Colonial policies and the failure of Somali secessionism in the Northern frontier district of Kenya colony, c.1890-1968
- Authors: Abdullahi, Abdirashid
- Date: 1998
- Subjects: Somalis -- Kenya -- History , Kenya -- History -- 1963- , Kenya -- Politics and government , Decolonization -- Kenya -- History -- 20th century , Kenya -- History -- To 1963
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2532 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002384 , Somalis -- Kenya -- History , Kenya -- History -- 1963- , Kenya -- Politics and government , Decolonization -- Kenya -- History -- 20th century , Kenya -- History -- To 1963
- Description: This thesis examines the events that took plac,e. in the Northern Frontier District I North Eastern Province of Kenya hetween the late nineteenth century and 1968. After 1900 the imposition of colonial policies impacted on the socio-economic and political structures of the Somali people. This thesis also examines the nature of Somali resistance l\P- to the late 1920s when Somali society was finally pacified. It further examines colonial policies such as the creation of the Somali-Galla line in 1919, the separation of the J uhaland region from the Kenya Colony in 1926 and the Special District Ordinance of 1934. Between 1946 and 1948 the British Government through its Foreign Minister, Ernest Bevin, attempted to unify Somali territories in the Horn of Africa and this raised Somali hopes of uni fication. The Bevin Plan collapsed because of the opposition of the United States, the Soviet Union, the French and Ethiopian leaders. Similar hopes of NFD Somali unification were raised hetween 1958 and 1963 because of the unification of the former British Somali land and Italian Somaliland. Due to the imminent end of British colonial rule in Kenya, the NFD Somali leaders demanded secession from Kenya to join up with the nascent Somali republic. But the NFDSomali hopes of unification with the Somali Repuhlic were dashed by 1964 because of the same opposition provided by the United States, the French and the Ethiopians. The British Government were all along half-hearted towards Somali unification attempts even though the field administrators adopted a pro-Somali attitude to the issue. In the early 1960s, however, the NFD Somali leaders were faced with the additional opposition of the new KANU government in Kenya. In 1964 the failure of the NFD Somalis to secede from Kenya led to the guerrilla war, what the Kenyan government called the 'shifta movement', that engulfed the North Eastern Region until 1968 when the Arusha Memorandum of Understanding was signed between the Kenyan and the Somali Governments. The signing of the Arusha Memorandum of Understanding by the Kenyan and Somali Governments did not satisfy· the NFD Somalis hopes of joining the Somali Republic. The main conclusion of this thesis is that the N FD Somalis, except for few collahorators, did at no time, whether in the colonial or post-colonial eras, accept heing in Kenya. By the late 1960s the prospects of NFD Somalis unifying with the Somali Republic were, in view of the forces arrayed against the Somali secessionist movement, slim; and they have remained slim since then.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1998
- Authors: Abdullahi, Abdirashid
- Date: 1998
- Subjects: Somalis -- Kenya -- History , Kenya -- History -- 1963- , Kenya -- Politics and government , Decolonization -- Kenya -- History -- 20th century , Kenya -- History -- To 1963
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2532 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002384 , Somalis -- Kenya -- History , Kenya -- History -- 1963- , Kenya -- Politics and government , Decolonization -- Kenya -- History -- 20th century , Kenya -- History -- To 1963
- Description: This thesis examines the events that took plac,e. in the Northern Frontier District I North Eastern Province of Kenya hetween the late nineteenth century and 1968. After 1900 the imposition of colonial policies impacted on the socio-economic and political structures of the Somali people. This thesis also examines the nature of Somali resistance l\P- to the late 1920s when Somali society was finally pacified. It further examines colonial policies such as the creation of the Somali-Galla line in 1919, the separation of the J uhaland region from the Kenya Colony in 1926 and the Special District Ordinance of 1934. Between 1946 and 1948 the British Government through its Foreign Minister, Ernest Bevin, attempted to unify Somali territories in the Horn of Africa and this raised Somali hopes of uni fication. The Bevin Plan collapsed because of the opposition of the United States, the Soviet Union, the French and Ethiopian leaders. Similar hopes of NFD Somali unification were raised hetween 1958 and 1963 because of the unification of the former British Somali land and Italian Somaliland. Due to the imminent end of British colonial rule in Kenya, the NFD Somali leaders demanded secession from Kenya to join up with the nascent Somali republic. But the NFDSomali hopes of unification with the Somali Repuhlic were dashed by 1964 because of the same opposition provided by the United States, the French and the Ethiopians. The British Government were all along half-hearted towards Somali unification attempts even though the field administrators adopted a pro-Somali attitude to the issue. In the early 1960s, however, the NFD Somali leaders were faced with the additional opposition of the new KANU government in Kenya. In 1964 the failure of the NFD Somalis to secede from Kenya led to the guerrilla war, what the Kenyan government called the 'shifta movement', that engulfed the North Eastern Region until 1968 when the Arusha Memorandum of Understanding was signed between the Kenyan and the Somali Governments. The signing of the Arusha Memorandum of Understanding by the Kenyan and Somali Governments did not satisfy· the NFD Somalis hopes of joining the Somali Republic. The main conclusion of this thesis is that the N FD Somalis, except for few collahorators, did at no time, whether in the colonial or post-colonial eras, accept heing in Kenya. By the late 1960s the prospects of NFD Somalis unifying with the Somali Republic were, in view of the forces arrayed against the Somali secessionist movement, slim; and they have remained slim since then.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1998
The tropical environment and malaria in southwestern Nigeria, 1861 – 1960
- Authors: Adetiba, Adedamola Seun
- Date: 2019
- Subjects: Diseases and history -- Africa , Diseases and history -- Nigeria , Medical anthropology -- Africa , Medical anthropology -- Nigeria , Malaria -- Social aspects -- Nigeria , Malaria -- Nigeria -- History , Nigeria -- History , Imperialism -- Health aspects , Medicine -- Colonies -- Great Britain -- History
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/76564 , vital:30605
- Description: This thesis is a social history of malaria in southwestern Nigeria. It contributes to the burgeoning literature in the historiography of medicine, specifically the medicine and empire debate. Key to the issues raised in this thesis is the extent to which the limitations in colonial medical policies, most especially malaria control programmes, inspired critical and ingenious responses from African nationalists, doctors, patients, research volunteers, and indigenous medical practitioners. Challenged by a wide range of diseases and a paucity of health facilities and disease control schemes, African rural dwellers became medical pluralists in the ways they imagined and appropriated ideas of Western medicine alongside their indigenous medical practices. Beginning with a detailed historical exploration of the issues that informed the introduction of curative and preventive medicine in southwestern Nigeria, this thesis reveals the focus of colonial medicine. It exposes the one-sided nature of medical services in colonial spaces like southwestern Nigeria and the ways it shaped multifaceted responses from Africans, who were specifically side-lined till the 1950s when the rural medical service scheme was introduced. The focus of colonial medicine is drawn from relatively rich but often subjective historical evidence, such as a plethora of official reports of the department of medical and sanitary services, official correspondences within the colonial government in Lagos and Nigeria, and between the colonial government and the colonial office in the United Kingdom. Details of African responses to medical policies were garnered from newspaper publications and correspondences between the African public and the colonial government in Lagos. They reveal very interesting details of the ways Africans imagined, reimagined, and appropriated malaria control ideas and schemes. The central argument in this thesis is that attempts to control malaria in southwestern Nigeria till the 1950s, were shaped by a single concern to ameliorate the implications of the disease on the colonial state. It argues that this one-sided nature of malaria control programme informed the basis for medical pluralism in most rural spaces where African communities became patrons and sponsors of Western medicine and at the same time custodians of their indigenous medical practices. The series of justifications for the sustenance of these services were reinforced on the basis of the failure of the colonial state to guarantee the health needs of their colonial subjects. The aim of the thesis is to reinforce arguments that portray colonial medicine as a “tool of empire” but goes a bit further to explain the extent to which Africans related to this reality. It states quite categorically that Africans were not docile and silent, but that they acted decisively in ways that suited their varied interests and courses.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2019
- Authors: Adetiba, Adedamola Seun
- Date: 2019
- Subjects: Diseases and history -- Africa , Diseases and history -- Nigeria , Medical anthropology -- Africa , Medical anthropology -- Nigeria , Malaria -- Social aspects -- Nigeria , Malaria -- Nigeria -- History , Nigeria -- History , Imperialism -- Health aspects , Medicine -- Colonies -- Great Britain -- History
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/76564 , vital:30605
- Description: This thesis is a social history of malaria in southwestern Nigeria. It contributes to the burgeoning literature in the historiography of medicine, specifically the medicine and empire debate. Key to the issues raised in this thesis is the extent to which the limitations in colonial medical policies, most especially malaria control programmes, inspired critical and ingenious responses from African nationalists, doctors, patients, research volunteers, and indigenous medical practitioners. Challenged by a wide range of diseases and a paucity of health facilities and disease control schemes, African rural dwellers became medical pluralists in the ways they imagined and appropriated ideas of Western medicine alongside their indigenous medical practices. Beginning with a detailed historical exploration of the issues that informed the introduction of curative and preventive medicine in southwestern Nigeria, this thesis reveals the focus of colonial medicine. It exposes the one-sided nature of medical services in colonial spaces like southwestern Nigeria and the ways it shaped multifaceted responses from Africans, who were specifically side-lined till the 1950s when the rural medical service scheme was introduced. The focus of colonial medicine is drawn from relatively rich but often subjective historical evidence, such as a plethora of official reports of the department of medical and sanitary services, official correspondences within the colonial government in Lagos and Nigeria, and between the colonial government and the colonial office in the United Kingdom. Details of African responses to medical policies were garnered from newspaper publications and correspondences between the African public and the colonial government in Lagos. They reveal very interesting details of the ways Africans imagined, reimagined, and appropriated malaria control ideas and schemes. The central argument in this thesis is that attempts to control malaria in southwestern Nigeria till the 1950s, were shaped by a single concern to ameliorate the implications of the disease on the colonial state. It argues that this one-sided nature of malaria control programme informed the basis for medical pluralism in most rural spaces where African communities became patrons and sponsors of Western medicine and at the same time custodians of their indigenous medical practices. The series of justifications for the sustenance of these services were reinforced on the basis of the failure of the colonial state to guarantee the health needs of their colonial subjects. The aim of the thesis is to reinforce arguments that portray colonial medicine as a “tool of empire” but goes a bit further to explain the extent to which Africans related to this reality. It states quite categorically that Africans were not docile and silent, but that they acted decisively in ways that suited their varied interests and courses.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2019
