challenges facing the FRO in transforming conflict and building sustainable peace through capacity-building in Pader district. The study explores the programmes the organisation implements and investigates how these programmes are relevant for the transformation of conflict. Apart from reviewing the literature, the researcher conducted semi-structured interviews and used participant observation. The employees of the FRO – all of whom are involved with capacity-building in these communities – participated in these interviews in their capacities as social workers, teachers, administrators and field workers. The beneficiaries of these programmes include former child soldiers, abductees, child mothers, land mine survivors and orphans. Lessons learned by the FRO, as well as the researcher‘s recommendations, are discussed in the study in order to assist the future work of the organisation and other stakeholders who have devoted their efforts to the recovery of areas emerging from conflict.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2011
- Authors: Akurut, Catherine
- Date: 2011
- Subjects: Conflict management -- Uganda , Peace-building -- Uganda
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPhil
- Identifier: vital:8189 , http://hdl.handle.net/10948/1412 , Conflict management -- Uganda , Peace-building -- Uganda
- Description: Capacity-building is an essential component of post-conflict reconstruction (PCR) and peace-building in the aftermath of violent conflict. Civilians, mainly women and children are driven or abducted from their homes during violent conflict and suffer various abuses and atrocities. Many spend the duration of the conflict as refugees in Internally Displaced People (IDP) camps in neighbouring countries. Violent conflict impinges on their psychological well-being and socio-economic development making their re-integration into their former communities extremely complex and challenging. In the case of Northern Uganda, the conflict lasted for over two decades. However, since the ―Cessation of Hostilities Agreement‖ of 2006, the peace-building process has been particularly evident here. Numerous stakeholders have been involved in the capacity-building processes in Northern Uganda, and one such organisation is the Friends of Orphans (FRO) in Pader district, Northern Uganda. The purpose of this research study is to explore the challenges facing the FRO in transforming conflict and building sustainable peace through capacity-building in Pader district. The study explores the programmes the organisation implements and investigates how these programmes are relevant for the transformation of conflict. Apart from reviewing the literature, the researcher conducted semi-structured interviews and used participant observation. The employees of the FRO – all of whom are involved with capacity-building in these communities – participated in these interviews in their capacities as social workers, teachers, administrators and field workers. The beneficiaries of these programmes include former child soldiers, abductees, child mothers, land mine survivors and orphans. Lessons learned by the FRO, as well as the researcher‘s recommendations, are discussed in the study in order to assist the future work of the organisation and other stakeholders who have devoted their efforts to the recovery of areas emerging from conflict.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2011
United Nations mediation in Africa: a case study of the Bakassi conflict intervention, 2002-2006
- Authors: Kenmoe Nougue, Plamielle
- Date: 2011
- Subjects: United Nations -- Africa , Intervention (International law) -- Case studies , United Nations -- Peacekeeping forces -- Africa -- History , Conflict management -- Africa -- Case studies , Bakasi Peninsula (Cameroon) -- Politics and government -- Case studies
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPhil
- Identifier: vital:8186 , http://hdl.handle.net/10948/1431 , United Nations -- Africa , Intervention (International law) -- Case studies , United Nations -- Peacekeeping forces -- Africa -- History , Conflict management -- Africa -- Case studies , Bakasi Peninsula (Cameroon) -- Politics and government -- Case studies
- Description: Just as conflict is part of everyday life, mediation can and is practiced everyday and everywhere. It is a way of reaching decisions in a cooperative, non-hierarchical way, allowing for clear and open communication processes. Conflicts can be resolved in a formal manner through courts, arbitration, ombudspeople, diplomacy and mediation, or an informal manner through friends, colleagues, religious and community leaders, and dialogue. The way in which people resolve their disputes has an impact on how societies and institutions are governed. The war in Bakassi has taken its toll on the people of that area for several years now and has witnessed people from Bakassi facing some of the worst effects of armed conflict known to man. This study investigated the use of international mediation in the management of intractable conflict with a specific case study on the Bakassi peninsula conflict between Cameroon and Nigeria. It focused on the mediation process as a conflict management technique in relation to the international relations theories which has been used as a basis for conflict resolution practices. The researcher conducted a document review, content analysis on selected documents and this was supported by strategic interviews. The findings as well as the researcher‘s recommendations are discussed in the study in order to assist the future work of conflict management specialists and other stakeholders who have devoted their efforts to the recovery of areas emerging from conflict.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2011
- Authors: Kenmoe Nougue, Plamielle
- Date: 2011
- Subjects: United Nations -- Africa , Intervention (International law) -- Case studies , United Nations -- Peacekeeping forces -- Africa -- History , Conflict management -- Africa -- Case studies , Bakasi Peninsula (Cameroon) -- Politics and government -- Case studies
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPhil
- Identifier: vital:8186 , http://hdl.handle.net/10948/1431 , United Nations -- Africa , Intervention (International law) -- Case studies , United Nations -- Peacekeeping forces -- Africa -- History , Conflict management -- Africa -- Case studies , Bakasi Peninsula (Cameroon) -- Politics and government -- Case studies
- Description: Just as conflict is part of everyday life, mediation can and is practiced everyday and everywhere. It is a way of reaching decisions in a cooperative, non-hierarchical way, allowing for clear and open communication processes. Conflicts can be resolved in a formal manner through courts, arbitration, ombudspeople, diplomacy and mediation, or an informal manner through friends, colleagues, religious and community leaders, and dialogue. The way in which people resolve their disputes has an impact on how societies and institutions are governed. The war in Bakassi has taken its toll on the people of that area for several years now and has witnessed people from Bakassi facing some of the worst effects of armed conflict known to man. This study investigated the use of international mediation in the management of intractable conflict with a specific case study on the Bakassi peninsula conflict between Cameroon and Nigeria. It focused on the mediation process as a conflict management technique in relation to the international relations theories which has been used as a basis for conflict resolution practices. The researcher conducted a document review, content analysis on selected documents and this was supported by strategic interviews. The findings as well as the researcher‘s recommendations are discussed in the study in order to assist the future work of conflict management specialists and other stakeholders who have devoted their efforts to the recovery of areas emerging from conflict.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2011
