The integrated development plan as a developmental tool: the case of Amahlathi Municipality
- Sokopo, Bongiwe Annette Patience
- Authors: Sokopo, Bongiwe Annette Patience
- Date: 2012
- Subjects: Local government -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , Public administration -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPA
- Identifier: vital:8355 , http://hdl.handle.net/10948/d1020919
- Description: The study is about the Integrated Development Plan as a developmental tool for the Amahlathi municipality. The main focus of the study is to assess whether the Integrated Development Plan is used as a developmental tool in the Amahlathi municipality. Local government in South Africa has been mandated by the Constitution and other pieces of legislation like the White Paper on local government, the municipal Structures Act and the municipal Systems Act to improve the socio-economic conditions of communities to deliver services to the people and encourage communities to participate in the process of developing the Integrated Development Plan (IDP). Service delivery remains a challenge in the municipality despite the initiative of introducing the IDP to support this local municipality in fulfilling its mandate of taking services to communities. This is reflected in the municipal IDP Mayor‟s foreword where it is indicated that the infrastructure backlogs are still visible in the municipality to the extent that there are areas where there are no operations at all. Also, the report by the Co-operative Governance and Traditional Affairs in 2009 indicated that Amahlathi local municipality is among 57 municipalities in the country that have been identified as the most vulnerable and which therefore needed support for sustenance. This study details these challenges and places particular focus on the utilisation of the IDP as a developmental tool for Amahlathi Local Municipality. From the literature and responses by the respondents, it is clear that local government has to be committed to work with citizens and groups within the communities to find sustainable ways to meet their social, economic and material needs and improve their quality of life. The study is both qualitative and quantitative and questionnaires have been used as a method of collecting data. The responses and results suggested that the community members in the Amahlathi municipality were aware of the existence of the IDP. However, a lot of work still has to be done to ensure that there is development in the communities.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2012
- Authors: Sokopo, Bongiwe Annette Patience
- Date: 2012
- Subjects: Local government -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , Public administration -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPA
- Identifier: vital:8355 , http://hdl.handle.net/10948/d1020919
- Description: The study is about the Integrated Development Plan as a developmental tool for the Amahlathi municipality. The main focus of the study is to assess whether the Integrated Development Plan is used as a developmental tool in the Amahlathi municipality. Local government in South Africa has been mandated by the Constitution and other pieces of legislation like the White Paper on local government, the municipal Structures Act and the municipal Systems Act to improve the socio-economic conditions of communities to deliver services to the people and encourage communities to participate in the process of developing the Integrated Development Plan (IDP). Service delivery remains a challenge in the municipality despite the initiative of introducing the IDP to support this local municipality in fulfilling its mandate of taking services to communities. This is reflected in the municipal IDP Mayor‟s foreword where it is indicated that the infrastructure backlogs are still visible in the municipality to the extent that there are areas where there are no operations at all. Also, the report by the Co-operative Governance and Traditional Affairs in 2009 indicated that Amahlathi local municipality is among 57 municipalities in the country that have been identified as the most vulnerable and which therefore needed support for sustenance. This study details these challenges and places particular focus on the utilisation of the IDP as a developmental tool for Amahlathi Local Municipality. From the literature and responses by the respondents, it is clear that local government has to be committed to work with citizens and groups within the communities to find sustainable ways to meet their social, economic and material needs and improve their quality of life. The study is both qualitative and quantitative and questionnaires have been used as a method of collecting data. The responses and results suggested that the community members in the Amahlathi municipality were aware of the existence of the IDP. However, a lot of work still has to be done to ensure that there is development in the communities.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2012
Media and agriculture in Africa : a case study of agriculture radio programming in Malawi
- Authors: Manda, Levison Zeleza
- Date: 2012
- Subjects: Radio in agriculture -- Malawi , Communication -- Agriculture -- Malawi
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: vital:8434 , http://hdl.handle.net/10948/d1020925
- Description: This thesis argues that although participatory communication for development has been extolled to be more effective than the monologic or top-down communication approaches associated with the modernization development paradigm, its influence in making Malawian smallholder farmers adopt radio-mediated innovations and technologies seems to be minimal and ought to be reconsidered for more effective communication for development models. The study used mostly qualitative methodology, with focus group discussions, key informant interviews, and a semi-structured questionnaire to gather verbal and statistical from the primary beneficiaries in order data to understand why three mass media interventions in Malawi had similar effects when only one of them was strictly participatory. It found, inter alia, that in two sites food security was the overriding factor that influenced the community members to adopt radio messages while in the third the participants were mostly driven by the desire to earn money, essentially because the area is food-secure. Thus, participation in radio production was found not to have any significant role in the acceptance and adoption of radio-mediated innovations by the farming communities. Based on the above findings, the study recommends a) an integrated communication for development (IC4D) model that combines top-down information dissemination techniques and participatory communication approaches since the two reinforce more than they oppose each other, and b) the formation of a Communication for Development (C4D) pool fund in Malawi to finance C4D activities. The C4D pool fund is theorised to be resourced by the Malawi government departments, local farmers ‘organisations, international NGOs, and UN bodies such as UNICEF, WHO, and the FAO.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2012
- Authors: Manda, Levison Zeleza
- Date: 2012
- Subjects: Radio in agriculture -- Malawi , Communication -- Agriculture -- Malawi
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: vital:8434 , http://hdl.handle.net/10948/d1020925
- Description: This thesis argues that although participatory communication for development has been extolled to be more effective than the monologic or top-down communication approaches associated with the modernization development paradigm, its influence in making Malawian smallholder farmers adopt radio-mediated innovations and technologies seems to be minimal and ought to be reconsidered for more effective communication for development models. The study used mostly qualitative methodology, with focus group discussions, key informant interviews, and a semi-structured questionnaire to gather verbal and statistical from the primary beneficiaries in order data to understand why three mass media interventions in Malawi had similar effects when only one of them was strictly participatory. It found, inter alia, that in two sites food security was the overriding factor that influenced the community members to adopt radio messages while in the third the participants were mostly driven by the desire to earn money, essentially because the area is food-secure. Thus, participation in radio production was found not to have any significant role in the acceptance and adoption of radio-mediated innovations by the farming communities. Based on the above findings, the study recommends a) an integrated communication for development (IC4D) model that combines top-down information dissemination techniques and participatory communication approaches since the two reinforce more than they oppose each other, and b) the formation of a Communication for Development (C4D) pool fund in Malawi to finance C4D activities. The C4D pool fund is theorised to be resourced by the Malawi government departments, local farmers ‘organisations, international NGOs, and UN bodies such as UNICEF, WHO, and the FAO.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2012