The development of the system of individual tenure for Africans: with special reference to the Glen Grey Act, c1894-1922
- Authors: Ally, Russell Thomas
- Date: 1985
- Subjects: Cape of Good Hope (South Africa) -- History , Labor policy -- South Africa -- History , Black people -- Employment -- South Africa -- History , South Africa -- Politics and government -- History
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2576 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003122 , Cape of Good Hope (South Africa) -- History , Labor policy -- South Africa -- History , Black people -- Employment -- South Africa -- History , South Africa -- Politics and government -- History
- Description: The Glen Grey Act was promulgated in August 1894. The main provisions of the Act were for the survey into individual allotments of land held tribally and for a system of local self-government. Described by its originator, C.J. Rhodes, as a 'Bill for Africa, it was first applied to the district of Glen Grey and subsequently extended (in a piece-meal fashion) to a number of districts in the Transkei. The Act was introduced at a crucial stage in South Africa's history. During this period the country stood poised on the threshhold of a significant and far-reaching transformation. The South Africa of 'old', predominantly agricultural and rural was giving way to a 'new' South Africa, modern and industrial. At the centre of this development was the mineral discoveries of the 1860s and 1880s. The period of colonial conquest had also virtually been completed. Most of the hitherto independent African chiefdoms had either been broken up or were under European control. The most urgent problem which now faced the new rulers was devising a policy to govern the millions of black people over whom they had assumed responsibility. Of crucial concern was the creation of working class to minister to the needs of the developing economy. This task was made all the more difficult by the divisions which existed among the ruling groups at the time. To all intents and purposes the country was made up of essentially four independent and autonomous regions. Although the economic changes which were taking place would hasten the unification of the country, until that happened it was well-nigh impossible for a uniform 'native policy' to take shape. The inevitable consequence was the emergence of a number of regional responses to what was essentially a country-wide issue. As the unification of South Africa drew closer however these different regional responses began to vie with each other for supremacy at a national level. The Glen Grey policy then was the response of the Cape to the changes which were taking place in the country. As such, it drew much of its inspiration from the traditions which had developed in the Cape Colony. Its initiators did not however view it as only a regional policy. For them it had applicability to the whole country. It was therefore to be expected that they would attempt to 'sell' their policy to the rest of the country. In the end however it won few adherents outside of the Cape Colony and when Union became an established fact it bowed out to a policy favoured largely by the northern provinces. To be sure the Glen Grey system did linger on for a while in those districts where it had first been applied but it would not be long before it was to fall into official disapproval. While the Glen Grey Act was ushered in with much fanfare and vaunted expectations, its demise was silent and ignominous. The grandiose course which it had charted for the taking-in-hand of the 'native question' came to naught, as did the profound and far-reaching changes which it was believed the policy would inaugurate. The origins of this policy, its implementation and actual working, and the reasons why in the end it foundered and was abandoned will be the main themes of this thesis.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1985
- Authors: Ally, Russell Thomas
- Date: 1985
- Subjects: Cape of Good Hope (South Africa) -- History , Labor policy -- South Africa -- History , Black people -- Employment -- South Africa -- History , South Africa -- Politics and government -- History
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2576 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003122 , Cape of Good Hope (South Africa) -- History , Labor policy -- South Africa -- History , Black people -- Employment -- South Africa -- History , South Africa -- Politics and government -- History
- Description: The Glen Grey Act was promulgated in August 1894. The main provisions of the Act were for the survey into individual allotments of land held tribally and for a system of local self-government. Described by its originator, C.J. Rhodes, as a 'Bill for Africa, it was first applied to the district of Glen Grey and subsequently extended (in a piece-meal fashion) to a number of districts in the Transkei. The Act was introduced at a crucial stage in South Africa's history. During this period the country stood poised on the threshhold of a significant and far-reaching transformation. The South Africa of 'old', predominantly agricultural and rural was giving way to a 'new' South Africa, modern and industrial. At the centre of this development was the mineral discoveries of the 1860s and 1880s. The period of colonial conquest had also virtually been completed. Most of the hitherto independent African chiefdoms had either been broken up or were under European control. The most urgent problem which now faced the new rulers was devising a policy to govern the millions of black people over whom they had assumed responsibility. Of crucial concern was the creation of working class to minister to the needs of the developing economy. This task was made all the more difficult by the divisions which existed among the ruling groups at the time. To all intents and purposes the country was made up of essentially four independent and autonomous regions. Although the economic changes which were taking place would hasten the unification of the country, until that happened it was well-nigh impossible for a uniform 'native policy' to take shape. The inevitable consequence was the emergence of a number of regional responses to what was essentially a country-wide issue. As the unification of South Africa drew closer however these different regional responses began to vie with each other for supremacy at a national level. The Glen Grey policy then was the response of the Cape to the changes which were taking place in the country. As such, it drew much of its inspiration from the traditions which had developed in the Cape Colony. Its initiators did not however view it as only a regional policy. For them it had applicability to the whole country. It was therefore to be expected that they would attempt to 'sell' their policy to the rest of the country. In the end however it won few adherents outside of the Cape Colony and when Union became an established fact it bowed out to a policy favoured largely by the northern provinces. To be sure the Glen Grey system did linger on for a while in those districts where it had first been applied but it would not be long before it was to fall into official disapproval. While the Glen Grey Act was ushered in with much fanfare and vaunted expectations, its demise was silent and ignominous. The grandiose course which it had charted for the taking-in-hand of the 'native question' came to naught, as did the profound and far-reaching changes which it was believed the policy would inaugurate. The origins of this policy, its implementation and actual working, and the reasons why in the end it foundered and was abandoned will be the main themes of this thesis.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1985
The Port Elizabeth disturbances of October, 1920
- Authors: Baines, Gary F, 1955-
- Date: 1988
- Subjects: Black people -- South Africa -- Port Elizabeth -- Social conditions , Police shootings -- South Africa -- Port Elizabeth , Labor movement -- South Africa -- Port Elizabeth -- History
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2529 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1001858
- Description: Chapter one suggests thet trade and merchant capital, which were crucial to Port Elizabeth's economic development during the nineteenth century, was subsumed by the rise of manufactures and industrial capital after the First World War. Industrial expansion was cut short by the post-war recession, which caused un- and underemployment. The black worker, who experienced a severe loss in real earnings on account of the increased cost of living, became involved in a struggle with employers for wage increases. Chapter two shows how the policy of segregation was applied in Port Elizabeth, which meant that the workers were subjected to an increasing degree of control and regulation of their daily lives. The conditions of reproduction in the black townships fostered inter-racial and cross-class mobilisation which culminated in the formation of a general labour union, the Port Elizabeth Industrial and Commercial Workers' Union (PEICWU). Chapter three will suggest links between the tradition in Port Elizabeth of worker resistance and the unionisation of black workers in the post-war period. Thus, the first three chapters attempt to provide a historical perspective for analysing the underlying causes of the 1920 Port Elizabeth disturbances. The immediate cause of the disturbances was the arrest of the Union leader, Masabalala, after he called for a general strike. Chapter four will show how the intervention of the local authorities provoked a spontaneous act of defiance on the part of Union members. A demonstration outside the Baakens Street Police Station to demand the release of Masabalala, precipitated the tragic shootings of 23 October 1920. The repressive violence which left 22 dead (with two further deaths resulting indirectly from the incident) was unprecedented in South African history. The resolution of the crisis brought the workers no nearer to obtaining a reasonable settlement of the wage issue. If anything, the resolve of employers to deny wage demands was hardened by the actions of the local authorities, who attributed the disturbances to ' agitation '. Such thinly-disguised justifications of the shootings by the dominant classes, however, provoked recriminations from other quarters. Chapter five examines the legal and political ramifications of the Port Elizabeth shootings. The circumstances of the shootings prompted the Smuts Government to appoint a Commission of Enquiry in the face of public pressure. The Commission found that the Police and vigilantes were largely to blame for the high death toll. But the Government's 'whitewash' of the findings could not absolve the Police from culpability entirely, nor could it sidestep its own responsibility and liability to victims of the shootings. Finally, in Chapter six, an attempt will be made to assess the long term impact of the shootings on the PElCU and the black labour movement in Port Elizabeth generally. The outcome of the episode was a victory for employers, which dealt a body blow to worker organisation which only became resurgent in the 1950s.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1988
- Authors: Baines, Gary F, 1955-
- Date: 1988
- Subjects: Black people -- South Africa -- Port Elizabeth -- Social conditions , Police shootings -- South Africa -- Port Elizabeth , Labor movement -- South Africa -- Port Elizabeth -- History
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2529 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1001858