An evaluation of the local economic development strategy: the case of the Nelson Mandela Bay Municipality
- Authors: Pillay, Sareesha
- Date: 2010
- Subjects: Local Economic Development (Programme) , Economic development -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , Economic policy -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPhil
- Identifier: vital:8207 , http://hdl.handle.net/10948/1160 , Local Economic Development (Programme) , Economic development -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , Economic policy -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape
- Description: The central objective of the research study was to evaluate the 2020 Citywide Economic Growth and Development strategy, with reference to the Nelson Mandela Bay Municipality (NMBM). The Citywide Economic Growth and Development strategy for the NMBM was developed in 2004 in relation to the need for Local Economic Development. The need for Local Economic Development (LED) has been mandated by the national government of South Africa as prescribed in the direction toward developmental local government post - 2000. The National Framework for Local Economic Development in South Africa serves as a strategic implementation guide for municipalities. The National Framework for Local Economic Development provides a supportive foundation to assist municipalities such as the Nelson Mandela Bay Municipality in improving its economic development through concentrations on suggested actions. Through support for municipal Local Economic Development strategies, the objective of Local Economic Development was to offer local government, private sectors, non - profit organisations and local communities the opportunity to work together to improve the local economy. The aim has thus been to enhance competitiveness and encourage inclusive sustainable growth. The 2020 Citywide Economic Growth and Development strategy for the Nelson Mandela Bay Municipality includes its strategic approach to promote sustainable growth within its specified municipal environment. Formulation of the strategy includes descriptions of sector strategies as a mechanism to promote transformation and improved economic development in a sustainable manner. Content Analysis and the case study methods were utilised to evaluate the 2020 Citywide Economic Growth and Development strategy in the undertaking of the research study as a way of examining the formulation of the Local Economic Development strategy of the Nelson Mandela Bay Municipality, in order to determine v the shortcomings in Local Economic Development as brought about by ineffective policy formulation process. Discourse Analysis was also used to understand the policy foundations as influenced by the previous apartheid regime and its accompanied injustices on the citizens of South Africa. The brief descriptions of major economic developments and sector strategies for the Nelson Mandela Bay Municipality shows the detachment of policy content from clear strategic action plans has depicted an incongruence in efficiency and sustainable development. This has placed developmental policy formulation under scrutinisation and evaluation. The findings indicate that there is a need for revision and/ or reformulation of the current 2020 Citywide Economic Growth and Development strategy of the Nelson Mandela Bay Municipality in promotion of effective sustainable development and an improved local economy. The impact of a failure to revise and rework the strategy has detrimental effects on the promotion of an effective and efficient economy in the Nelson Mandela Bay Municipality. Therefore, the lack of detail within the 2020 Citywide Economic Growth and Development strategy must be tackled by policy formulators to ensure economic growth and an alignment with the objectives as contained in the national mandate for economic development.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2010
- Authors: Pillay, Sareesha
- Date: 2010
- Subjects: Local Economic Development (Programme) , Economic development -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , Economic policy -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPhil
- Identifier: vital:8207 , http://hdl.handle.net/10948/1160 , Local Economic Development (Programme) , Economic development -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , Economic policy -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape
- Description: The central objective of the research study was to evaluate the 2020 Citywide Economic Growth and Development strategy, with reference to the Nelson Mandela Bay Municipality (NMBM). The Citywide Economic Growth and Development strategy for the NMBM was developed in 2004 in relation to the need for Local Economic Development. The need for Local Economic Development (LED) has been mandated by the national government of South Africa as prescribed in the direction toward developmental local government post - 2000. The National Framework for Local Economic Development in South Africa serves as a strategic implementation guide for municipalities. The National Framework for Local Economic Development provides a supportive foundation to assist municipalities such as the Nelson Mandela Bay Municipality in improving its economic development through concentrations on suggested actions. Through support for municipal Local Economic Development strategies, the objective of Local Economic Development was to offer local government, private sectors, non - profit organisations and local communities the opportunity to work together to improve the local economy. The aim has thus been to enhance competitiveness and encourage inclusive sustainable growth. The 2020 Citywide Economic Growth and Development strategy for the Nelson Mandela Bay Municipality includes its strategic approach to promote sustainable growth within its specified municipal environment. Formulation of the strategy includes descriptions of sector strategies as a mechanism to promote transformation and improved economic development in a sustainable manner. Content Analysis and the case study methods were utilised to evaluate the 2020 Citywide Economic Growth and Development strategy in the undertaking of the research study as a way of examining the formulation of the Local Economic Development strategy of the Nelson Mandela Bay Municipality, in order to determine v the shortcomings in Local Economic Development as brought about by ineffective policy formulation process. Discourse Analysis was also used to understand the policy foundations as influenced by the previous