Implementing the integragrated development plan for effective service delivery : the case of Mnquma Municipality
- Siyaya, Nompendulo Vuyolwethu
- Authors: Siyaya, Nompendulo Vuyolwethu
- Date: 2012
- Subjects: Public Administration -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , Local government -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:8309 , http://hdl.handle.net/10948/d1020030
- Description: This study is about implementing the Integrated Development Plan (IDP) for effective service delivery: The case of Mnquma municipality. The need for improved standards of living and access to better infrastructure which are seen as crucial issues in addressing poverty have necessitated the introduction of the Integrated Development Planning. The IDP looks at the economic and social development. It aims to coordinate the work of the local government in a coherent plan to improve the quality of life of all the people living in an area. Many municipalities in South Africa are faced with the challenge of service delivery and Mnquma is one of those municipalities. There are still backlogs in service delivery in Mnquma. This study was triggered by the high level of poverty, high unemployment rate and the non service delivery in Mnquma municipality. It sought to understand whether the IDP is serving its purposes in the Mnquma Municipality. Questionnaires were used as a method of collecting data. The respondents were asked to give their opinions on the impact of IDP in Mnquma, the IDP implementation for effective service delivery, and highlight the challenges that they think hinder the IDP from realizing its intended goals. The results of this study show that there is lack of communication between the municipality and the community. The study uncovered that the communities do not understand the purpose and existence of the IDP document. IDP is a tool to fast track service delivery. The study argues that without its proper implementation, service cannot be rendered effectively and efficiently.The research findings also point out the need for sensitizing the community about the need to participate in the affairs of their development so that the IDP can be a true reflection of their needs. The mantra of this research is effective service delivery through the implementation of the IDP.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2012
- Authors: Siyaya, Nompendulo Vuyolwethu
- Date: 2012
- Subjects: Public Administration -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , Local government -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:8309 , http://hdl.handle.net/10948/d1020030
- Description: This study is about implementing the Integrated Development Plan (IDP) for effective service delivery: The case of Mnquma municipality. The need for improved standards of living and access to better infrastructure which are seen as crucial issues in addressing poverty have necessitated the introduction of the Integrated Development Planning. The IDP looks at the economic and social development. It aims to coordinate the work of the local government in a coherent plan to improve the quality of life of all the people living in an area. Many municipalities in South Africa are faced with the challenge of service delivery and Mnquma is one of those municipalities. There are still backlogs in service delivery in Mnquma. This study was triggered by the high level of poverty, high unemployment rate and the non service delivery in Mnquma municipality. It sought to understand whether the IDP is serving its purposes in the Mnquma Municipality. Questionnaires were used as a method of collecting data. The respondents were asked to give their opinions on the impact of IDP in Mnquma, the IDP implementation for effective service delivery, and highlight the challenges that they think hinder the IDP from realizing its intended goals. The results of this study show that there is lack of communication between the municipality and the community. The study uncovered that the communities do not understand the purpose and existence of the IDP document. IDP is a tool to fast track service delivery. The study argues that without its proper implementation, service cannot be rendered effectively and efficiently.The research findings also point out the need for sensitizing the community about the need to participate in the affairs of their development so that the IDP can be a true reflection of their needs. The mantra of this research is effective service delivery through the implementation of the IDP.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2012
Public participation in local government municipalities in South Africa between 2006 and 2011 : lessons from Hibiscus Coast Municipality
- Authors: Memela, Siyabonga Ezra
- Date: 2012
- Subjects: Local government -- South Africa -- Citizen participation , Economic development -- South Africa -- Citizen participation , Municipal government -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:8284 , http://hdl.handle.net/10948/d1018176
- Description: There is an on-going debate in South Africa whether municipalities are an effective vehicle for deepening participatory democracy or not. Due to serious backlogs on services, the role of municipalities has largely been reduced to service delivery, to the detriment and total neglect of fundamental functions of local government. These are (Act 200, 1996):(a) To provide democratic and accountable government for local communities;(b) To ensure the provision of services to communities in a sustainable manner;(c) To promote social and economic development;(d) To promote a safe and healthy environment; and (e) To encourage the involvement of communities and community organisations in the matters of local government. On the other hand Haveri, Stenvall & Majoinen (2011) argue that if the municipalities are a government sphere closest to the people, they are therefore best placed to, and should, lead and support the deepening of participatory democracy, what they call self-government. As the debate rages on, there are indications that most of thechallenges that face the municipalities are related to the distance that has been developing between municipal institutions and the citizens.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2012
- Authors: Memela, Siyabonga Ezra
- Date: 2012
- Subjects: Local government -- South Africa -- Citizen participation , Economic development -- South Africa -- Citizen participation , Municipal government -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:8284 , http://hdl.handle.net/10948/d1018176
- Description: There is an on-going debate in South Africa whether municipalities are an effective vehicle for deepening participatory democracy or not. Due to serious backlogs on services, the role of municipalities has largely been reduced to service delivery, to the detriment and total neglect of fundamental functions of local government. These are (Act 200, 1996):(a) To provide democratic and accountable government for local communities;(b) To ensure the provision of services to communities in a sustainable manner;(c) To promote social and economic development;(d) To promote a safe and healthy environment; and (e) To encourage the involvement of communities and community organisations in the matters of local government. On the other hand Haveri, Stenvall & Majoinen (2011) argue that if the municipalities are a government sphere closest to the people, they are therefore best placed to, and should, lead and support the deepening of participatory democracy, what they call self-government. As the debate rages on, there are indications that most of thechallenges that face the municipalities are related to the distance that has been developing between municipal institutions and the citizens.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2012
A self-reflexive investigation into effective translation strategies with reference to Jeanne Goosen's Louoond
- Authors: Minnaar, Rae-Ann
- Date: 2012
- Subjects: Translating and interpreting -- South Africa , Afrikaans fiction -- Translating -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:8364 , http://hdl.handle.net/10948/d1008401 , Translating and interpreting -- South Africa , Afrikaans fiction -- Translating -- South Africa