- Description: Chapter one suggests thet trade and merchant capital, which were crucial to Port Elizabeth's economic development during the nineteenth century, was subsumed by the rise of manufactures and industrial capital after the First World War. Industrial expansion was cut short by the post-war recession, which caused un- and underemployment. The black worker, who experienced a severe loss in real earnings on account of the increased cost of living, became involved in a struggle with employers for wage increases. Chapter two shows how the policy of segregation was applied in Port Elizabeth, which meant that the workers were subjected to an increasing degree of control and regulation of their daily lives. The conditions of reproduction in the black townships fostered inter-racial and cross-class mobilisation which culminated in the formation of a general labour union, the Port Elizabeth Industrial and Commercial Workers' Union (PEICWU). Chapter three will suggest links between the tradition in Port Elizabeth of worker resistance and the unionisation of black workers in the post-war period. Thus, the first three chapters attempt to provide a historical perspective for analysing the underlying causes of the 1920 Port Elizabeth disturbances. The immediate cause of the disturbances was the arrest of the Union leader, Masabalala, after he called for a general strike. Chapter four will show how the intervention of the local authorities provoked a spontaneous act of defiance on the part of Union members. A demonstration outside the Baakens Street Police Station to demand the release of Masabalala, precipitated the tragic shootings of 23 October 1920. The repressive violence which left 22 dead (with two further deaths resulting indirectly from the incident) was unprecedented in South African history. The resolution of the crisis brought the workers no nearer to obtaining a reasonable settlement of the wage issue. If anything, the resolve of employers to deny wage demands was hardened by the actions of the local authorities, who attributed the disturbances to ' agitation '. Such thinly-disguised justifications of the shootings by the dominant classes, however, provoked recriminations from other quarters. Chapter five examines the legal and political ramifications of the Port Elizabeth shootings. The circumstances of the shootings prompted the Smuts Government to appoint a Commission of Enquiry in the face of public pressure. The Commission found that the Police and vigilantes were largely to blame for the high death toll. But the Government's 'whitewash' of the findings could not absolve the Police from culpability entirely, nor could it sidestep its own responsibility and liability to victims of the shootings. Finally, in Chapter six, an attempt will be made to assess the long term impact of the shootings on the PElCU and the black labour movement in Port Elizabeth generally. The outcome of the episode was a victory for employers, which dealt a body blow to worker organisation which only became resurgent in the 1950s.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1988
The politics of administration: a study of the career of Dr D L Smit with special reference to his work in the Department of Native Affairs, 1934-1945
- Authors: Bell, M M S
- Date: 1978
- Subjects: Smit, Douglas Lainge,1885- , South Africa. Native Affairs Commission , South Africa -- Native Affairs Department , South Africa -- History -- 1909-1961
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2596 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1007624 , Smit, Douglas Lainge,1885- , South Africa. Native Affairs Commission , South Africa -- Native Affairs Department , South Africa -- History -- 1909-1961
- Description: The written history of modern South Africa is limited by the moratorium on archival material common to' all contemporary research, and the present study is intended, in part, to help fill this gap. It has a two- fold design: first, to point out some of the anomalies in the relationship between administration and policy and secondly, to show the extent to which they are interdependent in Dr. D.L. Smit ' s career. In the process, I hope to clarify and to comment on some of the mechanics involved in Native Administration.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1978
- Authors: Bell, M M S
- Date: 1978
- Subjects: Smit, Douglas Lainge,1885- , South Africa. Native Affairs Commission , South Africa -- Native Affairs Department , South Africa -- History -- 1909-1961
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2596 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1007624 , Smit, Douglas Lainge,1885- , South Africa. Native Affairs Commission , South Africa -- Native Affairs Department , South Africa -- History -- 1909-1961
- Description: The written history of modern South Africa is limited by the moratorium on archival material common to' all contemporary research, and the present study is intended, in part, to help fill this gap. It has a two- fold design: first, to point out some of the anomalies in the relationship between administration and policy and secondly, to show the extent to which they are interdependent in Dr. D.L. Smit ' s career. In the process, I hope to clarify and to comment on some of the mechanics involved in Native Administration.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1978
The wreck of the Dutch man o' war, Amsterdam, in December 1817 on the Eastern Cape coast of Southern Africa: an elucidation of the literary and material remains with an annotated translation of the Journal of Captain Hermanus Hofmeijer (1814-1818)
- Authors: Bennie, Jennifer Shirley
- Date: 1998
- Subjects: Amsterdam (Steamship) , Shipwrecks -- South Africa , Underwater archaeology , Nederlandsche Oost-Indische Compagnie , Hofmeijer, Hermanus, 1721-1805--Diaries , Voyages and travels -- History -- 18th century
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2533 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002385 , Amsterdam (Steamship) , Shipwrecks -- South Africa , Underwater archaeology , Nederlandsche Oost-Indische Compagnie , Hofmeijer, Hermanus, 1721-1805--Diaries , Voyages and travels -- History -- 18th century
- Description: This study endeavours to elucidate the journal of Captain Hermanus Hofmeijer of the Dutch man 0' war, Amsterdam, which has been transcribed from the original script, translated from Dutch into English and interpreted from a contemporary viewpoint. It offers an opportunity to evaluate a unique primary historical document which records an important historical event. An attempt has been made to contextualise the incident in the light of the early history of the Dutch people. The contribution of the Dutch East India Company (VaC) to the trade and commerce of the Netherlands during the 17th and 18th centuries has been assessed together with the shipbuilding techniques that served to make the Dutch a major seafaring nation. The significance of Texel and Nieuwediep has been examined and the sea route and navigational instruments placed in perspective. The voyage has been analysed in some detail. The background of Captain Hermanus Hofmeijer has proved especially interesting. Although he pursued his career with the Dutch Navy, he was born and spent his early years in Cape Town, South Africa. The time spent by the Amsterdam in Batavia, Samaraog and Sourabaya gives an insight into the Dutch possessions overseas. The return voyage, storms and ultimate grounding are of special interest as Hofmeijer records the journey and events on a daily basis. The impact and significance of 217 extra people in the Eastern Cape area did not go unnoticed, and although the event was not well documented, an attempt at some contextualisation has been made. Finally a short overview of maritime archaeology in South Africa and its significance as a relatively new discipline has been included. The study of the material remains of the wreck of the Amsterdam has resulted in a new understanding of wooden ships built in the early 19th century.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1998
- Authors: Bennie, Jennifer Shirley
- Date: 1998
- Subjects: Amsterdam (Steamship) , Shipwrecks -- South Africa , Underwater archaeology , Nederlandsche Oost-Indische Compagnie , Hofmeijer, Hermanus, 1721-1805--Diaries , Voyages and travels -- History -- 18th century
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2533 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002385 , Amsterdam (Steamship) , Shipwrecks -- South Africa , Underwater archaeology , Nederlandsche Oost-Indische Compagnie , Hofmeijer, Hermanus, 1721-1805--Diaries , Voyages and travels -- History -- 18th century
- Description: This study endeavours to elucidate the journal of Captain Hermanus Hofmeijer of the Dutch man 0' war, Amsterdam, which has been transcribed from the original script, translated from Dutch into English and interpreted from a contemporary viewpoint. It offers an opportunity to evaluate a unique primary historical document which records an important historical event. An attempt has been made to contextualise the incident in the light of the early history of the Dutch people. The contribution of the Dutch East India Company (VaC) to the trade and commerce of the Netherlands during the 17th and 18th centuries has been assessed together with the shipbuilding techniques that served to make the Dutch a major seafaring nation. The significance of Texel and Nieuwediep has been examined and the sea route and navigational instruments placed in perspective. The voyage has been analysed in some detail. The background of Captain Hermanus Hofmeijer has proved especially interesting. Although he pursued his career with the Dutch Navy, he was born and spent his early years in Cape Town, South Africa. The time spent by the Amsterdam in Batavia, Samaraog and Sourabaya gives an insight into the Dutch possessions overseas. The return voyage, storms and ultimate grounding are of special interest as Hofmeijer records the journey and events on a daily basis. The impact and significance of 217 extra people in the Eastern Cape area did not go unnoticed, and although the event was not well documented, an attempt at some contextualisation has been made. Finally a short overview of maritime archaeology in South Africa and its significance as a relatively new discipline has been included. The study of the material remains of the wreck of the Amsterdam has resulted in a new understanding of wooden ships built in the early 19th century.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1998
Land, Church, Forced Removals and Community on Klipfontein Farm in the District of Alexandria, Eastern Cape c. 1872 - 1979
- Authors: Bezuidenhout, GJW
- Date: 2017
- Subjects: Janse van Rensburg family , Klipfontein Farm (Alexandria, South Africa) , Alexandria (South Africa) -- History , Colored people (South Africa) -- History , Colored people (South Africa) -- Religion , Colored people (South Africa) -- Relocation , Black people -- Relocation -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , Family farms -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , Church history -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , Land tenure -- Law and legilstion -- South Africa , Land reform -- Law and legislation -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/161315 , vital:40615
- Description: This thesis is a case study of how church, land and dispossession of land has influenced identity formation of a coloured community in the Eastern Province, namely the Klipfontein community. Coloured history in the Eastern Province has largely been neglected. This study attempts to rectify such a lack of in-depth enquiry as it may lead to misinterpretations that may influence contemporary politics and identity formation. Through research based on primary sources, it is evident that the social landscape of Klipfontein Farm and the relationships between that community and surrounding black African and white communities have largely been shaped by the stipulations contained in the joint will of the community’s ancestors: Dirk and Sarah Janse van Rensburg. The land devolved into a trust and has been administered by trustees since the death of the first spouse in 1877. By keeping the land in a trust, it enabled the descendants to continue to live on the farm in perpetuity, without the risk of being forced off the land via financial restraints or racially-based legislation. But the usufructuaries could also never fully utilise Klipfontein as an agricultural concern due to a combination of a lack of equipment and skill, and the provisions of the will. These complications inevitably led to inter-familial disputes and tension. Before 1939 there had already been three court cases dealing with the interpretations of the Will. In that same year the Supreme Court ordered that tracts of the land, including a part of Boesmansriviermond village, be sold in order to pay off arrear rates and taxes. Although the responsibility for these sales lay with the trustees, the community has been suspicious of the usufructuaries ever since. A key element of the Klipfontein identity is their religion. The church legitimises their right to the farm - against those who wish to take that right away. Their claim to occupation is couched in scriptural discourse, viewing Klipfontein as 'their Garden of Eden' that God gave to the stamvader, Dirk Janse van Rensburg. This seemed to have been partially successful for the Klipfontein community in staving off harassment by authorities. It also caused friction between the community and the black African residents. Some usufructuaries and family members felt that such right was exclusively given to the coloured community and so they became increasingly annoyed by the black Africans who settled there. Other usufructuaries did not share this feeling. They allowed evicted black African farm labourers to settle on certain portions of Klipfontein until the late 1970s. The black African population rapidly increased due to misinformation and evictions from neighbouring farms. This only further exacerbated the inter-familial conflict between usufructuaries, flaring tensions between the black Africans and their reluctant hosts as well as animosity from the white community towards Klipfontein. In 1979, after a series of court cases, a decision was made to remove all the African settlers by force and relocate most of them to the ‘homeland’ of Ciskei. The rest, who were of ‘working-age’ were left behind in a ‘temporary emergency camp’ on the outskirts of Kenton-on-Sea. The effects of these removals still impact the relationships between the different racial groups in the area to this day.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2017