apartheid regime and its accompanied injustices on the citizens of South Africa. The brief descriptions of major economic developments and sector strategies for the Nelson Mandela Bay Municipality shows the detachment of policy content from clear strategic action plans has depicted an incongruence in efficiency and sustainable development. This has placed developmental policy formulation under scrutinisation and evaluation. The findings indicate that there is a need for revision and/ or reformulation of the current 2020 Citywide Economic Growth and Development strategy of the Nelson Mandela Bay Municipality in promotion of effective sustainable development and an improved local economy. The impact of a failure to revise and rework the strategy has detrimental effects on the promotion of an effective and efficient economy in the Nelson Mandela Bay Municipality. Therefore, the lack of detail within the 2020 Citywide Economic Growth and Development strategy must be tackled by policy formulators to ensure economic growth and an alignment with the objectives as contained in the national mandate for economic development.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2010
An investigation of the South African land reform process from a conflict resolution perspective
- Authors: Wächter, Felix
- Date: 2010
- Subjects: Land reform -- South Africa , Land tenure -- South Africa , Dispute resolution (Law) -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPhil
- Identifier: vital:8166 , http://hdl.handle.net/10948/1272 , Land reform -- South Africa , Land tenure -- South Africa , Dispute resolution (Law) -- South Africa
- Description: This research study aims to investigate the South African Land Reform process from a conflict resolution perspective. According to Burton’s basic human needs theory deep-rooted social conflict will occur wherever social institutions neglect universal basic human needs. Excess to land and land tenure are considered basic human needs because they provide landowners with food, shelter and security. In absence of an extensive welfare state, land ownership fulfils the role of a social safety network, particularly in African countries. Consequently, an equal distribution of land is needed in order to enable the majority of South Africans to fulfil their basic human needs. The instrument chosen for correcting the inequalities in land distribution are the three components of the South African land reform programme namely tenure reform, restitution and redistribution. The South African Land Reform Programme was largely influenced by the World Bank’s ‘Willing-Seller Willing- Buyer’ or ‘Negotiated Land Reform Approach’. Nevertheless, the South African model differs from the original concept by the World Bank in some aspects. The outcome of the Land Reform Process is analysed and evaluated by the on-going evaluation approach. All sources used in this research are open to the public and published either on official websites or in hard cover version in reports and articles. The results of this investigation indicate that the target of redistributing 30% of white-owned agricultural land by the year 2014 is not going to be accomplished. Nevertheless, the settlement of claims can be considered a success story although most of the claims were settled by means of cash compensation instead of actual land transfer. Furthermore, a change in the land acquisition policy from a demand-led approach based on the negotiated land reform principle towards a more static, state-led, top-down approach has been identified as well as shortcomings in the post-settlement support of new landowners. To put it briefly, the land reform process in toto is about to fail and a chance of reducing the enormous conflict potential given away. Furthermore, the conflict potential will increase due to the failures in providing the poor and rural masses with access to land.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2010
- Authors: Wächter, Felix
- Date: 2010
- Subjects: Land reform -- South Africa , Land tenure -- South Africa , Dispute resolution (Law) -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPhil
- Identifier: vital:8166 , http://hdl.handle.net/10948/1272 , Land reform -- South Africa , Land tenure -- South Africa , Dispute resolution (Law) -- South Africa
- Description: This research study aims to investigate the South African Land Reform process from a conflict resolution perspective. According to Burton’s basic human needs theory deep-rooted social conflict will occur wherever social institutions neglect universal basic human needs. Excess to land and land tenure are considered basic human needs because they provide landowners with food, shelter and security. In absence of an extensive welfare state, land ownership fulfils the role of a social safety network, particularly in African countries. Consequently, an equal distribution of land is needed in order to enable the majority of South Africans to fulfil their basic human needs. The instrument chosen for correcting the inequalities in land distribution are the three components of the South African land reform programme namely tenure reform, restitution and redistribution. The South African Land Reform Programme was largely influenced by the World Bank’s ‘Willing-Seller Willing- Buyer’ or ‘Negotiated Land Reform Approach’. Nevertheless, the South African model differs from the original concept by the World Bank in some aspects. The outcome of the Land Reform Process is analysed and evaluated by the on-going evaluation approach. All sources used in this research are open to the public and published either on official websites or in hard cover version in reports and articles. The results of this investigation indicate that the target of redistributing 30% of white-owned agricultural land by the year 2014 is not going to be accomplished. Nevertheless, the settlement of claims can be considered a success story although most of the claims were settled by means of cash compensation instead of actual land transfer. Furthermore, a change in the land acquisition policy from a demand-led approach based on the negotiated land reform principle towards a more static, state-led, top-down approach has been identified as well as shortcomings in the post-settlement support of new landowners. To put it briefly, the land reform process in toto is about to fail and a chance of reducing the enormous conflict potential given away. Furthermore, the conflict potential will increase due to the failures in providing the poor and rural masses with access to land.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2010
A descriptive study of conflict management strategies of the Johannesburg Central Methodist Church refugee community
- Authors: Burger, Christine-Maria
- Date: 2009
- Subjects: Conflict management , Central Methodist Church Refugee Community , Refugees -- Housing -- South Africa -- Johannesburg
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPhil
- Identifier: vital:8199 , http://hdl.handle.net/10948/1301 , Conflict management , Central Methodist Church Refugee Community , Refugees -- Housing -- South Africa -- Johannesburg