- Description: This dissertation is a self-reflexive study into effective translation strategies. The study focuses primarily on the translation strategies by Vinay and Darbelnet (1995), namely direct and oblique strategies of translation. The strategies are used in the translation of Jeanne Goosen‘s novel Louoond (1987). The novel was chosen on account of the writer‘s unique writing style and the challenges it poses for the prospective translator. One of the key objectives of this study was to comprehensively illustrate Vinay and Darbelnet‘s strategies of translation when translating the novel. The theoretical framework of this study is an analysis of Vinay and Darbelnet‘s translation strategies. The study also aims to give insight into what is meant by translation, translation theory, literary theory and literary translation. The translation of the novel is the final product, but in order to illustrate each procedure of Vinay and Darbelnet (1995) examples were taken from this final product. The chapters that follow illustrate the strategies of Vinay and Darbelnet (1995) as used in the translation of an Afrikaans text (SL) into English (TL). Conclusions can then be drawn as to whether full equivalence was obtained and whether the translation is deemed successful.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2012
- Authors: Minnaar, Rae-Ann
- Date: 2012
- Subjects: Translating and interpreting -- South Africa , Afrikaans fiction -- Translating -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:8364 , http://hdl.handle.net/10948/d1008401 , Translating and interpreting -- South Africa , Afrikaans fiction -- Translating -- South Africa
- Description: This dissertation is a self-reflexive study into effective translation strategies. The study focuses primarily on the translation strategies by Vinay and Darbelnet (1995), namely direct and oblique strategies of translation. The strategies are used in the translation of Jeanne Goosen‘s novel Louoond (1987). The novel was chosen on account of the writer‘s unique writing style and the challenges it poses for the prospective translator. One of the key objectives of this study was to comprehensively illustrate Vinay and Darbelnet‘s strategies of translation when translating the novel. The theoretical framework of this study is an analysis of Vinay and Darbelnet‘s translation strategies. The study also aims to give insight into what is meant by translation, translation theory, literary theory and literary translation. The translation of the novel is the final product, but in order to illustrate each procedure of Vinay and Darbelnet (1995) examples were taken from this final product. The chapters that follow illustrate the strategies of Vinay and Darbelnet (1995) as used in the translation of an Afrikaans text (SL) into English (TL). Conclusions can then be drawn as to whether full equivalence was obtained and whether the translation is deemed successful.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2012
Public participation in integrated development planning, New Brighton, Nelson Mandela Bay Municipality : 2006-2010
- Authors: Mbewana, Stembiso Matthews
- Date: 2012
- Subjects: Local government -- South Africa -- Port Elizabeth -- Citizen participation , Local governement -- South Africa -- Port Elizabeth
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPhil
- Identifier: vital:8178 , http://hdl.handle.net/10948/1775 , Local government -- South Africa -- Port Elizabeth -- Citizen participation , Local governement -- South Africa -- Port Elizabeth
- Description: The most important difference between the new form of local government and that of the past is the creative and dynamic “developmental role” for local government to ensure maximum impact on poverty alleviation within resource constraints, and to address spatially entrenched socio‐economic inequalities. This needs to take place within the framework of integrated development planning, which is linked to the annual budgeting cycles. The IDP process is intended to provide communities with opportunities for participation in articulating, monitoring, reviewing and evaluating their needs. The aim of the research was to establish to what extent cooperation between the communities and the ward committees in the ward of New Brighton exists, with specific reference to consultation and participation in terms of IDP. A qualitative study was undertaken and literature review on public participation in terms of the IDP was conducted. Relevant secondary data was sourced and structured interviews were conducted with councillors representing New Brighton. Focus group interviews were also conducted with ward committee members from New Brighton. The research revealed that the priorities and genuine needs of the communities were often ignored by the Nelson Mandela Bay Municipality. There is no correlation between the genuine needs of the communities and those perceived to be the needs of the communities by the public officials. Challenges on public participation in IDP process were also found to be associated with the relationship between the councillors and public officials on what constitute the genuine needs of the communities.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2012
- Authors: Mbewana, Stembiso Matthews
- Date: 2012
- Subjects: Local government -- South Africa -- Port Elizabeth -- Citizen participation , Local governement -- South Africa -- Port Elizabeth
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPhil
- Identifier: vital:8178 , http://hdl.handle.net/10948/1775 , Local government -- South Africa -- Port Elizabeth -- Citizen participation , Local governement -- South Africa -- Port Elizabeth
- Description: The most important difference between the new form of local government and that of the past is the creative and dynamic “developmental role” for local government to ensure maximum impact on poverty alleviation within resource constraints, and to address spatially entrenched socio‐economic inequalities. This needs to take place within the framework of integrated development planning, which is linked to the annual budgeting cycles. The IDP process is intended to provide communities with opportunities for participation in articulating, monitoring, reviewing and evaluating their needs. The aim of the research was to establish to what extent cooperation between the communities and the ward committees in the ward of New Brighton exists, with specific reference to consultation and participation in terms of IDP. A qualitative study was undertaken and literature review on public participation in terms of the IDP was conducted. Relevant secondary data was sourced and structured interviews were conducted with councillors representing New Brighton. Focus group interviews were also conducted with ward committee members from New Brighton. The research revealed that the priorities and genuine needs of the communities were often ignored by the Nelson Mandela Bay Municipality. There is no correlation between the genuine needs of the communities and those perceived to be the needs of the communities by the public officials. Challenges on public participation in IDP process were also found to be associated with the relationship between the councillors and public officials on what constitute the genuine needs of the communities.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2012
An analysis of the Southern African Development Community (SADC) preventive diplomacy in the kingdom of Lesotho: a case study
- Authors: Bukae, Nkosi Makhonya
- Date: 2012
- Subjects: Southern African Development Community , Diplomatic negotiations in international disputes , Diplomacy , Conflict management -- Lesotho , Africa, Southern -- Politics and government , Lesotho -- Politics and government
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Doctoral , DPhil
- Identifier: vital:8196 , http://hdl.handle.net/10948/d1008296 , Southern African Development Community , Diplomatic negotiations in international disputes , Diplomacy , Conflict management -- Lesotho , Africa, Southern -- Politics and government , Lesotho -- Politics and government
- Description: The focus of this study is the Southern African Development Community (SADC) preventive diplomacy interventions in Lesotho in 1994, 1998 and 2007. The core aim of the study was to evaluate the efficacy of the SADC security mechanism (the Organ on Politics, Defence and Security (OPDS) in conflict prevention, management and resolution on the basis of the Lesotho experience. Data for this qualitative case study was collected through interviews and document analysis. The twenty four participants for the study were drawn from the SADC OPDS unit, Lesotho political parties, Civil Society Organisations (CSOs), Academics from the University of Botswana (UB) and the National University of Lesotho (NUL), retired Botswana Defence officers who participated in the Lesotho missions and office of the post-2007election dispute dialogue facilitator in Lesotho. Documents on the SADC Treaties, Protocols, Communiqués and interventions in other set ups were used to highlight its operational policies, mandate, structures, successes and challenges. Lesotho was chosen as a case study because SADC employed both non-coercive (SADC Troika and Eminent Person mediation, 1994 and 2007 respectively) and coercive measures (the 1998 military intervention). The findings of the study revealed that SADC as a regional body had its own successes and challenges. Different perceptions on the SADC interventions in Lesotho emerged mainly