- Authors: Bezuidenhout, GJW
- Date: 2017
- Subjects: Janse van Rensburg family , Klipfontein Farm (Alexandria, South Africa) , Alexandria (South Africa) -- History , Colored people (South Africa) -- History , Colored people (South Africa) -- Religion , Colored people (South Africa) -- Relocation , Black people -- Relocation -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , Family farms -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , Church history -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , Land tenure -- Law and legilstion -- South Africa , Land reform -- Law and legislation -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/161315 , vital:40615
- Description: This thesis is a case study of how church, land and dispossession of land has influenced identity formation of a coloured community in the Eastern Province, namely the Klipfontein community. Coloured history in the Eastern Province has largely been neglected. This study attempts to rectify such a lack of in-depth enquiry as it may lead to misinterpretations that may influence contemporary politics and identity formation. Through research based on primary sources, it is evident that the social landscape of Klipfontein Farm and the relationships between that community and surrounding black African and white communities have largely been shaped by the stipulations contained in the joint will of the community’s ancestors: Dirk and Sarah Janse van Rensburg. The land devolved into a trust and has been administered by trustees since the death of the first spouse in 1877. By keeping the land in a trust, it enabled the descendants to continue to live on the farm in perpetuity, without the risk of being forced off the land via financial restraints or racially-based legislation. But the usufructuaries could also never fully utilise Klipfontein as an agricultural concern due to a combination of a lack of equipment and skill, and the provisions of the will. These complications inevitably led to inter-familial disputes and tension. Before 1939 there had already been three court cases dealing with the interpretations of the Will. In that same year the Supreme Court ordered that tracts of the land, including a part of Boesmansriviermond village, be sold in order to pay off arrear rates and taxes. Although the responsibility for these sales lay with the trustees, the community has been suspicious of the usufructuaries ever since. A key element of the Klipfontein identity is their religion. The church legitimises their right to the farm - against those who wish to take that right away. Their claim to occupation is couched in scriptural discourse, viewing Klipfontein as 'their Garden of Eden' that God gave to the stamvader, Dirk Janse van Rensburg. This seemed to have been partially successful for the Klipfontein community in staving off harassment by authorities. It also caused friction between the community and the black African residents. Some usufructuaries and family members felt that such right was exclusively given to the coloured community and so they became increasingly annoyed by the black Africans who settled there. Other usufructuaries did not share this feeling. They allowed evicted black African farm labourers to settle on certain portions of Klipfontein until the late 1970s. The black African population rapidly increased due to misinformation and evictions from neighbouring farms. This only further exacerbated the inter-familial conflict between usufructuaries, flaring tensions between the black Africans and their reluctant hosts as well as animosity from the white community towards Klipfontein. In 1979, after a series of court cases, a decision was made to remove all the African settlers by force and relocate most of them to the ‘homeland’ of Ciskei. The rest, who were of ‘working-age’ were left behind in a ‘temporary emergency camp’ on the outskirts of Kenton-on-Sea. The effects of these removals still impact the relationships between the different racial groups in the area to this day.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2017
History on trial: a study of the Salem commonage land claim
- Authors: Bezuidenhout, GJW
- Date: 2020
- Subjects: South Africa. Restitution of Land Rights Act, 1994 , Salem (South Africa) -- History , Land tenure -- Law and legilstion -- South Africa , Land reform -- Law and legislation -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/146647 , vital:38545
- Description: This thesis critically examines the Salem commonage claim, a dispute that has shaken the hamlet of Salem to its core. On ground level it has caused racialized fault lines to reopen, while suspicion and distrust has also grown between the black Africans of the area as well. On a national level, the Constitutional Court judgement has potentially set a precedent with regards to its jurisprudential approach in determining the validity of land claims in South Africa. Its interpretation of the law was determined by the restorative justice jurisprudence enshrined in the Restitution of Land Rights Act 22 of 1994 (the Act). It based its own understanding of the history of the commonage on this jurisprudence. In a bold step towards realising the aims and purposes of the Act, the Constitutional Court found that both the black African claimants as well as the white landowners have equal rights to the land. One of the reasons why the decision of the Constitutional Court is ground-breaking is that the dispute involves a former commonage – land used for common purpose. The Constitutional Court emphasised that the Act was an “extraordinary piece of legislation” and had to be interpreted in such a way so as to address the injustices of the past. This included provisions of the Act which dealt with how oral testimonies from claimants would be dealt with. Another interesting feature was the heavy reliance by all parties on expert witnesses in the persons of eminent historians, Professors Martin Legassick and Herman Giliomee. This case gave much-needed clarification as to what the appropriate role of an expert historian witness may be in a land claim. The success or failure of land claims often depend on the weight of the evidence supplied by the expert historian witness. But the historian must also take cognisance of the fact that the evidence s/he gives is appropriate according to the scope of law. This case also dismisses the assumption that colonial instruments of land assignation are beyond reproach. These instruments which grant rights to land may also be scrutinised in a court of law, just like when oral testimony is tested for its credibility. This is important to note, especially when balancing land rights of the claimants against those of the landowners. This thesis agrees with the decision taken by the Constitutional Court in this instance. However, it also cautions that such softly-softly approaches may appear as a suitable compromise on paper, but the feeling on the ground may not be as receptive to reconciliation as what the courts would have hoped for. To the jurist, this judgement accurately encapsulates the purpose and aims of the Act. However, such a judgement may not seem satisfactory to the people of Salem. The decisions of the Salem commonage case are sure to inform the discourse of land claims in South Africa.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2020
- Authors: Bezuidenhout, GJW
- Date: 2020
- Subjects: South Africa. Restitution of Land Rights Act, 1994 , Salem (South Africa) -- History , Land tenure -- Law and legilstion -- South Africa , Land reform -- Law and legislation -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/146647 , vital:38545
- Description: This thesis critically examines the Salem commonage claim, a dispute that has shaken the hamlet of Salem to its core. On ground level it has caused racialized fault lines to reopen, while suspicion and distrust has also grown between the black Africans of the area as well. On a national level, the Constitutional Court judgement has potentially set a precedent with regards to its jurisprudential approach in determining the validity of land claims in South Africa. Its interpretation of the law was determined by the restorative justice jurisprudence enshrined in the Restitution of Land Rights Act 22 of 1994 (the Act). It based its own understanding of the history of the commonage on this jurisprudence. In a bold step towards realising the aims and purposes of the Act, the Constitutional Court found that both the black African claimants as well as the white landowners have equal rights to the land. One of the reasons why the decision of the Constitutional Court is ground-breaking is that the dispute involves a former commonage – land used for common purpose. The Constitutional Court emphasised that the Act was an “extraordinary piece of legislation” and had to be interpreted in such a way so as to address the injustices of the past. This included provisions of the Act which dealt with how oral testimonies from claimants would be dealt with. Another interesting feature was the heavy reliance by all parties on expert witnesses in the persons of eminent historians, Professors Martin Legassick and Herman Giliomee. This case gave much-needed clarification as to what the appropriate role of an expert historian witness may be in a land claim. The success or failure of land claims often depend on the weight of the evidence supplied by the expert historian witness. But the historian must also take cognisance of the fact that the evidence s/he gives is appropriate according to the scope of law. This case also dismisses the assumption that colonial instruments of land assignation are beyond reproach. These instruments which grant rights to land may also be scrutinised in a court of law, just like when oral testimony is tested for its credibility. This is important to note, especially when balancing land rights of the claimants against those of the landowners. This thesis agrees with the decision taken by the Constitutional Court in this instance. However, it also cautions that such softly-softly approaches may appear as a suitable compromise on paper, but the feeling on the ground may not be as receptive to reconciliation as what the courts would have hoped for. To the jurist, this judgement accurately encapsulates the purpose and aims of the Act. However, such a judgement may not seem satisfactory to the people of Salem. The decisions of the Salem commonage case are sure to inform the discourse of land claims in South Africa.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2020
F C Erasmus and the politics of South African defence, 1948-1959
- Authors: Boulter, Roger Stephen
- Date: 1998
- Subjects: Erasmus, F C (Francois Christiaan) South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1948-1961 South Africa -- Armed Forces -- History South Africa -- Military policy
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: vital:2534 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002386