- Description: The growth of forced migration populations - i.e. the movement of people within and across national boarders as a result of conflicts, disasters, and development policies and projects - has been a defining feature of the twentieth century and will no doubt remain with us well into the twenty-first century (Rutinwa, 2001: 13). Literature searches suggest that the ‘refugee’ constitutes the most powerful label within the forced migration discourse. Published calculations regarding the number of refugees in the world at the end of 2008, range between 15.2 million (UNHCR, 2009: 2) and 13.6 million (World Refugee Survey, 2009: 33). The refugee experience of a small representative population of these figures namely, the Zimbabwean refugees living within the Central Methodist Church (CMC) or Central Methodist Mission (CMM) refugee community, in Johannesburg city centre is the concern of this treatise. From the perspective of the conflict management scholar, the informal and formal conflict management strategies adopted among and between the CMM refugees, have been studied. Analysis of existing literature, interviews conducted with the refugees, as well as hours of experience within the refugee community, substantiate the descriptive study that follows. Guided by the grounded theory approach, research findings have emerged out of the descriptions. The research findings in turn have founded the development of the recommendations that appear in the conclusion to the treatise.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2009
- Authors: Burger, Christine-Maria
- Date: 2009
- Subjects: Conflict management , Central Methodist Church Refugee Community , Refugees -- Housing -- South Africa -- Johannesburg
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPhil
- Identifier: vital:8199 , http://hdl.handle.net/10948/1301 , Conflict management , Central Methodist Church Refugee Community , Refugees -- Housing -- South Africa -- Johannesburg
- Description: The growth of forced migration populations - i.e. the movement of people within and across national boarders as a result of conflicts, disasters, and development policies and projects - has been a defining feature of the twentieth century and will no doubt remain with us well into the twenty-first century (Rutinwa, 2001: 13). Literature searches suggest that the ‘refugee’ constitutes the most powerful label within the forced migration discourse. Published calculations regarding the number of refugees in the world at the end of 2008, range between 15.2 million (UNHCR, 2009: 2) and 13.6 million (World Refugee Survey, 2009: 33). The refugee experience of a small representative population of these figures namely, the Zimbabwean refugees living within the Central Methodist Church (CMC) or Central Methodist Mission (CMM) refugee community, in Johannesburg city centre is the concern of this treatise. From the perspective of the conflict management scholar, the informal and formal conflict management strategies adopted among and between the CMM refugees, have been studied. Analysis of existing literature, interviews conducted with the refugees, as well as hours of experience within the refugee community, substantiate the descriptive study that follows. Guided by the grounded theory approach, research findings have emerged out of the descriptions. The research findings in turn have founded the development of the recommendations that appear in the conclusion to the treatise.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2009
A foucaultian critique of the conception of individual subjectivity within contemporary environmental discourse
- Authors: Konik, Inge
- Date: 2009
- Subjects: Environmentalism , Environmental policy , Environmental management -- Social aspects
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPhil
- Identifier: vital:8422 , http://hdl.handle.net/10948/d1016201
- Description: Certain prominent environmental theorists have accounted for and/or addressed our unmitigated environmentally damaging behavior in cognitive terms, related to a common (misplaced) belief that economic development and technological advancement, among other contemporary processes, will solve our environmental problems. However, I argue that they have not given due consideration to the complex (predominantly non-cognitive/non-conscious) discursive constitution of the individual, and thus seem to adhere to a Kantian notion of autonomy that overlooks such non-cognitive factors. Focusing on this non-cognitive aspect of discursive constitution, I ascribe our ecological apathy mainly to the fact that we have been discursively constituted as docile bodies and prostrate subjects. Further, I argue that, because this process of discursive constitution is primarily non-cognitive, any attempts to remedy our ecological apathy at a cognitive level alone will not be completely effective. Consequently, I propose that a more effective way of fostering pro-environmental dispositions may be for individuals to engage in an ethic/culture of the self that is not exclusively conceptual in orientation, and which is centered on the practice of a counter-discourse that does not constitute the individual as docile and prostrate nor negate the individual’s dependence on the environment. Alternatively, in order to engender pro-environmental civilizational change, it may be necessary to operate within the discursive parameters of dominant/popular institutions, in order to incrementally alter the discourses employed within, and disseminated through, these institutions, in a manner that would lead to the problematization, rather than the endorsement, of the ecologically deleterious technological, political and economic trajectories of our time.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2009
- Authors: Konik, Inge
- Date: 2009
- Subjects: Environmentalism , Environmental policy , Environmental management -- Social aspects
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPhil
- Identifier: vital:8422 , http://hdl.handle.net/10948/d1016201
- Description: Certain prominent environmental theorists have accounted for and/or addressed our unmitigated environmentally damaging behavior in cognitive terms, related to a common (misplaced) belief that economic development and technological advancement, among other contemporary processes, will solve our environmental problems. However, I argue that they have not given due consideration to the complex (predominantly non-cognitive/non-conscious) discursive constitution of the individual, and thus seem to adhere to a Kantian notion of autonomy that overlooks such non-cognitive factors. Focusing on this non-cognitive aspect of discursive constitution, I ascribe our ecological apathy mainly to the fact that we have been discursively constituted as docile bodies and prostrate subjects. Further, I argue that, because this process of discursive constitution is primarily non-cognitive, any attempts to remedy our ecological apathy at a cognitive level alone will not be completely effective. Consequently, I propose that a more effective way of fostering pro-environmental dispositions may be for individuals to engage in an ethic/culture of the self that is not exclusively conceptual in orientation, and which is centered on the practice of a counter-discourse that does not constitute the individual as docile and prostrate nor negate the individual’s dependence on the environment. Alternatively, in order to engender pro-environmental civilizational change, it may be necessary to operate within the discursive parameters of dominant/popular institutions, in order to incrementally alter the discourses employed within, and disseminated through, these institutions, in a manner that would lead to the problematization, rather than the endorsement, of the ecologically deleterious technological, political and economic trajectories of our time.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2009