between the participants from the ruling party and the opposition parties. While the former commended SADC for successfully mitigating the calamitous effects of 1994, 1998 and 2007 post-electoral violence, the opposition parties viewed the regional organisations as engaged in illegal interference in the domestic affairs of the country to defend the incumbent governing party. It also emerged from the study that the SADC security mechanism has numerous structural and operational flaws. There were several unanswered questions revolving around the legality and mandate of some of the missions. For instance, no concrete evidence emerged as to whether the 1998 military intervention was authorised by the SADC. The study also revealed that SADC has learnt valuable lessons from the Lesotho missions. Some of the reforms which the SADC has introduced in the OPDS such as the establishment of the SADC Stand by Force, Early Warning structures, the Mediation Unit, and a panel of expert mediators emanated mainly from the Lesotho experiences. The study recommends that SADC needs to harmonise the efforts of its OPDS structures such as the Mediation Unit; the Troika; the Inter-State Defence and Security Committee (ISDSC); the Inter-State Politics and Diplomacy Committee (ISPDC) and the Summit of Heads of States and Governments for rapid, coherent and well coordinated interventions in future regional preventive missions. It is also recommended that SADC should focus on identifying and mitigating underlying causal factors such as underdevelopment; poverty; deprivation of freedoms, marginalisation and other forms of social stratifications and oppression in its preventive diplomacy missions if durable peace is to be achieved in Lesotho and any other future cases.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2012
- Authors: Bukae, Nkosi Makhonya
- Date: 2012
- Subjects: Southern African Development Community , Diplomatic negotiations in international disputes , Diplomacy , Conflict management -- Lesotho , Africa, Southern -- Politics and government , Lesotho -- Politics and government
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Doctoral , DPhil
- Identifier: vital:8196 , http://hdl.handle.net/10948/d1008296 , Southern African Development Community , Diplomatic negotiations in international disputes , Diplomacy , Conflict management -- Lesotho , Africa, Southern -- Politics and government , Lesotho -- Politics and government
- Description: The focus of this study is the Southern African Development Community (SADC) preventive diplomacy interventions in Lesotho in 1994, 1998 and 2007. The core aim of the study was to evaluate the efficacy of the SADC security mechanism (the Organ on Politics, Defence and Security (OPDS) in conflict prevention, management and resolution on the basis of the Lesotho experience. Data for this qualitative case study was collected through interviews and document analysis. The twenty four participants for the study were drawn from the SADC OPDS unit, Lesotho political parties, Civil Society Organisations (CSOs), Academics from the University of Botswana (UB) and the National University of Lesotho (NUL), retired Botswana Defence officers who participated in the Lesotho missions and office of the post-2007election dispute dialogue facilitator in Lesotho. Documents on the SADC Treaties, Protocols, Communiqués and interventions in other set ups were used to highlight its operational policies, mandate, structures, successes and challenges. Lesotho was chosen as a case study because SADC employed both non-coercive (SADC Troika and Eminent Person mediation, 1994 and 2007 respectively) and coercive measures (the 1998 military intervention). The findings of the study revealed that SADC as a regional body had its own successes and challenges. Different perceptions on the SADC interventions in Lesotho emerged mainly between the participants from the ruling party and the opposition parties. While the former commended SADC for successfully mitigating the calamitous effects of 1994, 1998 and 2007 post-electoral violence, the opposition parties viewed the regional organisations as engaged in illegal interference in the domestic affairs of the country to defend the incumbent governing party. It also emerged from the study that the SADC security mechanism has numerous structural and operational flaws. There were several unanswered questions revolving around the legality and mandate of some of the missions. For instance, no concrete evidence emerged as to whether the 1998 military intervention was authorised by the SADC. The study also revealed that SADC has learnt valuable lessons from the Lesotho missions. Some of the reforms which the SADC has introduced in the OPDS such as the establishment of the SADC Stand by Force, Early Warning structures, the Mediation Unit, and a panel of expert mediators emanated mainly from the Lesotho experiences. The study recommends that SADC needs to harmonise the efforts of its OPDS structures such as the Mediation Unit; the Troika; the Inter-State Defence and Security Committee (ISDSC); the Inter-State Politics and Diplomacy Committee (ISPDC) and the Summit of Heads of States and Governments for rapid, coherent and well coordinated interventions in future regional preventive missions. It is also recommended that SADC should focus on identifying and mitigating underlying causal factors such as underdevelopment; poverty; deprivation of freedoms, marginalisation and other forms of social stratifications and oppression in its preventive diplomacy missions if durable peace is to be achieved in Lesotho and any other future cases.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2012
Investigating the feminist significance of Lars von Trier's representation of women in his Golden Heart Trilogy (1996/1998/2000) and Antichrist (2009)
- Authors: Evans, Melissa Albie
- Date: 2012
- Subjects: Motion picture producers and directors , Feminism , Anti-feminism , Second-wave feminism , Trier, Lars von, 1956-
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:8409 , http://hdl.handle.net/10948/d1011634 , Motion picture producers and directors , Feminism , Anti-feminism , Second-wave feminism , Trier, Lars von, 1956-
- Description: Despite critics‟ negative appraisal of Lars Von Trier's Antichrist (2009) for its ostensible misogyny, a deep thematic resonance exists between its representation of women as historical victims of patriarchal discourse, and the positive representations of women as Christ-like figures found in his Golden Heart Trilogy (1996/1998/2000). Arguably, it is important to recognize this, because these films together comprise an exercise in cinematic resistance to the narratives of the „backlash‟ against women's rights, thematized by Susan Faludi in her Backlash: The Undeclared War Against American Women; resistance which is undermined when these films are considered disparate or incongruous.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2012
- Authors: Evans, Melissa Albie
- Date: 2012
- Subjects: Motion picture producers and directors , Feminism , Anti-feminism , Second-wave feminism , Trier, Lars von, 1956-
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:8409 , http://hdl.handle.net/10948/d1011634 , Motion picture producers and directors , Feminism , Anti-feminism , Second-wave feminism , Trier, Lars von, 1956-
- Description: Despite critics‟ negative appraisal of Lars Von Trier's Antichrist (2009) for its ostensible misogyny, a deep thematic resonance exists between its representation of women as historical victims of patriarchal discourse, and the positive representations of women as Christ-like figures found in his Golden Heart Trilogy (1996/1998/2000). Arguably, it is important to recognize this, because these films together comprise an exercise in cinematic resistance to the narratives of the „backlash‟ against women's rights, thematized by Susan Faludi in her Backlash: The Undeclared War Against American Women; resistance which is undermined when these films are considered disparate or incongruous.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2012
The evaluation of cultural diversity in the institutionalization of the African Union
- Authors: Nhlapo, Lebohang Lorraine Z
- Date: 2012
- Subjects: African Union , Multiculturalism , African cooperation , Globalization
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPhil
- Identifier: vital:8337 , http://hdl.handle.net/10948/d1020624