- Description: FC Erasmus became South Africa's defence minister in 1948 after two decades as a leading political organiser for the National Party. Although an architect of the Nationalists' post-war election victory he was not considered a minister of the first rank. Erasmus initiated a process of ridding the defence force of officers who he believed were associated with the Smuts government and replacing them with party supporters. As a result the military often lost experienced and talented officers. Erasmus felt that the armed services had been too British in ethos and appearance. He inaugurated tighter regulations on bi-lingualism, reintroduced boer rank titles, launched new uniforms and original medals and decorations, to the acclaim of the volk. His purpose was to have a defence force which was uniquely South African. Many of his policies came under attack not only from the United Party but also groups such as the Torch Commando and the veterans organisations. With the apparent lack of an imminent military threat to the apartheid government Erasmus never received substantial budgetary allocations from finance ministers. The defence force, one without conscription, remained small with largely antiquated equipment for the important air and land forces. However by the decade's end the navy was gradually receiving modern ships under the terms of the Simonstown agreement, which Erasmus had negotiated with Britain. The events of the Sharpeville crisis, just after Erasmus left defence, demonstrated that the armed forces as moulded by the minister were in poor condition to assist the civil power in suppressing disturbances. Overseas Erasmus hoped to increase the acceptability of the Union as a defence partner among Western countries by providing personnel for the Berlin Air Lift and the Korean conflict and promising a contingent for the Middle East. He attempted unsuccessfully to instigate anti-communist alliances for the land and maritime defence of Africa when the European powers were leaving the continent. These actions were primarily to obtain political support for the Union, whose prestige was rapidly decreasing as apartheid became better known. The external initiatives with the exception of the Simonstown naval agreements were not lasting.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1998
- Authors: Boulter, Roger Stephen
- Date: 1998
- Subjects: Erasmus, F C (Francois Christiaan) South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1948-1961 South Africa -- Armed Forces -- History South Africa -- Military policy
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: vital:2534 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002386
- Description: FC Erasmus became South Africa's defence minister in 1948 after two decades as a leading political organiser for the National Party. Although an architect of the Nationalists' post-war election victory he was not considered a minister of the first rank. Erasmus initiated a process of ridding the defence force of officers who he believed were associated with the Smuts government and replacing them with party supporters. As a result the military often lost experienced and talented officers. Erasmus felt that the armed services had been too British in ethos and appearance. He inaugurated tighter regulations on bi-lingualism, reintroduced boer rank titles, launched new uniforms and original medals and decorations, to the acclaim of the volk. His purpose was to have a defence force which was uniquely South African. Many of his policies came under attack not only from the United Party but also groups such as the Torch Commando and the veterans organisations. With the apparent lack of an imminent military threat to the apartheid government Erasmus never received substantial budgetary allocations from finance ministers. The defence force, one without conscription, remained small with largely antiquated equipment for the important air and land forces. However by the decade's end the navy was gradually receiving modern ships under the terms of the Simonstown agreement, which Erasmus had negotiated with Britain. The events of the Sharpeville crisis, just after Erasmus left defence, demonstrated that the armed forces as moulded by the minister were in poor condition to assist the civil power in suppressing disturbances. Overseas Erasmus hoped to increase the acceptability of the Union as a defence partner among Western countries by providing personnel for the Berlin Air Lift and the Korean conflict and promising a contingent for the Middle East. He attempted unsuccessfully to instigate anti-communist alliances for the land and maritime defence of Africa when the European powers were leaving the continent. These actions were primarily to obtain political support for the Union, whose prestige was rapidly decreasing as apartheid became better known. The external initiatives with the exception of the Simonstown naval agreements were not lasting.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1998
The development of the secretaryship to the government at the Cape of Good Hope under John Montagu, 1843-1852
- Authors: Breitenbach, J J
- Date: 1958
- Subjects: Montagu, John, 1797-1853 , Montagu family , Cape of Good Hope (Colony) -- Parliament -- Legislative Council , Cape of Good Hope (South Africa) -- History , Cape of Good Hope (South Africa) -- Politics and government
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2620 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1014603
- Description: The development of the Cape Colony during the 'forties and early 'fifties last century is, indeed, a fascinating study. And as one aspect of it, a critical study analysis of the public career of John Montagu, while he was Colonial Secretary at the Cape, is of particular interest. For, by tracing the influence of his office in relation to the changing political, social and economic structures of the colony, it is hoped some contribution will be made to the knowledge of the period. Thus, the present thesis is, in part, an examination of the duties and responsibilities of the Colonial Office; but more particularly, it is an examination of how Montagu, who virtually dominated the Cape scene for almost a decade interpreted these duties and responsibilities. By concentrating, then, on his role in the civil administration and political management of colonial affairs, other aspects are revealed. The authority of the Colonial Office, which had through the years become a sort of government 'archives', was developed to such an extent, that every memorandum issued by it seems to set the tone for government policy. More. The very fact that Montagu was, time and again, left in charge of civil affairs at the Cape, while it reveals the dominant native problem and the vital question of defence, accounts also for the patenalism in government. The most important primary sources for this study have been the British Parliamentary Papers on Cape Affairs, the Cape of Good Hope Blue Books, Government House Records and the relevant minutes of the Executive and Legislative Councils. The Annual Almanacs of the Cape proved to be invaluable; they contain a wealth of information on the institutions of government, central and local, as well as the most indispensable returns for all the many services at the Cape.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1958
- Authors: Breitenbach, J J
- Date: 1958
- Subjects: Montagu, John, 1797-1853 , Montagu family , Cape of Good Hope (Colony) -- Parliament -- Legislative Council , Cape of Good Hope (South Africa) -- History , Cape of Good Hope (South Africa) -- Politics and government
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2620 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1014603
- Description: The development of the Cape Colony during the 'forties and early 'fifties last century is, indeed, a fascinating study. And as one aspect of it, a critical study analysis of the public career of John Montagu, while he was Colonial Secretary at the Cape, is of particular interest. For, by tracing the influence of his office in relation to the changing political, social and economic structures of the colony, it is hoped some contribution will be made to the knowledge of the period. Thus, the present thesis is, in part, an examination of the duties and responsibilities of the Colonial Office; but more particularly, it is an examination of how Montagu, who virtually dominated the Cape scene for almost a decade interpreted these duties and responsibilities. By concentrating, then, on his role in the civil administration and political management of colonial affairs, other aspects are revealed. The authority of the Colonial Office, which had through the years become a sort of government 'archives', was developed to such an extent, that every memorandum issued by it seems to set the tone for government policy. More. The very fact that Montagu was, time and again, left in charge of civil affairs at the Cape, while it reveals the dominant native problem and the vital question of defence, accounts also for the patenalism in government. The most important primary sources for this study have been the British Parliamentary Papers on Cape Affairs, the Cape of Good Hope Blue Books, Government House Records and the relevant minutes of the Executive and Legislative Councils. The Annual Almanacs of the Cape proved to be invaluable; they contain a wealth of information on the institutions of government, central and local, as well as the most indispensable returns for all the many services at the Cape.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1958
The diary of James Brownlee
- Brown, Alastair Graham Kirkwood
- Authors: Brown, Alastair Graham Kirkwood
- Date: 1981
- Subjects: Brownlee, James, 1824-1851 -- Diaries , South Africa -- History -- Frontier Wars, 1811-1878
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2598 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1007678 , Brownlee, James, 1824-1851 -- Diaries , South Africa -- History -- Frontier Wars, 1811-1878
- Description: James Brownlee was born in April 1824. He was the second of three sons (and five daughters) born to the missionary John Brownlee, and his colonial born wife Catharine. The importance of James as an historical character is obscured by that of his father and elder brother Charles. James had a varied career which was cut short by his untimely death in March 1851 at the youthful age of twenty-six years and eleven months. We are fortunate that he has left a vivid account of several aspects of the seventh Frontier War in a diary which he kept from April to September 1846. The diary also points to the significance of his family in the history of the Eastern Cape. Thesis, p. 1.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1981
- Authors: Brown, Alastair Graham Kirkwood
- Date: 1981
- Subjects: Brownlee, James, 1824-1851 -- Diaries , South Africa -- History -- Frontier Wars, 1811-1878
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2598 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1007678 , Brownlee, James, 1824-1851 -- Diaries , South Africa -- History -- Frontier Wars, 1811-1878
- Description: James Brownlee was born in April 1824. He was the second of three sons (and five daughters) born to the missionary John Brownlee, and his colonial born wife Catharine. The importance of James as an historical character is obscured by that of his father and elder brother Charles. James had a varied career which was cut short by his untimely death in March 1851 at the youthful age of twenty-six years and eleven months. We are fortunate that he has left a vivid account of several aspects of the seventh Frontier War in a diary which he kept from April to September 1846. The diary also points to the significance of his family in the history of the Eastern Cape. Thesis, p. 1.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1981
Emancipatory politics and the Mpondo revolts
- Authors: Bruchhausen, Sarah
- Date: 2017
- Subjects: Pondo Revolt, South Africa, 1960-1963 , South Africa -- History -- 20th century , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 20th century
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/5093 , vital:20765
- Description: This thesis aims to offer a revised view of the Mpondo revolts. The central theoretical concept of the thesis is that of emancipatory politics. Drawing predominantly on archival sources the primary concern of the thesis is to expose and interrogate certain aspects of this historical moment of popular politics which can be seen as emancipatory. In particular the notions of egalitarianism and universal human dignity will be analysed in relation to the popular political subjectivities, formations and praxes of the Mpondo revolts. In so doing this thesis attempts to make a meaningful contribution to present day debates concerning alternative theories of human emancipation by showing what emancipatory politics looked like historically and in practise within the context of the Mpondo revolts.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2017