An analysis of the 2007 general elections in Kenya: a political leadership perspective
- Authors: Wanjiru, Stephanie M
- Date: 2009
- Subjects: Elections -- Kenya , Kenya -- Politics and government
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPhil
- Identifier: vital:8170 , http://hdl.handle.net/10948/1082 , Elections -- Kenya , Kenya -- Politics and government
- Description: On 27 December, 2007, Kenyan citizens took to the polls for the fourth time since multiparty democracy was introduced in 1992. The sentiment was that democracy was finally coming of age in this East African country. For many, these elections represented a turn in the country’s democratic process that would bring change in the areas of justice, food, shelter, education and employment to all – as these were the main campaign promises. Instead, at the conclusion of the voting and at the beginning of the tallying process, the electorate erupted violently at the suspicion and eventual reporting of the process being rigged. One of the main subjects discussed in this study includes the argument that Kenya is ailing from a lack of responsible political leadership. The breed of Kenyan politicians that have been experienced in the country since it gained its independence from British colonialists in 1963, have plundered its resources – material and human – to the brink of war. It is no longer a valid argument that Africa, just because of a history of governments looting and plundering the vast resources that belong to the world’s poorest of the poor, in particular Kenya produces bad leaders. The second topic of discussion in this study questions the role of ethnic mobilisation during the elections. It is well documented by authors such as Cowen and Kanyinga (in Cowen and Laakso (eds.) 2002: 128-171) that ethnicity in Kenya, under the machinations of irresponsible political leaders, has in the past played a critical part in rallying one political party against another. The 2007 General Election was no different. The contested presidential election results were announced on 30 December, 2007, declaring another term of office for the incumbent president, Mwai Kibaki. Since that announcement, thousands of people were reported dead while hundreds of thousands were considered displaced. The chaos was followed by a long mediation process kicked off with the AU chairman, John Kufuor, president of Ghana, hosting a number of talks between the two parties. However, this did not bear much fruit as the two conflicting parties could not agree on the main issue of the creation of a position of Prime Minister for Raila Odinga to 7 fill. This was then followed by a more successful mediation process hosted by the Elders1 including former United Nations (UN) secretary general, Kofi Annan, Graça Maçhel and Benjamin Mkapa, as indicated by The Daily Nation newspapers throughout the month of January 2008. It is with this background that the study will now turn to the discussion about the context of the research, its objectives, rationale, motivation and the research design
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2009
- Authors: Wanjiru, Stephanie M
- Date: 2009
- Subjects: Elections -- Kenya , Kenya -- Politics and government
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPhil
- Identifier: vital:8170 , http://hdl.handle.net/10948/1082 , Elections -- Kenya , Kenya -- Politics and government
- Description: On 27 December, 2007, Kenyan citizens took to the polls for the fourth time since multiparty democracy was introduced in 1992. The sentiment was that democracy was finally coming of age in this East African country. For many, these elections represented a turn in the country’s democratic process that would bring change in the areas of justice, food, shelter, education and employment to all – as these were the main campaign promises. Instead, at the conclusion of the voting and at the beginning of the tallying process, the electorate erupted violently at the suspicion and eventual reporting of the process being rigged. One of the main subjects discussed in this study includes the argument that Kenya is ailing from a lack of responsible political leadership. The breed of Kenyan politicians that have been experienced in the country since it gained its independence from British colonialists in 1963, have plundered its resources – material and human – to the brink of war. It is no longer a valid argument that Africa, just because of a history of governments looting and plundering the vast resources that belong to the world’s poorest of the poor, in particular Kenya produces bad leaders. The second topic of discussion in this study questions the role of ethnic mobilisation during the elections. It is well documented by authors such as Cowen and Kanyinga (in Cowen and Laakso (eds.) 2002: 128-171) that ethnicity in Kenya, under the machinations of irresponsible political leaders, has in the past played a critical part in rallying one political party against another. The 2007 General Election was no different. The contested presidential election results were announced on 30 December, 2007, declaring another term of office for the incumbent president, Mwai Kibaki. Since that announcement, thousands of people were reported dead while hundreds of thousands were considered displaced. The chaos was followed by a long mediation process kicked off with the AU chairman, John Kufuor, president of Ghana, hosting a number of talks between the two parties. However, this did not bear much fruit as the two conflicting parties could not agree on the main issue of the creation of a position of Prime Minister for Raila Odinga to 7 fill. This was then followed by a more successful mediation process hosted by the Elders1 including former United Nations (UN) secretary general, Kofi Annan, Graça Maçhel and Benjamin Mkapa, as indicated by The Daily Nation newspapers throughout the month of January 2008. It is with this background that the study will now turn to the discussion about the context of the research, its objectives, rationale, motivation and the research design
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2009
An exploration of peace-building challenges faced by acholi women in Gulu, Northern Uganda
- Authors: Kabahesi, Pamela
- Date: 2009
- Subjects: Peace-building , Women and peace , Conflict management
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPhil
- Identifier: vital:8220 , http://hdl.handle.net/10948/992 , Peace-building , Women and peace , Conflict management