- Description: This research was conducted to assess cultural diversity in the institutionalisation of the African Union (AU). Most researchers have found interest on the subject of cultural diversity that edifice the African Union because “Africa does not have a single culture not in religions, not in economic systems, and especially not in languages, the number of different languages spoken on the continent, numerous dialects not included, range as high as 2,000 or more languages. While some languages, such as Swahili, are spoken by millions, other languages may be spoken by only a handful” (Robert & Feldman, 2008: 267) The AU member states heads are quiet aware of the forces of cultural diversity in the Union, hence several workshops were carried out between member states heads to put together the cultural policy for the Union. There are also numerous policies on African cultural diversity that were approved previously by different organisations that intended to unify Africa before the African Union was formed. Those policies are aligned within the AU cultural policy - The Charter for African Renaissance that will be reviewed in length in Chapter 3 in the literature review. What comes as a mystery is that, even though the Charter for African Renaissance has unified and adopted various policies ethnic and religion segregations within states and between states is still visible in most African countries (ethnicity, language and religion will also be evaluated and a sample of various cultures found in African countries will also be discussed in Chapter 3 under literature review). The Charter for African Renaissance contains guiding principle and objectives of the AU pertaining cultural diversity and these objectives needs to be met. However the biggest well known challenge about policies is that in most cases they remain on paper and shelved, they never make that much difference to the society that they intend to change. As Cloete and Wissink (2000) will put it that “policies only exist because they need to bring about change, however, it is also possible to change policies on paper, whilst effecting no real social change" (2000: 239). African cultural diversity policies are as well littered with failed institutions and initiatives that have not been followed through to completion, or of promises that have been broken. The driving force for this research is that Africans has seen many false starts in the last few decades and they are desperate for change, they need to see democracy, development and institutional building in the African countries. African Union on the other hand has existed for a decade but it has not yet achieved its objectives. How do we know that this is not just another focus for a misplaced enthusiasm? Will the current initiatives of the AU fall by the wayside? Will the world continue to mock Africa as the land of broken promises, of criminalized and failed states that inevitably subvert the best intentions of their peoples and their development partners? Unfortunately these questions has influenced this investigation but cannot be answered by this paper. However this paper intends to find out if cultural diversity has an impact in the missed opportunities and broken promises of Africa and this will be examined in the structures of the African Union.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2012
- Authors: Nhlapo, Lebohang Lorraine Z
- Date: 2012
- Subjects: African Union , Multiculturalism , African cooperation , Globalization
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPhil
- Identifier: vital:8337 , http://hdl.handle.net/10948/d1020624
- Description: This research was conducted to assess cultural diversity in the institutionalisation of the African Union (AU). Most researchers have found interest on the subject of cultural diversity that edifice the African Union because “Africa does not have a single culture not in religions, not in economic systems, and especially not in languages, the number of different languages spoken on the continent, numerous dialects not included, range as high as 2,000 or more languages. While some languages, such as Swahili, are spoken by millions, other languages may be spoken by only a handful” (Robert & Feldman, 2008: 267) The AU member states heads are quiet aware of the forces of cultural diversity in the Union, hence several workshops were carried out between member states heads to put together the cultural policy for the Union. There are also numerous policies on African cultural diversity that were approved previously by different organisations that intended to unify Africa before the African Union was formed. Those policies are aligned within the AU cultural policy - The Charter for African Renaissance that will be reviewed in length in Chapter 3 in the literature review. What comes as a mystery is that, even though the Charter for African Renaissance has unified and adopted various policies ethnic and religion segregations within states and between states is still visible in most African countries (ethnicity, language and religion will also be evaluated and a sample of various cultures found in African countries will also be discussed in Chapter 3 under literature review). The Charter for African Renaissance contains guiding principle and objectives of the AU pertaining cultural diversity and these objectives needs to be met. However the biggest well known challenge about policies is that in most cases they remain on paper and shelved, they never make that much difference to the society that they intend to change. As Cloete and Wissink (2000) will put it that “policies only exist because they need to bring about change, however, it is also possible to change policies on paper, whilst effecting no real social change" (2000: 239). African cultural diversity policies are as well littered with failed institutions and initiatives that have not been followed through to completion, or of promises that have been broken. The driving force for this research is that Africans has seen many false starts in the last few decades and they are desperate for change, they need to see democracy, development and institutional building in the African countries. African Union on the other hand has existed for a decade but it has not yet achieved its objectives. How do we know that this is not just another focus for a misplaced enthusiasm? Will the current initiatives of the AU fall by the wayside? Will the world continue to mock Africa as the land of broken promises, of criminalized and failed states that inevitably subvert the best intentions of their peoples and their development partners? Unfortunately these questions has influenced this investigation but cannot be answered by this paper. However this paper intends to find out if cultural diversity has an impact in the missed opportunities and broken promises of Africa and this will be examined in the structures of the African Union.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2012
An investigation into integrating social sites as a teaching and learning practice to create dialogue spaces in the language classroom
- Authors: Olamijulo, Christianah
- Date: 2012
- Subjects: Online social networks , Blended learning
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:8429 , http://hdl.handle.net/10948/d1020149
- Description: This study intends to explore how social media or social networking sites (SNSs) such as Facebook can facilitate communication channels or create dialogue spaces in a language class. Social media is a form of participatory media, which broadly refers to the “collection of communication channels or mediums (primarily online and mobile) through which social networks originate and are sustained” (Flew 2008:109). Although the term social media is often used as a collective term for SNSs or as the core trademark of Web 2.0, Flew (2008:17) also distinguishes social media by calling it a “communications infrastructure” that allows for “participation, interactivity, collaborative learning and social networking”. Flew (2008) identifies various online sites including the online encyclopaedia Wikipedia and the online user-generated video site YouTube as well as various personalised web space sites such as MySpace, Facebook, Friendster and Bebo as participatory media. The study’s data collection was situated at Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University (NMMU) and investigated how social media can be used to facilitate dialogue between a tutor and BKI1120 Communication in English B students in a Higher Education (HE) context using qualitative methodology. This study compared the use of existing and more traditional or conventional classroom communication practices with those of SNSs as a communication channel, while focusing on social media application as a communication tool to create dialogue spaces that support teaching and learning practices. The research also attempted to identify alternative applications of social media for teaching and learning practices to inform researchers in the fields of HE and media. In the first data-collection phase, BKI1120 Communication in English B Public Management students were selected as the sample for the study. Seventeen students participated in the BKI1120 Facebook page created for the purpose of this study. In the second data-collection phase, a taped focus-group interview was conducted with eight BKI1120 Communication in English B students. The interview transcript was then analysed qualitatively for themes. The research findings showed that social media or SNSs such as Facebook can facilitate communication channels or create dialogue spaces in a language class, if it is managed effectively.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2012
