A critical edition of the Memoirs of Amelia de Henningsen (Notre Mère)
- Authors: Young, Margaret
- Date: 1984
- Subjects: Henningsen family , Henningsen family -- History , Autobiography
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2575 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003067 , Henningsen family , Henningsen family -- History , Autobiography
- Description: The chief purpose in editing the Memoirs of Amelia de Henningsen (Notre Mère) is to place on record the role played by this remarkable woman in laying the foundations of Catholic Education in southern Africa and in the building up of the Catholic Church in the Eastern Vicariate of the Cape of Good Hope and beyond. Emphasis has been placed on her achievements in these fields of labour.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1984
- Authors: Young, Margaret
- Date: 1984
- Subjects: Henningsen family , Henningsen family -- History , Autobiography
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2575 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003067 , Henningsen family , Henningsen family -- History , Autobiography
- Description: The chief purpose in editing the Memoirs of Amelia de Henningsen (Notre Mère) is to place on record the role played by this remarkable woman in laying the foundations of Catholic Education in southern Africa and in the building up of the Catholic Church in the Eastern Vicariate of the Cape of Good Hope and beyond. Emphasis has been placed on her achievements in these fields of labour.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1984
A period of transition: a history of Grahamstown, 1902-1918
- Authors: Southey, Nicholas
- Date: 1984
- Subjects: Grahamstown (South Africa) -- History
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2558 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002411 , Grahamstown (South Africa) -- History
- Description: A Period of Transition : A History of Grahamstown 1902-1918 attempts to show that the trends begun in the nineteenth century were confirmed by developments in the first two decades of the twentieth century. In this period, Grahamstown was forced to abandon ideas of economic recovery and political importance, as it adapted to its role in the post-Union dispensation. The city has been firmly grounded in the wider environment, though comparison with towns of similar position and outlook has been impossible because of a lack of source material.4 It is clearly evident that Grahamstown was under pressure from the macrocosm; nonetheless, local initiatives and developments also lent clarity to broader trends. This is particularly clear in the emerging pattern of racial segregation in the City, to cope with the economic and social problems posed by a burgeoning black population. The limited financial resources of a corporation the size of Grahamstown restricted its effectiveness to improve schemes of public works and public health, and further underlined the dependence of the city on the government for assistance. Grahamstown's transition was predominantly one of acceptance of a changed political, social and economic environment.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1984
- Authors: Southey, Nicholas
- Date: 1984
- Subjects: Grahamstown (South Africa) -- History
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2558 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002411 , Grahamstown (South Africa) -- History
- Description: A Period of Transition : A History of Grahamstown 1902-1918 attempts to show that the trends begun in the nineteenth century were confirmed by developments in the first two decades of the twentieth century. In this period, Grahamstown was forced to abandon ideas of economic recovery and political importance, as it adapted to its role in the post-Union dispensation. The city has been firmly grounded in the wider environment, though comparison with towns of similar position and outlook has been impossible because of a lack of source material.4 It is clearly evident that Grahamstown was under pressure from the macrocosm; nonetheless, local initiatives and developments also lent clarity to broader trends. This is particularly clear in the emerging pattern of racial segregation in the City, to cope with the economic and social problems posed by a burgeoning black population. The limited financial resources of a corporation the size of Grahamstown restricted its effectiveness to improve schemes of public works and public health, and further underlined the dependence of the city on the government for assistance. Grahamstown's transition was predominantly one of acceptance of a changed political, social and economic environment.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1984
Jim's journal: the diary of James Butler: a critical edition
- Authors: Garner, Jane Mary
- Date: 1984
- Subjects: Butler, James, 1854-1923 -- Diaries , Quakers -- Biography
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2579 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1004510
- Description: From Introduction: On 17 October 1876 a young man called James Butler embarked at Poplar Docks, London on the steamer Dunrobin Castle for distant Cape Town. His destination was Grahamstown in the Eastern Province of the Cape Colony, his purpose: to recover from a severe illness, probably tuberculosis, in a warm and sunny climate. He was twenty-two years and three months old. His sheltered Quaker background had not prepared him for life in a country strange in so many ways, much less for an experience which was to change the course of his life. His visit to South Africa lasted two and a half years: at the end of it his health was largely restored and he had decided that he might return to Cradock if the doctors in London thought it advisable. Cradock was the small Eastern Cape town where in fact he was to spend the rest of his life. The diary which he kept for that crucial two and a half years begins with the voyage to Cape Town and chronicles not only his travels around the Eastern Cape, but provides also a record of his own emotional growth from a somewhat insecure boy to an assured young man confident in his own future under God's guidance.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1984
- Authors: Garner, Jane Mary
- Date: 1984
- Subjects: Butler, James, 1854-1923 -- Diaries , Quakers -- Biography
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2579 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1004510