- Description: An important focus of peacebuilding as a part of post-conflict reconstruction is the provision of basic needs. Peacebuilding is a move from war to a peaceful future. Peacebuilding rests on the premise that provision of people’s needs eliminates unrest and lawlessness that arise due to war. This in turn prevents a relapse into war. Also, communities that experience war lose many years and tend to develop at slower rates than peaceful areas, if at all they do develop. The twenty year old war in Northern Uganda has caused a gap between this area and the rest of the country. Poverty has left many unable to provide basic needs. Peacebuilding efforts have been undertaken by Non Governmental Organizations, Community Based Organizations, Government of Uganda as well as people in the community organizing themselves into groups to enable them reconstruct their lives. Efforts are being made towards reconstruction, resettlement, reconciliation and providing relief in an effort to move from war and destruction. In many societies, women are left out, marginalized and discriminated against as a result of patriarchy. Their roles in peacebuilding are not considered important and they face many challenges in their efforts to rebuild their lives and families. This research focused on the challenges faced by women in Gulu, a district in the Northern region of Uganda in peacebuilding. Through conducting face to face interviews, and consulting documents available to the public, the researcher collected information about the challenges faced by the Acholi women, the women of Gulu district.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2009
- Authors: Kabahesi, Pamela
- Date: 2009
- Subjects: Peace-building , Women and peace , Conflict management
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPhil
- Identifier: vital:8220 , http://hdl.handle.net/10948/992 , Peace-building , Women and peace , Conflict management
- Description: An important focus of peacebuilding as a part of post-conflict reconstruction is the provision of basic needs. Peacebuilding is a move from war to a peaceful future. Peacebuilding rests on the premise that provision of people’s needs eliminates unrest and lawlessness that arise due to war. This in turn prevents a relapse into war. Also, communities that experience war lose many years and tend to develop at slower rates than peaceful areas, if at all they do develop. The twenty year old war in Northern Uganda has caused a gap between this area and the rest of the country. Poverty has left many unable to provide basic needs. Peacebuilding efforts have been undertaken by Non Governmental Organizations, Community Based Organizations, Government of Uganda as well as people in the community organizing themselves into groups to enable them reconstruct their lives. Efforts are being made towards reconstruction, resettlement, reconciliation and providing relief in an effort to move from war and destruction. In many societies, women are left out, marginalized and discriminated against as a result of patriarchy. Their roles in peacebuilding are not considered important and they face many challenges in their efforts to rebuild their lives and families. This research focused on the challenges faced by women in Gulu, a district in the Northern region of Uganda in peacebuilding. Through conducting face to face interviews, and consulting documents available to the public, the researcher collected information about the challenges faced by the Acholi women, the women of Gulu district.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2009
An exploration of refugee integration : a case study of Krisan refugee camp, Ghana
- Authors: Mensah, David Ampoma
- Date: 2009
- Subjects: Refugee camps -- Ghana -- Krisan Refugee Camp , Refugees -- International cooperation
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPhil
- Identifier: vital:8217 , http://hdl.handle.net/10948/1014 , Refugee camps -- Ghana -- Krisan Refugee Camp , Refugees -- International cooperation
- Description: Conflict in Africa remains one of the continent’s principal development challenges. The human, economic and development costs of conflict are immense. A peaceful and secure environment remains the greatest priority for ordinary Africans across the continent. However, this often remains a mirage for many as violent armed conflicts continue to take its toll on many ordinary citizens, often, displacing them as refugees. Some refugees remain in very a deplorable refugee camps that offer them no prospects of decent livelihood for many years. With fear that they would be persecuted upon return to their countries of origin and often the delays in finding solutions to political violence, refugees remain in a protracted situation. A Protracted refugee situation means that refugees have lived in exile for more than five years with no immediate prospect of finding a durable solution to their plight by means of voluntary repatriation, local integration or resettlement. Thousands of refugees who fled violent conflicts in the West Africa and other parts of Africa have lived for more than a decade in the Krisan and Buduburam refugee camps in Ghana. A situation that can be termed protracted. This paper investigated the perceptions of local Ghanaians, Refugees of Krisan Refugee Camp and Government Official on the integration of refugees in Ghana. Krisan Refugee Camp which was built in 1996, particularly, houses about 1,700 refugees from nine countries: The Democratic Republic of Congo, Congo Brazzaville, Côte d’Ivoire, Chad, Liberia, Sierra Leone and The Sudan. The refugees have lived with the indigenous people of Krisan village for more than a decade and thus offered the best case for the investigation. The researcher used qualitative triangulation method to collect data. That is, he observed the refugees, the local people and supervisors of the refugee camp who made up the sample population. The researcher was able to conduct a face to face in-depth interview and studied necessary documents that informed the study immensely. Thematic data analysis revealed economic and employment opportunities, security, cultural and social networking and finally good counselling on the three traditional durable solutions as the themes greatly impacting on the integration of refugees in Ghana. A number of recommendations are made to inform the management and integration of refugees in Ghana and in Africa in general.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2009
- Authors: Mensah, David Ampoma
- Date: 2009
- Subjects: Refugee camps -- Ghana -- Krisan Refugee Camp , Refugees -- International cooperation
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPhil
- Identifier: vital:8217 , http://hdl.handle.net/10948/1014 , Refugee camps -- Ghana -- Krisan Refugee Camp , Refugees -- International cooperation