- Authors: Olamijulo, Christianah
- Date: 2012
- Subjects: Online social networks , Blended learning
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:8429 , http://hdl.handle.net/10948/d1020149
- Description: This study intends to explore how social media or social networking sites (SNSs) such as Facebook can facilitate communication channels or create dialogue spaces in a language class. Social media is a form of participatory media, which broadly refers to the “collection of communication channels or mediums (primarily online and mobile) through which social networks originate and are sustained” (Flew 2008:109). Although the term social media is often used as a collective term for SNSs or as the core trademark of Web 2.0, Flew (2008:17) also distinguishes social media by calling it a “communications infrastructure” that allows for “participation, interactivity, collaborative learning and social networking”. Flew (2008) identifies various online sites including the online encyclopaedia Wikipedia and the online user-generated video site YouTube as well as various personalised web space sites such as MySpace, Facebook, Friendster and Bebo as participatory media. The study’s data collection was situated at Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University (NMMU) and investigated how social media can be used to facilitate dialogue between a tutor and BKI1120 Communication in English B students in a Higher Education (HE) context using qualitative methodology. This study compared the use of existing and more traditional or conventional classroom communication practices with those of SNSs as a communication channel, while focusing on social media application as a communication tool to create dialogue spaces that support teaching and learning practices. The research also attempted to identify alternative applications of social media for teaching and learning practices to inform researchers in the fields of HE and media. In the first data-collection phase, BKI1120 Communication in English B Public Management students were selected as the sample for the study. Seventeen students participated in the BKI1120 Facebook page created for the purpose of this study. In the second data-collection phase, a taped focus-group interview was conducted with eight BKI1120 Communication in English B students. The interview transcript was then analysed qualitatively for themes. The research findings showed that social media or SNSs such as Facebook can facilitate communication channels or create dialogue spaces in a language class, if it is managed effectively.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2012
Evolution of the African National Congress Youth League: from "freedom in our lifetime" to "economic freedom in our lifetime"
- Authors: Sipuka, Msingathi
- Date: 2012
- Subjects: African National Congress -- History , African National Congress -- Youth League , Political parties -- Platforms , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 20th century
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPhil
- Identifier: vital:8350 , http://hdl.handle.net/10948/d1020832
- Description: The 1994 democratic elections heralded a significant change in South Africa‟s political and social landscapes. This historic moment, and the subsequent democratic developmental processes that unfolded aimed at laying the foundations for a democratic state, were the culmination of a long history of struggle by the Black majority, in alliance with other social forces, against colonialism and apartheid. One of the significant social forces that emerged as part of this struggle against racial oppression was the African National Congress Youth League (ANCYL). It is argued that the two most important developments in South African politics during the 1940‟s were the emergence of the African National Congress Youth League and the consolidation of its influence on the ANC leadership. The African National Congress Youth League was formed against the background of very distinct circumstances, the first being the worsening economic conditions for the growing African working class and the declining African peasantry. The second was the inability of the African National Congress to respond to the material challenges confronted by the African majority, because of its leadership and organisational weaknesses. The political programme of the ANCYL was rallied under the ideological auspices of African Nationalism, and its organisational programme under the articulated need to build a mass based and campaigning organisation. With a very strong leadership, the ANCYL was able to, within five years, assert its leadership and authority in the ANC with key elements of its manifesto forming significant parts of the ANC Programme. This culminated into the rise of the generational theme of the ANC Youth League of “Freedom in our Lifetime”. Essentially freedom was conceived as the abolishment of formal apartheid, and the delivery of a democratic South Africa. Formal democracy became a reality in South Africa in 1994 and at the helm of the ANC and the new government was the ANC Youth League generation of the 1940‟s. This generation had over fifty years struggled for freedom and 1994 represented the formal victory over apartheid and the attainment of a generational mission. The ushering in of formal democracy in 1994 heightened the expectations of the black majority in terms of its elevation from a point of view of its existing socio-economic realities. Close to twenty years after the end of formal apartheid the reality has been less than satisfactory in terms of addressing these socio-economic realities. What has been observed on the contrary is an increase in key measures such inequality and unemployment. Subsequent to that has been a less than satisfactory performance in the area of economic transformation which has been seen as a critical limiting factor in addressing the legacies of apartheid, particularly among the black majority. These limits to transformation have resulted in discontentment among the majority, claiming that democracy has not yielded to any significant changes in their material lives. The discontentment has been particularly proliferated among the youth, who bear the brunt of social challenges such as unemployment. The ANC Youth League, has had to confront the reality of being of a youth league of a governing party and balancing that with the social discontentment that has developed among South African, particularly the youth, as a result of perceived lack of social transformation. In balancing these two realities, the ANC Youth League has found itself at the centre of South African politics similarly to the 1940s generation of ANC Youth League leaders of the Youth League who had been mobilised under the theme of “Freedom in our Lifetime”. The contradictions within the ANC, of which the ANC Youth League has found itself at the centre of, and the need to become a socially relevant political force have culminated into the birth of a generational theme led by the ANC Youth League of “Economic Freedom in our Lifetime”.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2012
- Authors: Sipuka, Msingathi
- Date: 2012
- Subjects: African National Congress -- History , African National Congress -- Youth League , Political parties -- Platforms , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 20th century
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPhil
- Identifier: vital:8350 , http://hdl.handle.net/10948/d1020832
- Description: The 1994 democratic elections heralded a significant change in South Africa‟s political and social landscapes. This historic moment, and the subsequent democratic developmental processes that unfolded aimed at laying the foundations for a democratic state, were the culmination of a long history of struggle by the Black majority, in alliance with other social forces, against colonialism and apartheid. One of the significant social forces that emerged as part of this struggle against racial oppression was the African National Congress Youth League (ANCYL). It is argued that the two most important developments in South African politics during the 1940‟s were the emergence of the African National Congress Youth League and the consolidation of its influence on the ANC leadership. The African National Congress Youth League was formed against the background of very distinct circumstances, the first being the worsening economic conditions for the growing African working class and the declining African peasantry. The second was the inability of the African National Congress to respond to the material challenges confronted by the African majority, because of its leadership and organisational weaknesses. The political programme of the ANCYL was rallied under the ideological auspices of African Nationalism, and its organisational programme under the articulated need to build a mass based and campaigning