- Description: From Introduction: On 17 October 1876 a young man called James Butler embarked at Poplar Docks, London on the steamer Dunrobin Castle for distant Cape Town. His destination was Grahamstown in the Eastern Province of the Cape Colony, his purpose: to recover from a severe illness, probably tuberculosis, in a warm and sunny climate. He was twenty-two years and three months old. His sheltered Quaker background had not prepared him for life in a country strange in so many ways, much less for an experience which was to change the course of his life. His visit to South Africa lasted two and a half years: at the end of it his health was largely restored and he had decided that he might return to Cradock if the doctors in London thought it advisable. Cradock was the small Eastern Cape town where in fact he was to spend the rest of his life. The diary which he kept for that crucial two and a half years begins with the voyage to Cape Town and chronicles not only his travels around the Eastern Cape, but provides also a record of his own emotional growth from a somewhat insecure boy to an assured young man confident in his own future under God's guidance.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1984
The "Civilised Labour Policy" and the private sector : the operation of the South African Wage Act, 1925-1937
- Authors: Phillips, Ian Munro
- Date: 1984
- Subjects: Wages -- Government policy -- South Africa. Labour policy -- South Africa Discrimination in employment -- South Africa Wages -- Law and legislation -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: vital:2594 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1007354
- Description: The early history of South African industrial development has been approached from essentially two angles. One body of thought has concentrated on the adverse effect colour bars have had on the development of South Africa. It is argued that racial discrimination in industry originated from the racial prejudice of white workers and from state intervention in the economy. Opposed to that view is the interpretation that the colour bar originated out of the specific character and subsequent development of South African capitalism. This study approaches the debates and arguments through an analysis of the Wage Act of 1925. The industrial relations system which operates in South Africa has its origins in the legislation of the 1920s. It is based on the Industrial Conciliation Act of 1924 and the Wage Act of 1925. Very few systematic analyses of the Wage Act have been produced hitherto. Most commentators have focussed on single aspects of the Act, but very few have attempted an examination of the operation of the Wage Board which was established by the Act. The Wage Board was instituted as an element to promote the civilised labour policy in the private sector. Whereas the Industrial Conciliation Act operated to protect organised labour, the Wage Act concentrated on unorganised trades and sections of trades. Although empowered to investigate conditions in the mining industry, the Wage Board was never used to regulate wages in that industry under the Wage Act due to opposition from the industry. It was concerned solely with secondary industrial and manufacturing establishments because agriculture and domestic service were excluded from the Wage Act. The Wage Act was based on the principal of compulsory regulation. Determinations in terms of the Board's recommendations were binding on employees and employers alike. Complex procedures hampered the activity of the Board until 1930 when the Act was amended and simplified. The Board faced a great deal of opposition from manufacturers in its early years. But a cautious approach and the gradual implementation of determinations ensured that employers opposition soon changed to support when it became clear the Board was not an arbitrary one. The Board had to take a number of strict considerations into account. It could not recommend wages if its recommendation would affect the particular trade concerned adversely. It concerned itself with the promotion of efficiency in business, production costs, consumerism , the wasteful employment of labour, the length of the working day and the productivity of employees. As such it was used as a means to assist the necessary rationalisation and reorganisation of South African industry. It could not recommend wages without the Minister's express instructions if all the employees covered by a reference could not receive a civilised wage . Civilised wages were classified as wages at which employees could enjoy white standards of living. This clause effectively introduced a colour bar into wage determinations. It operated before 1930 to buttress Industrial Council Agreements to prevent the displacement of whites by Africans at lower rates. The Wage Board also considered investigations from unskilled, African workers. The Board was not permitted by law to discriminate against people of colour. Apart from the potential colour bar of wage regulation in general in South Africa, the Board was instructed in 1930 to refrain from issuing recommendations for African workers. Regulations were also altered to exclude Africans. The Wage Act declined in importance after the Great Depression as white workers were drawn closer to the wider-reaching Industrial Conciliation Act. The need to regulate African wages and to control African labour became more evident during the period of economic expansion in the 1930s. The Act was replaced in 1937 and the restrictions formerly placed on Africans were removed. The workforce had finally been separated with the provision of different industrial relations appartuses." "...Every industrial and commercial centre in England now possesses a working class divided into two hostile camps, English proletarians and Irish proletarians. The ordinary English worker hates the Irish worker as a competitor who lowers his standard of life. In relation to the Irish worker he feels himself a member of the ruling nation and so turns himself into a tool of the aristocrats and capitalists of his country against Ireland, thus strengthening their domination over himself. He cherishes religious, social, and national prejudices against the Irish worker. His attitude towards him is much the same as that of the 'poor whites' to the 'niggers' in the former slave states of the USA. The Irishman pays him back with interest in his own money. He sees in the English worker at once the accomplice and the stupid tool of the English rule in Ireland. This antagonism is artificially kept alive and intensified by the press, the pulpit, the comic papers, in short, by all the means at the disposal of the ruling classes. This antagonism is the secret of the impotence of the English working class, despite its organisation. It is the secret by which the capitalist class maintains its power. And that class is fully aware of it." Marx to Siegfried Meyer and August Vogt April 9 1870 Marx and Engels Ireland and the Irish Question.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1984