- Description: Conflict in Africa remains one of the continent’s principal development challenges. The human, economic and development costs of conflict are immense. A peaceful and secure environment remains the greatest priority for ordinary Africans across the continent. However, this often remains a mirage for many as violent armed conflicts continue to take its toll on many ordinary citizens, often, displacing them as refugees. Some refugees remain in very a deplorable refugee camps that offer them no prospects of decent livelihood for many years. With fear that they would be persecuted upon return to their countries of origin and often the delays in finding solutions to political violence, refugees remain in a protracted situation. A Protracted refugee situation means that refugees have lived in exile for more than five years with no immediate prospect of finding a durable solution to their plight by means of voluntary repatriation, local integration or resettlement. Thousands of refugees who fled violent conflicts in the West Africa and other parts of Africa have lived for more than a decade in the Krisan and Buduburam refugee camps in Ghana. A situation that can be termed protracted. This paper investigated the perceptions of local Ghanaians, Refugees of Krisan Refugee Camp and Government Official on the integration of refugees in Ghana. Krisan Refugee Camp which was built in 1996, particularly, houses about 1,700 refugees from nine countries: The Democratic Republic of Congo, Congo Brazzaville, Côte d’Ivoire, Chad, Liberia, Sierra Leone and The Sudan. The refugees have lived with the indigenous people of Krisan village for more than a decade and thus offered the best case for the investigation. The researcher used qualitative triangulation method to collect data. That is, he observed the refugees, the local people and supervisors of the refugee camp who made up the sample population. The researcher was able to conduct a face to face in-depth interview and studied necessary documents that informed the study immensely. Thematic data analysis revealed economic and employment opportunities, security, cultural and social networking and finally good counselling on the three traditional durable solutions as the themes greatly impacting on the integration of refugees in Ghana. A number of recommendations are made to inform the management and integration of refugees in Ghana and in Africa in general.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2009
An exploratory study of employee responses to the implementation of SAP R/3 and connected application portfolios (CAPs) at an energy company
- Authors: Anthony, Lizel Angelique
- Date: 2009
- Subjects: SAP R/3 , Organizational change -- South Africa , Personnel management -- South Africa , Business planning -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPhil
- Identifier: vital:16137 , http://hdl.handle.net/10948/1415 , SAP R/3 , Organizational change -- South Africa , Personnel management -- South Africa , Business planning -- South Africa
- Description: The aim of this research was to explore employee responses to the implementation of SAP R/3 and Connected Application Portfolios (CAPs) in Shell South Africa (Pty) Ltd. Downstream-One (DS-1) Business/Lubricants (B2B/Lubes) Project Implementation Programme. It assessed whether employees accepted or rejected change prior to the implementation of SAP R/3 and CAP’s. In 2005 globally Shell launched its Enterprise Resource Planning (ERP) implementation. Its 16th implementation was conducted in Shell South Africa (Pty) Ltd. (Shell SA) in 2008. This research was conducted using a qualitative approach.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2009
- Authors: Anthony, Lizel Angelique
- Date: 2009
- Subjects: SAP R/3 , Organizational change -- South Africa , Personnel management -- South Africa , Business planning -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPhil
- Identifier: vital:16137 , http://hdl.handle.net/10948/1415 , SAP R/3 , Organizational change -- South Africa , Personnel management -- South Africa , Business planning -- South Africa
- Description: The aim of this research was to explore employee responses to the implementation of SAP R/3 and Connected Application Portfolios (CAPs) in Shell South Africa (Pty) Ltd. Downstream-One (DS-1) Business/Lubricants (B2B/Lubes) Project Implementation Programme. It assessed whether employees accepted or rejected change prior to the implementation of SAP R/3 and CAP’s. In 2005 globally Shell launched its Enterprise Resource Planning (ERP) implementation. Its 16th implementation was conducted in Shell South Africa (Pty) Ltd. (Shell SA) in 2008. This research was conducted using a qualitative approach.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2009
An exploratory study of the role of synergy between the state and civil society in popular participation with reference to the province of Kwazulu-Natal
- Mtaka, Nhlanhla Dalibhurhwana
- Authors: Mtaka, Nhlanhla Dalibhurhwana
- Date: 2009
- Subjects: Economic development -- Social aspects -- South Africa -- KwaZulu Natal , Civil society , Responsibility , Political ethics
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPhil
- Identifier: vital:8210 , http://hdl.handle.net/10948/1135 , Economic development -- Social aspects -- South Africa -- KwaZulu Natal , Civil society , Responsibility , Political ethics
- Description: A healthy democracy is generally seen as one in which citizens participate regularly in formal political activities. Citizens’ participation in governance has come to be accepted as an expression of their rights and the manifestation of citizen agency. Access to information remains a crucial component of the right to participate. Transparency, as a normative and constitutional value, represents a means, not an end. The means is the mechanism of access to information. Within the South African context, there is evidence of an increase in participation of a variety of interest groups by means of different processes, as well as through the establishment of numerous consultative bodies and mechanisms for popular participation at all levels of the political structure (Houston, 2001:1). However, accountability to citizens can best be gauged by assessing citizens’ opportunities to influence legislation between elections. Ultimately, the effectiveness and sustainability of mechanisms aim at improving citizens’ participation in policy formulation in order to become effective when they are “institutionalized” and when the state’s own “internal” mechanisms are rendered more transparent and open to civic engagement. Furthermore, the success depends on some form of effective interaction between the state and civic society. In the case of South Africa, whilst the political context and culture for participation exist in the form of the constitutional provisions and several pieces of legislation, a discrepancy exist whereby many South Africans are excluded or devalued by the vast differences in wealth. Citizen’s votes may count equally, but they are still not able to participate on an equal basis between elections. Participatory mechanisms established to ensure citizen’s participation, access to information and monitoring inside and outside the legislature, remain ineffective. These unequal opportunities mean that the poorer and less organised segments of society are prejudiced in terms of influencing legislation and policy. Their lack of full and meaningful participation means legislative outcomes are less representative of, and responsive to, the interests of the poorer segments of society (Habib, Shultz – Herzenberg, 2005: 144). The focus of this study is limited to the province of KwaZulu-Natal. The aim is to, firstly, assess the extent to which citizens can control those who make collective decisions about public affairs. Secondly, it assess the extent to which citizens participate in the existing participatory mechanisms, and thirdly, the study explores the possibilities of the synergy between the state and civil society in promoting effective participation by its citizens. The study, therefore : 1. Assess the theoretical and policy framework for citizen’s participation in South Africa; and 2. Evaluate the level of participation and effectiveness of participatory mechanisms inside and outside the KwaZulu - Natal Legislature. The study introduces the theoretical and conceptual framework of citizen participation through a literature review; followed by an empirical study of citizen participation in the legislative process in the kwaZulu Natal legislature. The study makes the following findings: 1. The literature review concurs that South Africa has one of the most progressive and liberal constitutions in the world. This is coupled with a sound policy framework demonstrating genuine political will for citizens’ participation in policy formulation. 