- Authors: Bruchhausen, Sarah
- Date: 2017
- Subjects: Pondo Revolt, South Africa, 1960-1963 , South Africa -- History -- 20th century , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 20th century
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/5093 , vital:20765
- Description: This thesis aims to offer a revised view of the Mpondo revolts. The central theoretical concept of the thesis is that of emancipatory politics. Drawing predominantly on archival sources the primary concern of the thesis is to expose and interrogate certain aspects of this historical moment of popular politics which can be seen as emancipatory. In particular the notions of egalitarianism and universal human dignity will be analysed in relation to the popular political subjectivities, formations and praxes of the Mpondo revolts. In so doing this thesis attempts to make a meaningful contribution to present day debates concerning alternative theories of human emancipation by showing what emancipatory politics looked like historically and in practise within the context of the Mpondo revolts.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2017
The missionary work of the first Anglican Bishop of Natal, the Rt. Reverend John William Colenso, between the years 1852-1873
- Authors: Burnett, B B
- Date: 1947
- Subjects: Colenso, John William, 1814-1883
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2621 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1014679
- Description: At the outset it had been my intention to make only the slightest of references to the Church Controversy in which Bishop Colenso was involved and to have touched only lightly on his theological position. Apart from anything else I hesitated to enter the arena in which so many had already collided violently and where my own prejudices might be enlisted on one side or the other. It became evident however that Colenso the Controversialist, the Theologian could not be dissociated from Colenso the missionary, without giving an inadequate, and even misleading history of his missionary activities. The Controversy had a serious and deleterious effect on his missionary work, and no estimate of the value of a missionary's labours would be valid without some consideration of his teaching, more especially when his orthodoxy is suspect. I have therefore dealt as briefly as I could with these questions in Chapter V because of their relevance, and because to produce a work on an ecclesiastic without some reference to his tenets would be like writing a biography of Louis Botha without any allusion to his political 'faith', or of Wellington, without any mention of Waterloo. it would represent a distortion of history to write about a Missionary Bishop as though he were an amateur politician, or of a missionary as though he were interested only in finance and administration.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1947
- Authors: Burnett, B B
- Date: 1947
- Subjects: Colenso, John William, 1814-1883
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2621 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1014679
- Description: At the outset it had been my intention to make only the slightest of references to the Church Controversy in which Bishop Colenso was involved and to have touched only lightly on his theological position. Apart from anything else I hesitated to enter the arena in which so many had already collided violently and where my own prejudices might be enlisted on one side or the other. It became evident however that Colenso the Controversialist, the Theologian could not be dissociated from Colenso the missionary, without giving an inadequate, and even misleading history of his missionary activities. The Controversy had a serious and deleterious effect on his missionary work, and no estimate of the value of a missionary's labours would be valid without some consideration of his teaching, more especially when his orthodoxy is suspect. I have therefore dealt as briefly as I could with these questions in Chapter V because of their relevance, and because to produce a work on an ecclesiastic without some reference to his tenets would be like writing a biography of Louis Botha without any allusion to his political 'faith', or of Wellington, without any mention of Waterloo. it would represent a distortion of history to write about a Missionary Bishop as though he were an amateur politician, or of a missionary as though he were interested only in finance and administration.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1947
A historical study of John Graham Lake and South African/United States pentecostalism
- Authors: Burpeau, Kemp Pendleton
- Date: 2002
- Subjects: Lake, John G , Pentecostalism -- South Africa , Pentecostalism -- United States , Pentecostals , Christianity and politics -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: vital:2587 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1006484 , Lake, John G , Pentecostalism -- South Africa , Pentecostalism -- United States , Pentecostals , Christianity and politics -- South Africa
- Description: American minister John Graham Lake (1870-1935) was a pivotal participant in an era of profound religious and political transition. Surprisingly, Lake's often provocative life had previously been largely neglected as a field of academic inquiry. In the U.S. Lake associated with key Holiness, Wesleyan and Apostolic Faith charismatics like John Alexander Dowie of the Zion City, Illinois Utopia, Charles Parham of the Topeka Revival and William Seymour of the Azusa Street Revival. Lake served as an important intermediary between Parham's often reactionary, white orientation that was unreceptive to an enthusiastic black liturgy and Seymour's expansive African-American egalitarianism expressed through exuberant spirit manifestations. Lake's South African ministry was shaped by his middle class white business background, Azusa Street message and American perspectives. He brought together the faith healing movement inspired by Dutch Reformed minister Andrew Murray, P. Ie Roux's black and white Zion charismatic adherents affiliated with Dowie and the new U.S. Pentecostalism of Parham and Seymour. Lake's African-American influenced Pentecostalism was compatible with indigenous African worship. His emphasis on the spiritual needs of the disempowered found a receptive audience in talented black evangelists Elias Letwaba and Edward Lion. Even though acquainted with Mohandas Gandhi, Lake did not undertake a South African social gospel-type civil protest against societal injustice. In fact, Lake's participation with Afrikaner politicians like Louis Botha in fashioning a segregationist land use law was most troubling. Lake was ambivalent about racial integration. His belief in an egalitarian status for all Christians, his Populist/Progressive ethics and his enthusiastic promotion of women's rights were complicated by his advocacy, or at least tolerance, of some disparate racial treatment in his Apostolic Faith Mission and South African society at large. Lake's paternalism and notion of Westem cultural superiority conflicted with his love of all persons. Lake's otherworldly prioritization of individual spiritualism over a socioeconomic agenda usually stymied activism. His uncharacteristic use of nonviolent protest to protect faith healing formed a remarkable contrast with his reluctance to actively campaign against unequal racial treatment in Africa and America. Historiographical perspectives on Lake range from the saintly pioneer charismatic missionary to the Elmer Gantry type charlatan acting only for personal benefit. Lake was a unique personality with his flamboyant rhetoric, strong convictions and feelings of personal worth. His distinctive Jesus as healing and suffering God theology evidenced both consistency with precedent as well as creative anticipation. Shortcomings resulting from his preference to address social concerns on an individual spiritual rather than societal level, his liberties with truth and his bad business judgments resulting in litigation. Nevertheless, Lake's life demonstrated that a gifted but imperfect instrument could accomplish a meaningful ministry. , Adobe Acrobat Pro 9.5.4 , Adobe Acrobat 9.54 Paper Capture Plug-in
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2002
- Authors: Burpeau, Kemp Pendleton
- Date: 2002
- Subjects: Lake, John G , Pentecostalism -- South Africa , Pentecostalism -- United States , Pentecostals , Christianity and politics -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: vital:2587 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1006484 , Lake, John G , Pentecostalism -- South Africa , Pentecostalism -- United States , Pentecostals , Christianity and politics -- South Africa
- Description: American minister John Graham Lake (1870-1935) was a pivotal participant in an era of profound religious and political transition. Surprisingly, Lake's often provocative life had previously been largely neglected as a field of academic inquiry. In the U.S. Lake associated with key Holiness, Wesleyan and Apostolic Faith charismatics like John Alexander Dowie of the Zion City, Illinois Utopia, Charles Parham of the Topeka Revival and William Seymour of the Azusa Street Revival. Lake served as an important intermediary between Parham's often reactionary, white orientation that was unreceptive to an enthusiastic black liturgy and Seymour's expansive African-American egalitarianism expressed through exuberant spirit manifestations. Lake's South African ministry was shaped by his middle class white business background, Azusa Street message and American perspectives. He brought together the faith healing movement inspired by Dutch Reformed minister Andrew Murray, P. Ie Roux's black and white Zion charismatic adherents affiliated with Dowie and the new U.S. Pentecostalism of Parham and Seymour. Lake's African-American influenced Pentecostalism was compatible with indigenous African worship. His emphasis on the spiritual needs of the disempowered found a receptive audience in talented black evangelists Elias Letwaba and Edward Lion. Even though acquainted with Mohandas Gandhi, Lake did not undertake a South African social gospel-type civil protest against societal injustice. In fact, Lake's participation with Afrikaner politicians like Louis Botha in fashioning a segregationist land use law was most troubling. Lake was ambivalent about racial integration. His belief in an egalitarian status for all Christians, his Populist/Progressive ethics and his enthusiastic promotion of women's rights were complicated by his advocacy, or at least tolerance, of some disparate racial treatment in his Apostolic Faith Mission and South African society at large. Lake's paternalism and notion of Westem cultural superiority conflicted with his love of all persons. Lake's otherworldly prioritization of individual spiritualism over a socioeconomic agenda usually stymied activism. His uncharacteristic use of nonviolent protest to protect faith healing formed a remarkable contrast with his reluctance to actively campaign against unequal racial treatment in Africa and America. Historiographical perspectives on Lake range from the saintly pioneer charismatic missionary to the Elmer Gantry type charlatan acting only for personal benefit. Lake was a unique personality with his flamboyant rhetoric, strong convictions and feelings of personal worth. His distinctive Jesus as healing and suffering God theology evidenced both consistency with precedent as well as creative anticipation. Shortcomings resulting from his preference to address social concerns on an individual spiritual rather than societal level, his liberties with truth and his bad business judgments resulting in litigation. Nevertheless, Lake's life demonstrated that a gifted but imperfect instrument could accomplish a meaningful ministry. , Adobe Acrobat Pro 9.5.4 , Adobe Acrobat 9.54 Paper Capture Plug-in
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2002
Sir Godfrey Lagden : colonial administrator
- Authors: Burton, David Raymond
- Date: 1991
- Subjects: Lagden, Godfrey Yeatman, Sir, 1851-1934 South Africa -- History -- 1836-1909
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: vital:2519 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1001848