organisation. With a very strong leadership, the ANCYL was able to, within five years, assert its leadership and authority in the ANC with key elements of its manifesto forming significant parts of the ANC Programme. This culminated into the rise of the generational theme of the ANC Youth League of “Freedom in our Lifetime”. Essentially freedom was conceived as the abolishment of formal apartheid, and the delivery of a democratic South Africa. Formal democracy became a reality in South Africa in 1994 and at the helm of the ANC and the new government was the ANC Youth League generation of the 1940‟s. This generation had over fifty years struggled for freedom and 1994 represented the formal victory over apartheid and the attainment of a generational mission. The ushering in of formal democracy in 1994 heightened the expectations of the black majority in terms of its elevation from a point of view of its existing socio-economic realities. Close to twenty years after the end of formal apartheid the reality has been less than satisfactory in terms of addressing these socio-economic realities. What has been observed on the contrary is an increase in key measures such inequality and unemployment. Subsequent to that has been a less than satisfactory performance in the area of economic transformation which has been seen as a critical limiting factor in addressing the legacies of apartheid, particularly among the black majority. These limits to transformation have resulted in discontentment among the majority, claiming that democracy has not yielded to any significant changes in their material lives. The discontentment has been particularly proliferated among the youth, who bear the brunt of social challenges such as unemployment. The ANC Youth League, has had to confront the reality of being of a youth league of a governing party and balancing that with the social discontentment that has developed among South African, particularly the youth, as a result of perceived lack of social transformation. In balancing these two realities, the ANC Youth League has found itself at the centre of South African politics similarly to the 1940s generation of ANC Youth League leaders of the Youth League who had been mobilised under the theme of “Freedom in our Lifetime”. The contradictions within the ANC, of which the ANC Youth League has found itself at the centre of, and the need to become a socially relevant political force have culminated into the birth of a generational theme led by the ANC Youth League of “Economic Freedom in our Lifetime”.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2012
The effectiveness of school management: conflict management skills as a missing link in selected schools in Gauteng
- Authors: Msila, Vuyisile
- Date: 2012
- Subjects: Conflict management -- South Africa -- Gauteng , School management and organization -- South Africa -- Gauteng , Educational leadership -- South Africa -- Gauteng
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPhil
- Identifier: vital:8288 , http://hdl.handle.net/10948/d1018647
- Description: Growing research in educational leadership and management shows that there are many factors that have an impact on the running of effective schools. Many people are now aware of the importance of the school management‟s role in guiding successful schools. This quantitative study was conducted in Gauteng where 100 school managers responded to a questionnaire which probed them about their conflict management and competence skills. The participants responded to a 40 item Likert scale instrument. Each of the items had five alternatives to choose from. The results demonstrate that many teachers were never trained in conflict management skills and that they also find it hard to resolve disputes in their schools. Furthermore, a majority of the participants attributed the dysfunctionality and lack of teacher commitment to the pervading unresolved conflicts in their schools. There was also consensus that intractable conflict adversely affects the culture of learning and teaching in schools. Among the recommendations highlighted at the end are to ensure that prospective school managers are empowered with conflict management skills before assuming their positions.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2012
- Authors: Msila, Vuyisile
- Date: 2012
- Subjects: Conflict management -- South Africa -- Gauteng , School management and organization -- South Africa -- Gauteng , Educational leadership -- South Africa -- Gauteng
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPhil
- Identifier: vital:8288 , http://hdl.handle.net/10948/d1018647
- Description: Growing research in educational leadership and management shows that there are many factors that have an impact on the running of effective schools. Many people are now aware of the importance of the school management‟s role in guiding successful schools. This quantitative study was conducted in Gauteng where 100 school managers responded to a questionnaire which probed them about their conflict management and competence skills. The participants responded to a 40 item Likert scale instrument. Each of the items had five alternatives to choose from. The results demonstrate that many teachers were never trained in conflict management skills and that they also find it hard to resolve disputes in their schools. Furthermore, a majority of the participants attributed the dysfunctionality and lack of teacher commitment to the pervading unresolved conflicts in their schools. There was also consensus that intractable conflict adversely affects the culture of learning and teaching in schools. Among the recommendations highlighted at the end are to ensure that prospective school managers are empowered with conflict management skills before assuming their positions.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2012
Critical design within the practice of graphic design
- Authors: Kuhn, Simon
- Date: 2012
- Subjects: Graphic arts , Product design
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MTech
- Identifier: vital:8494 , http://hdl.handle.net/10948/d1007843 , Graphic arts , Product design
- Description: Critical Design is a specific type of design activity that has emerged from within the field of product design. Based on the supposition that design is an ideological activity, it can either be critical or affirmative of the status quo and categorised as Critical Design or Affirmative Design. The intention of this study is to create Critical Design within the practice of graphic design. Critical Design was defined by identifying its key characteristics and then visualised into a diagram that maps the pathways, processes and consequences which distinguish Critical Design from Affirmative Design. The characteristics were used to generate criteria of Critical Design, which were then used to analyse case studies. The findings from this analysis suggested that both case study projects could be defined as Critical Design and served as a way of testing the appropriateness of the criteria. The practical component of this study used the characteristics of Critical Design to create a range of graphic design artefacts and then analysed them in relation to the criteria of Critical Design. The findings from this analysis determined the practical component as Critical [Graphic] Design and suggested that graphic design can be an appropriate medium for critique of its own role within society.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2012
- Authors: Kuhn, Simon
- Date: 2012
- Subjects: Graphic arts , Product design
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MTech
- Identifier: vital:8494 , http://hdl.handle.net/10948/d1007843 , Graphic arts , Product design
- Description: Critical Design is a specific type of design activity that has emerged from within the field of product design. Based on the supposition that design is an ideological activity, it can either be critical or affirmative of the status quo and categorised as Critical Design or Affirmative Design. The intention of this study is to create Critical Design within the practice of graphic design. Critical Design was defined by identifying its key characteristics and then visualised into a diagram that maps the pathways, processes and consequences which distinguish Critical Design from Affirmative Design. The characteristics were used to generate criteria of Critical Design, which were then used to analyse case studies. The findings from this analysis suggested that both case study projects could be defined as Critical Design and served as a way of testing the appropriateness of the criteria. The practical component of this study used the characteristics of Critical Design to create a range of graphic design artefacts and then analysed them in relation to the criteria of Critical Design. The findings from this analysis determined the practical component as Critical [Graphic] Design and suggested that graphic design can be an appropriate medium for critique of its own role within society.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2012