2. Within the political context and culture for citizen participation, the main question of how much control citizens have over the actions of their government remains. Another issue is whether existing mechanisms in the legislature are effective in engendering citizen’s participation and quality input in public policy – making processes. 3. The study showed that ultimately the effectiveness and sustainability of citizen participation mechanisms is improved when they are “institutionalised” and when the state’s own internal mechanisms of accountability are rendered more transparent and open to civic engagement. The study also highlighted the need for synergy between the state and civil society. This includes, among other things, participatory budgeting, public expenditure tracking, monitoring of public service delivery, investigative journalism and citizens’ advisory boards. The study, therefore, makes two recommendations: 1. A comparative Citizens Education and Outreach Programme be developed and spearheaded by both the legislature and civil society in kwaZulu-Natal; and 2. A further study needs to be undertaken to investigate the possible structural nature of the synergy (relationship) between the state and civil society in the province.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2009
- Authors: Mtaka, Nhlanhla Dalibhurhwana
- Date: 2009
- Subjects: Economic development -- Social aspects -- South Africa -- KwaZulu Natal , Civil society , Responsibility , Political ethics
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPhil
- Identifier: vital:8210 , http://hdl.handle.net/10948/1135 , Economic development -- Social aspects -- South Africa -- KwaZulu Natal , Civil society , Responsibility , Political ethics
- Description: A healthy democracy is generally seen as one in which citizens participate regularly in formal political activities. Citizens’ participation in governance has come to be accepted as an expression of their rights and the manifestation of citizen agency. Access to information remains a crucial component of the right to participate. Transparency, as a normative and constitutional value, represents a means, not an end. The means is the mechanism of access to information. Within the South African context, there is evidence of an increase in participation of a variety of interest groups by means of different processes, as well as through the establishment of numerous consultative bodies and mechanisms for popular participation at all levels of the political structure (Houston, 2001:1). However, accountability to citizens can best be gauged by assessing citizens’ opportunities to influence legislation between elections. Ultimately, the effectiveness and sustainability of mechanisms aim at improving citizens’ participation in policy formulation in order to become effective when they are “institutionalized” and when the state’s own “internal” mechanisms are rendered more transparent and open to civic engagement. Furthermore, the success depends on some form of effective interaction between the state and civic society. In the case of South Africa, whilst the political context and culture for participation exist in the form of the constitutional provisions and several pieces of legislation, a discrepancy exist whereby many South Africans are excluded or devalued by the vast differences in wealth. Citizen’s votes may count equally, but they are still not able to participate on an equal basis between elections. Participatory mechanisms established to ensure citizen’s participation, access to information and monitoring inside and outside the legislature, remain ineffective. These unequal opportunities mean that the poorer and less organised segments of society are prejudiced in terms of influencing legislation and policy. Their lack of full and meaningful participation means legislative outcomes are less representative of, and responsive to, the interests of the poorer segments of society (Habib, Shultz – Herzenberg, 2005: 144). The focus of this study is limited to the province of KwaZulu-Natal. The aim is to, firstly, assess the extent to which citizens can control those who make collective decisions about public affairs. Secondly, it assess the extent to which citizens participate in the existing participatory mechanisms, and thirdly, the study explores the possibilities of the synergy between the state and civil society in promoting effective participation by its citizens. The study, therefore : 1. Assess the theoretical and policy framework for citizen’s participation in South Africa; and 2. Evaluate the level of participation and effectiveness of participatory mechanisms inside and outside the KwaZulu - Natal Legislature. The study introduces the theoretical and conceptual framework of citizen participation through a literature review; followed by an empirical study of citizen participation in the legislative process in the kwaZulu Natal legislature. The study makes the following findings: 1. The literature review concurs that South Africa has one of the most progressive and liberal constitutions in the world. This is coupled with a sound policy framework demonstrating genuine political will for citizens’ participation in policy formulation. 2. Within the political context and culture for citizen participation, the main question of how much control citizens have over the actions of their government remains. Another issue is whether existing mechanisms in the legislature are effective in engendering citizen’s participation and quality input in public policy – making processes. 3. The study showed that ultimately the effectiveness and sustainability of citizen participation mechanisms is improved when they are “institutionalised” and when the state’s own internal mechanisms of accountability are rendered more transparent and open to civic engagement. The study also highlighted the need for synergy between the state and civil society. This includes, among other things, participatory budgeting, public expenditure tracking, monitoring of public service delivery, investigative journalism and citizens’ advisory boards. The study, therefore, makes two recommendations: 1. A comparative Citizens Education and Outreach Programme be developed and spearheaded by both the legislature and civil society in kwaZulu-Natal; and 2. A further study needs to be undertaken to investigate the possible structural nature of the synergy (relationship) between the state and civil society in the province.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2009