- Description: The thesis attempts to provide a chronological analysis of Lagden's colonial career between 1877 and 1907. The youngest son of a parish priest, Lagden received limited formal education and no military training. By a fortuitous set of circumstances, he was able, as a man on the spot, to attain high ranking posts in colonial administration. As a young man, he acquired considerable experience in the Transvaal, Egypt and the Gold Coast. However, blatant disobedience led to his dismissal from Colonial service. Fortunately for Lagden, Marshal Clarke, newly appointed Resident Commissioner of Basutoland, insisted on Lagden being appointed to his staff. Except for a brief stint in Swaziland, Lagden remained in Basutoland until 1900. With Clarke, Lagden played a prominent role in the implementation of the Imperial policy of securing the support of the Koena chiefs by allowing them to retain and consolidate their power and influence. Lagden became Resident Commissioner in Basutoland when Clarke was transferred to Zululand. He continued established policies and championed the Basotho cause by opposing the opening of Basutoland to prospectors and by stressing the industrious habits of the Basotho. His tactful and energetic handling of the rinderpest crisis reduced dramatic repercussions amongst the Basotho and enabled cooperative Koena chiefs to increase their economic and political leverage. Despite his reservations over Basotho loyalty, Lagden emerged from the South African War with an enhanced reputation as the Basotho remained loyal and energetically participated in the Imperial war effort. Largely because of his Basutoland experience, Lagden was appointed the Transvaal Commissioner of Native Affairs in 1901. He was responsible for regulating African labour supplies for the mines and delineation of African locations. His failure to procure sufficient labour and his defence of African rights earned Lagden much abusive settler condemnation. As chairman of the South African Native Affairs Commission, Lagden produced an uninspiring report conditioned by the labour shortage and his personal distaste for decisive action. Nevertheless, its advocacy of political and territorial segregation influenced successive Union governments.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1991
- Authors: Burton, David Raymond
- Date: 1991
- Subjects: Lagden, Godfrey Yeatman, Sir, 1851-1934 South Africa -- History -- 1836-1909
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: vital:2519 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1001848
- Description: The thesis attempts to provide a chronological analysis of Lagden's colonial career between 1877 and 1907. The youngest son of a parish priest, Lagden received limited formal education and no military training. By a fortuitous set of circumstances, he was able, as a man on the spot, to attain high ranking posts in colonial administration. As a young man, he acquired considerable experience in the Transvaal, Egypt and the Gold Coast. However, blatant disobedience led to his dismissal from Colonial service. Fortunately for Lagden, Marshal Clarke, newly appointed Resident Commissioner of Basutoland, insisted on Lagden being appointed to his staff. Except for a brief stint in Swaziland, Lagden remained in Basutoland until 1900. With Clarke, Lagden played a prominent role in the implementation of the Imperial policy of securing the support of the Koena chiefs by allowing them to retain and consolidate their power and influence. Lagden became Resident Commissioner in Basutoland when Clarke was transferred to Zululand. He continued established policies and championed the Basotho cause by opposing the opening of Basutoland to prospectors and by stressing the industrious habits of the Basotho. His tactful and energetic handling of the rinderpest crisis reduced dramatic repercussions amongst the Basotho and enabled cooperative Koena chiefs to increase their economic and political leverage. Despite his reservations over Basotho loyalty, Lagden emerged from the South African War with an enhanced reputation as the Basotho remained loyal and energetically participated in the Imperial war effort. Largely because of his Basutoland experience, Lagden was appointed the Transvaal Commissioner of Native Affairs in 1901. He was responsible for regulating African labour supplies for the mines and delineation of African locations. His failure to procure sufficient labour and his defence of African rights earned Lagden much abusive settler condemnation. As chairman of the South African Native Affairs Commission, Lagden produced an uninspiring report conditioned by the labour shortage and his personal distaste for decisive action. Nevertheless, its advocacy of political and territorial segregation influenced successive Union governments.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1991
Ways of seeing over time: the construction and imagination of ‘historic separation’ in Israeli and Palestinian cultures
- Authors: Butler, Nina Melissa
- Date: 2016
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/474 , vital:19962
- Description: There exists an international consensus that Palestinian and Israeli societies are ceaselessly and essentially acrimonious. This thesis argues that the conceptualisation of ‘historic separation’ in Palestine/Israel is supported and nourished by national narratives that follow classic historicism and a linear trajectory of essentialised culture progressing over time. Given these patterns in historiography and cultural expressions, conceptualisations of the future are argued to be dominated by the ‘overdetermined’ and ‘sacralised’ pasts that arrest the ability to conceive of alternative horizons. These national narratives are analysed borrowing from the theorisation of Edward Said on hegemonic culture, and Ranjit Guha’s Subaltern critique of historicism. Zionism is argued to function as a cultural hegemony that operates in a mercurial, selfsustaining and vibrant manner that has the effect of what this thesis terms ‘centrifugal magnetism’ on discourse in the region. Palestinian national narratives are held to be in tangential relation to Zionism (a classic colonial master-narrative), thus entering into a ‘terrible embrace’ of destructive colonial/postcolonial repetition that tends towards violent conflict and the discrimination of minorities. This thesis then proposes a ‘way out’ of this historiographical pattern that is argued to tangibly inform the cultural fabric of the region. By drawing on the later works of Mahmoud Darwish, Mustaffa Hallaj and Said, it is proposed that there are traces of a notion of self and community that can be described as postnational. This demands a reconstruction of narratives of the past in the region in a pluralistic fashion that is based upon shared exilic identity in flux over what Darwish termed an ‘open historical space’. Crucially, this alternative postnational narrative opens up conceptualisations of the future and is founded upon a renewed disposition to temporality. This thesis thus concludes by proposing that an understanding of temporality as ‘ecstatic’ and essential to being (Martin Heidegger) should be included as a crucial consideration for the end to conflict and the attainment of just and equitable futures.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2016
- Authors: Butler, Nina Melissa
- Date: 2016
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/474 , vital:19962
- Description: There exists an international consensus that Palestinian and Israeli societies are ceaselessly and essentially acrimonious. This thesis argues that the conceptualisation of ‘historic separation’ in Palestine/Israel is supported and nourished by national narratives that follow classic historicism and a linear trajectory of essentialised culture progressing over time. Given these patterns in historiography and cultural expressions, conceptualisations of the future are argued to be dominated by the ‘overdetermined’ and ‘sacralised’ pasts that arrest the ability to conceive of alternative horizons. These national narratives are analysed borrowing from the theorisation of Edward Said on hegemonic culture, and Ranjit Guha’s Subaltern critique of historicism. Zionism is argued to function as a cultural hegemony that operates in a mercurial, selfsustaining and vibrant manner that has the effect of what this thesis terms ‘centrifugal magnetism’ on discourse in the region. Palestinian national narratives are held to be in tangential relation to Zionism (a classic colonial master-narrative), thus entering into a ‘terrible embrace’ of destructive colonial/postcolonial repetition that tends towards violent conflict and the discrimination of minorities. This thesis then proposes a ‘way out’ of this historiographical pattern that is argued to tangibly inform the cultural fabric of the region. By drawing on the later works of Mahmoud Darwish, Mustaffa Hallaj and Said, it is proposed that there are traces of a notion of self and community that can be described as postnational. This demands a reconstruction of narratives of the past in the region in a pluralistic fashion that is based upon shared exilic identity in flux over what Darwish termed an ‘open historical space’. Crucially, this alternative postnational narrative opens up conceptualisations of the future and is founded upon a renewed disposition to temporality. This thesis thus concludes by proposing that an understanding of temporality as ‘ecstatic’ and essential to being (Martin Heidegger) should be included as a crucial consideration for the end to conflict and the attainment of just and equitable futures.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2016
Transformations in Hlengwe ethnicity in Chiredzi, Zimbabwe, 1890 to 2014
- Authors: Chisi, Taderera Hebert
- Date: 2018
- Subjects: Hlengwe (African people) -- Zimbabwe -- Chiredzi Rural District , Ethnicity -- Zimbabwe -- Chiredzi Rural District , Social constructionism , Black people -- Race identity -- Zimbabwe -- Chiredzi Rural District , Zimbabwe -- History , Imperialism -- History
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/62296 , vital:28152
- Description: Studies of ethnicity have shifted from primordialism to diverse variants of social constructivism, which include instrumentalism, invention of tribalism by the colonial elite and missionaries and demotic constructivism or creation of ethnicity from below. The studies have generally generated two broad schools of thought. One school avers that African ethnicity was invented by the colonial elite and missionaries in the colonial period whilst the other and more recent asserts that ethnicity had a precolonial currency and the generality of Africans also played a key role in identity formation. Also most notable is that most studies have tended to focus on larger and more visible ethnic groups, ignoring the stories of small communities mostly found in remote border areas of modern ‘nation’ states. Using archival material, colonial records, autobiographies, oral and secondary sources, this thesis, which is largely guided by the demotic constructivist theoretical perspective examines the evolution of the ethnic identity of an ‘obscure’ Hlengwe ethnic community of the south-east lowveld of Zimbabwe from the pre-colonial period to 2014. History of the Hlengwe history has been blurred by the use of the term “Shangaan” to denote the Hlengwe, yet they were not ethnically so. A chronological approach and demotic constuctivism have been used to enable a deeper analysis of the critical historical phases, key players and processes in Hlengwe identity formation as time wore on. While we acknowledge that identity formation involves diverse players, we also focus on the role of the generally neglected commoners in the making of African ethnicity. This study differs from other works on ethnicity which focus on events of short historical phases and the role of selected elitist agents in the making of African ethnicity, by analysing the making of Hlengwe ethnicity from the precolonial to the postcolonial period. We prove that Hlengwe ethnicity was created in the pre-colonial period but did not remain static as it was perpetually reshaped by unpredictable historical events right up to 2014. The Hlengwe community was subjected to processes of social transformation over a long period of time to an extent that the one time docile, ‘uncivilised”, inward looking community bearing an identity of shame had evolved by the close of the 20th century and early 21st century to an assertive community, proud of its identity and actively seeking political, economic and cultural recognition and rights for its ‘underdog’ Hlengwe constituency in a country where diverse Shona groups andNdebele form the dominant ethnic communities.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2018
- Authors: Chisi, Taderera Hebert