- Authors: Phillips, Ian Munro
- Date: 1984
- Subjects: Wages -- Government policy -- South Africa. Labour policy -- South Africa Discrimination in employment -- South Africa Wages -- Law and legislation -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: vital:2594 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1007354
- Description: The early history of South African industrial development has been approached from essentially two angles. One body of thought has concentrated on the adverse effect colour bars have had on the development of South Africa. It is argued that racial discrimination in industry originated from the racial prejudice of white workers and from state intervention in the economy. Opposed to that view is the interpretation that the colour bar originated out of the specific character and subsequent development of South African capitalism. This study approaches the debates and arguments through an analysis of the Wage Act of 1925. The industrial relations system which operates in South Africa has its origins in the legislation of the 1920s. It is based on the Industrial Conciliation Act of 1924 and the Wage Act of 1925. Very few systematic analyses of the Wage Act have been produced hitherto. Most commentators have focussed on single aspects of the Act, but very few have attempted an examination of the operation of the Wage Board which was established by the Act. The Wage Board was instituted as an element to promote the civilised labour policy in the private sector. Whereas the Industrial Conciliation Act operated to protect organised labour, the Wage Act concentrated on unorganised trades and sections of trades. Although empowered to investigate conditions in the mining industry, the Wage Board was never used to regulate wages in that industry under the Wage Act due to opposition from the industry. It was concerned solely with secondary industrial and manufacturing establishments because agriculture and domestic service were excluded from the Wage Act. The Wage Act was based on the principal of compulsory regulation. Determinations in terms of the Board's recommendations were binding on employees and employers alike. Complex procedures hampered the activity of the Board until 1930 when the Act was amended and simplified. The Board faced a great deal of opposition from manufacturers in its early years. But a cautious approach and the gradual implementation of determinations ensured that employers opposition soon changed to support when it became clear the Board was not an arbitrary one. The Board had to take a number of strict considerations into account. It could not recommend wages if its recommendation would affect the particular trade concerned adversely. It concerned itself with the promotion of efficiency in business, production costs, consumerism , the wasteful employment of labour, the length of the working day and the productivity of employees. As such it was used as a means to assist the necessary rationalisation and reorganisation of South African industry. It could not recommend wages without the Minister's express instructions if all the employees covered by a reference could not receive a civilised wage . Civilised wages were classified as wages at which employees could enjoy white standards of living. This clause effectively introduced a colour bar into wage determinations. It operated before 1930 to buttress Industrial Council Agreements to prevent the displacement of whites by Africans at lower rates. The Wage Board also considered investigations from unskilled, African workers. The Board was not permitted by law to discriminate against people of colour. Apart from the potential colour bar of wage regulation in general in South Africa, the Board was instructed in 1930 to refrain from issuing recommendations for African workers. Regulations were also altered to exclude Africans. The Wage Act declined in importance after the Great Depression as white workers were drawn closer to the wider-reaching Industrial Conciliation Act. The need to regulate African wages and to control African labour became more evident during the period of economic expansion in the 1930s. The Act was replaced in 1937 and the restrictions formerly placed on Africans were removed. The workforce had finally been separated with the provision of different industrial relations appartuses." "...Every industrial and commercial centre in England now possesses a working class divided into two hostile camps, English proletarians and Irish proletarians. The ordinary English worker hates the Irish worker as a competitor who lowers his standard of life. In relation to the Irish worker he feels himself a member of the ruling nation and so turns himself into a tool of the aristocrats and capitalists of his country against Ireland, thus strengthening their domination over himself. He cherishes religious, social, and national prejudices against the Irish worker. His attitude towards him is much the same as that of the 'poor whites' to the 'niggers' in the former slave states of the USA. The Irishman pays him back with interest in his own money. He sees in the English worker at once the accomplice and the stupid tool of the English rule in Ireland. This antagonism is artificially kept alive and intensified by the press, the pulpit, the comic papers, in short, by all the means at the disposal of the ruling classes. This antagonism is the secret of the impotence of the English working class, despite its organisation. It is the secret by which the capitalist class maintains its power. And that class is fully aware of it." Marx to Siegfried Meyer and August Vogt April 9 1870 Marx and Engels Ireland and the Irish Question.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1984
- «
- ‹
- 1
- ›
- »