- Date: 2018
- Subjects: Hlengwe (African people) -- Zimbabwe -- Chiredzi Rural District , Ethnicity -- Zimbabwe -- Chiredzi Rural District , Social constructionism , Black people -- Race identity -- Zimbabwe -- Chiredzi Rural District , Zimbabwe -- History , Imperialism -- History
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/62296 , vital:28152
- Description: Studies of ethnicity have shifted from primordialism to diverse variants of social constructivism, which include instrumentalism, invention of tribalism by the colonial elite and missionaries and demotic constructivism or creation of ethnicity from below. The studies have generally generated two broad schools of thought. One school avers that African ethnicity was invented by the colonial elite and missionaries in the colonial period whilst the other and more recent asserts that ethnicity had a precolonial currency and the generality of Africans also played a key role in identity formation. Also most notable is that most studies have tended to focus on larger and more visible ethnic groups, ignoring the stories of small communities mostly found in remote border areas of modern ‘nation’ states. Using archival material, colonial records, autobiographies, oral and secondary sources, this thesis, which is largely guided by the demotic constructivist theoretical perspective examines the evolution of the ethnic identity of an ‘obscure’ Hlengwe ethnic community of the south-east lowveld of Zimbabwe from the pre-colonial period to 2014. History of the Hlengwe history has been blurred by the use of the term “Shangaan” to denote the Hlengwe, yet they were not ethnically so. A chronological approach and demotic constuctivism have been used to enable a deeper analysis of the critical historical phases, key players and processes in Hlengwe identity formation as time wore on. While we acknowledge that identity formation involves diverse players, we also focus on the role of the generally neglected commoners in the making of African ethnicity. This study differs from other works on ethnicity which focus on events of short historical phases and the role of selected elitist agents in the making of African ethnicity, by analysing the making of Hlengwe ethnicity from the precolonial to the postcolonial period. We prove that Hlengwe ethnicity was created in the pre-colonial period but did not remain static as it was perpetually reshaped by unpredictable historical events right up to 2014. The Hlengwe community was subjected to processes of social transformation over a long period of time to an extent that the one time docile, ‘uncivilised”, inward looking community bearing an identity of shame had evolved by the close of the 20th century and early 21st century to an assertive community, proud of its identity and actively seeking political, economic and cultural recognition and rights for its ‘underdog’ Hlengwe constituency in a country where diverse Shona groups andNdebele form the dominant ethnic communities.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2018
Masculinity, citizenship and political objection to compulsory military service in the South African Defence Force, 1978-1990
- Authors: Conway, Daniel John
- Date: 2013-08-15
- Subjects: Conscientious objectors -- South Africa End Conscription Campaign (South Africa) National service -- South Africa Draft -- South Africa South Africa -- Military policy Masculinity -- South Africa South Africa. South African Defense Force Gays in the military -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: vital:2601 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1008383
- Description: This thesis conceptualises compulsory military service and objection to it as public performative acts that generate gendered and political identity. Conscription was the primary performance of citizenship and masculinity for white men in apartheid South Africa. Conscription was also a key governance strategy both in terms of upholding the authority of the state and in engendering discipline in the white population. Objection to military service was therefore a destabilising and transgressive public act. Competing conceptualisations of masculinity and citizenship are inherent in pro and anti-conscription discourses. The refusal to undertake military service places men outside the accepted means of graduating to ' real' manhood and patriotic citizenship. Although objection can be an iconic and transgressive act, objectors have an essentially ambivalent subjectivity in the public realm. Objectors are 'strangers' in a socially constructed and gendered binary of 'insiders' and 'outsiders' . This ambivalent status creates opportunities but also constraints for the performance of objection. The thesis analyses the effectiveness of objectors' performances and argues that there is a distinction between a radical challenge to hegemonic conceptions of militarised masculinity and citizenship and assimilatory challenges. The tension between radicalism and assimilation comes to the fore in response to the state's attacks on objectors. The militarised apartheid state is defined as not only masculine but heteronormative terms and it is the deployment of sexuality that is its most effective means of stigmatising and restricting the performance of objection. The thesis uses interview material, archival data and case studies and concludes that objectors (and their supporters) weaved multiple narratives into their performances but that as the 1980s progressed, the performance of objection to conscription became assimilatory and this demonstrates the heteronormativity of the state, military service and the public realm. , KMBT_363 , Adobe Acrobat 9.54 Paper Capture Plug-in
- Full Text:
- Authors: Conway, Daniel John
- Date: 2013-08-15
- Subjects: Conscientious objectors -- South Africa End Conscription Campaign (South Africa) National service -- South Africa Draft -- South Africa South Africa -- Military policy Masculinity -- South Africa South Africa. South African Defense Force Gays in the military -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: vital:2601 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1008383
- Description: This thesis conceptualises compulsory military service and objection to it as public performative acts that generate gendered and political identity. Conscription was the primary performance of citizenship and masculinity for white men in apartheid South Africa. Conscription was also a key governance strategy both in terms of upholding the authority of the state and in engendering discipline in the white population. Objection to military service was therefore a destabilising and transgressive public act. Competing conceptualisations of masculinity and citizenship are inherent in pro and anti-conscription discourses. The refusal to undertake military service places men outside the accepted means of graduating to ' real' manhood and patriotic citizenship. Although objection can be an iconic and transgressive act, objectors have an essentially ambivalent subjectivity in the public realm. Objectors are 'strangers' in a socially constructed and gendered binary of 'insiders' and 'outsiders' . This ambivalent status creates opportunities but also constraints for the performance of objection. The thesis analyses the effectiveness of objectors' performances and argues that there is a distinction between a radical challenge to hegemonic conceptions of militarised masculinity and citizenship and assimilatory challenges. The tension between radicalism and assimilation comes to the fore in response to the state's attacks on objectors. The militarised apartheid state is defined as not only masculine but heteronormative terms and it is the deployment of sexuality that is its most effective means of stigmatising and restricting the performance of objection. The thesis uses interview material, archival data and case studies and concludes that objectors (and their supporters) weaved multiple narratives into their performances but that as the 1980s progressed, the performance of objection to conscription became assimilatory and this demonstrates the heteronormativity of the state, military service and the public realm. , KMBT_363 , Adobe Acrobat 9.54 Paper Capture Plug-in
- Full Text:
The diary of C. L. Stretch - a critical edition and appraisal
- Authors: Crankshaw, Grahame Bruce
- Date: 1960
- Subjects: Stretch, Charles Lennox, 1797-1882 , South Africa -- History -- Frontier Wars, 1811-1878 , Treaties -- Interpretation and construction
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2535 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002387 , Stretch, Charles Lennox, 1797-1882 , South Africa -- History -- Frontier Wars, 1811-1878 , Treaties -- Interpretation and construction
- Description: In the investigation of the Diary and its validity as evidence, the origin and structure of the treaty System, and the functioning of the treaties, in both their original form and subsequent modification, has been examined, with special reference to Stretch and the Gaika tribes.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1960
- Authors: Crankshaw, Grahame Bruce
- Date: 1960
- Subjects: Stretch, Charles Lennox, 1797-1882 , South Africa -- History -- Frontier Wars, 1811-1878 , Treaties -- Interpretation and construction
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2535 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002387 , Stretch, Charles Lennox, 1797-1882 , South Africa -- History -- Frontier Wars, 1811-1878 , Treaties -- Interpretation and construction
- Description: In the investigation of the Diary and its validity as evidence, the origin and structure of the treaty System, and the functioning of the treaties, in both their original form and subsequent modification, has been examined, with special reference to Stretch and the Gaika tribes.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1960
The history of Theopolis Mission, 1814-1851
- Authors: Currie, Marion Rose
- Date: 1983
- Subjects: Barker, George, 1786-1861 , Missions -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape -- History , Khoikhoi (African people) -- History , Xhosa (African people) -- History , Cape of Good Hope (South Africa) -- History -- 1814-1851
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2536 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002388 , Barker, George, 1786-1861 , Missions -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape -- History , Khoikhoi (African people) -- History , Xhosa (African people) -- History , Cape of Good Hope (South Africa) -- History -- 1814-1851
- Description: This thesis is an investigation of the part played by Theopolis Mission on the Frontier, in the community (both secular and religious)and in the context of race relations. The Journal itself provides the terse, sometimes angry core of commentary on the total situation, and an attempt has been made, by setting it in a broader context, to dispel some of the myths which persist about the role of the Christian missionary, about Khoi Missions (in sharp contast to Xhosa Missions) and about Dr John Phllip. A clear picture has emerged of a people whose life-style, antecedents and history have been inadequately researched in tne period subsequent to 1800.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1983
- Authors: Currie, Marion Rose
- Date: 1983
- Subjects: Barker, George, 1786-1861 , Missions -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape -- History , Khoikhoi (African people) -- History , Xhosa (African people) -- History , Cape of Good Hope (South Africa) -- History -- 1814-1851
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2536 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002388 , Barker, George, 1786-1861 , Missions -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape -- History , Khoikhoi (African people) -- History , Xhosa (African people) -- History , Cape of Good Hope (South Africa) -- History -- 1814-1851
- Description: This thesis is an investigation of the part played by Theopolis Mission on the Frontier, in the community (both secular and religious)and in the context of race relations. The Journal itself provides the terse, sometimes angry core of commentary on the total situation, and an attempt has been made, by setting it in a broader context, to dispel some of the myths which persist about the role of the Christian missionary, about Khoi Missions (in sharp contast to Xhosa Missions) and about Dr John Phllip. A clear picture has emerged of a people whose life-style, antecedents and history have been inadequately researched in tne period subsequent to 1800.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1983