An investigation of media representation of the complexities confronting the concept of the 'Rainbow Nation' as a South African social reality: an analysis of the works of Trevor Noah
- Authors: Magwaza, Isheunesu
- Date: 2012
- Subjects: Noah, Trevor , Mass media -- South Africa , Stand-up comedy -- South Africa , South Africa -- Humor
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:8421 , http://hdl.handle.net/10948/d1015711
- Description: This study is an investigation into the representation of complexities confronting the concept of the Rainbow Nation as a South African social reality. The study is based on the works of Trevor Noah, one of post-Apartheid South Africa‘s eminent stand-up comedians whose two media works, The Day Walker and Crazy Normal, tackle issues pertaining to the socio-political and economic realities that are prevailing in South Africa. The mass media products continue to receive wide acclaim from both, media circles and audiences from racially diversified societies. They are delivered in a mimetic stereotypical manner that cuts across the length and breadth of the South African society. Trevor Noah‘s comedy uses humour to provide the South African society with an opportunity ―[for brutal honesty] to explore, affirm, deny, and ultimately to change its structure and its values‖ (Turner, 1977:33). Representations made in his comedy, more than providing people with a tonic for laughter, also create for the society momentary instances of thought which transcend the theatre stage in which the humour is delivered. Courtesy of these representations, his comedy infiltrates the people‘s sub-consciousness and engages them on those issues pertaining to race-relations and multicultural tolerance which are more often than not trivialised but are influential in shaping the status quo.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2012
- Authors: Magwaza, Isheunesu
- Date: 2012
- Subjects: Noah, Trevor , Mass media -- South Africa , Stand-up comedy -- South Africa , South Africa -- Humor
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:8421 , http://hdl.handle.net/10948/d1015711
- Description: This study is an investigation into the representation of complexities confronting the concept of the Rainbow Nation as a South African social reality. The study is based on the works of Trevor Noah, one of post-Apartheid South Africa‘s eminent stand-up comedians whose two media works, The Day Walker and Crazy Normal, tackle issues pertaining to the socio-political and economic realities that are prevailing in South Africa. The mass media products continue to receive wide acclaim from both, media circles and audiences from racially diversified societies. They are delivered in a mimetic stereotypical manner that cuts across the length and breadth of the South African society. Trevor Noah‘s comedy uses humour to provide the South African society with an opportunity ―[for brutal honesty] to explore, affirm, deny, and ultimately to change its structure and its values‖ (Turner, 1977:33). Representations made in his comedy, more than providing people with a tonic for laughter, also create for the society momentary instances of thought which transcend the theatre stage in which the humour is delivered. Courtesy of these representations, his comedy infiltrates the people‘s sub-consciousness and engages them on those issues pertaining to race-relations and multicultural tolerance which are more often than not trivialised but are influential in shaping the status quo.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2012
Statutory local government structures to enhance service delivery : Kouga Local Municipality
- Mengezeleli, Nomabhaca Rosamond
- Authors: Mengezeleli, Nomabhaca Rosamond
- Date: 2012
- Subjects: Local government -- South Africa -- Port Elizabeth -- Citizen participation , Community development -- South Africa -- Port Elizabeth
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPA
- Identifier: vital:8299 , http://hdl.handle.net/10948/d1019702
- Description: The purpose of this study was to review ward committee structures and the role of Community Development Workers (CDWs) in terms of service delivery, with special focus on the Kouga Local Municipality in the Cacadu district. For the study to be successful main objectives were to be highlighted. The study sought to highlight and explain the correlation between ward committee structures and Community Development Workers with regard to basic service delivery. Taken further the study will review the kind of service delivery that communities expect and an analysis was undertaken to establish if there is any link between said structures and the expected service delivery by selected communities who fall under the jurisdiction of the Kouga Local Municipality. The literature review assisted in understanding the concepts of public participation, Ward Committees, Community Development Workers and Ward Councillors and their roles and responsibilities in the Local Government Sphere. In essence, the qualitative approach applied in this study has revealed the casual relationships that may be obtained between variables or events, in order to explain or predict particular phenomena in terms of specific causes. The selection of a qualitative and interpretative approach for this research is justified. The main purpose of the study was to determine the level of effectiveness of Ward Committees, as well as the Community Development Workers in co-ordinating and facilitating public participation process in the Kouga Local Municipality. The study has revealed that there is a need for renewal of the operations of the operations of formal structures, especially the ward committees, as they represent the communities at ward level. The study has revealed that the man reason why national programmes deploying community based workers fail is because of inadequate attention to the provision of institutional support such as adequate training, technical expertise and close supervision. It is recommended that a comprehensive support structure ranging from national to local level is a pre-requisite in order for the CDW programme to succeed.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2012
- Authors: Mengezeleli, Nomabhaca Rosamond
- Date: 2012
- Subjects: Local government -- South Africa -- Port Elizabeth -- Citizen participation , Community development -- South Africa -- Port Elizabeth
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPA
- Identifier: vital:8299 , http://hdl.handle.net/10948/d1019702
- Description: The purpose of this study was to review ward committee structures and the role of Community Development Workers (CDWs) in terms of service delivery, with special focus on the Kouga Local Municipality in the Cacadu district. For the study to be successful main objectives were to be highlighted. The study sought to highlight and explain the correlation between ward committee structures and Community Development Workers with regard to basic service delivery. Taken further the study will review the kind of service delivery that communities expect and an analysis was undertaken to establish if there is any link between said structures and the expected service delivery by selected communities who fall under the jurisdiction of the Kouga Local Municipality. The literature review assisted in understanding the concepts of public participation, Ward Committees, Community Development Workers and Ward Councillors and their roles and responsibilities in the Local Government Sphere. In essence, the qualitative approach applied in this study has revealed the casual relationships that may be obtained between variables or events, in order to explain or predict particular phenomena in terms of specific causes. The selection of a qualitative and interpretative approach for this research is justified. The main purpose of the study was to determine the level of effectiveness of Ward Committees, as well as the Community Development Workers in co-ordinating and facilitating public participation process in the Kouga Local Municipality. The study has revealed that there is a need for renewal of the operations of the operations of formal structures, especially the ward committees, as they represent the communities at ward level. The study has revealed that the man reason why national programmes deploying community based workers fail is because of inadequate attention to the provision of institutional support such as adequate training, technical expertise and close supervision. It is recommended that a comprehensive support structure ranging from national to local level is a pre-requisite in order for the CDW programme to succeed.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2012
Perceptions of scarce skills in the department of Infrastructure and Engineering : Nelson Mandela Bay Municipality
- Oshoniyi, Oluwaseun Abodunrin
- Authors: Oshoniyi, Oluwaseun Abodunrin
- Date: 2012
- Subjects: Labor supply -- South Africa , Professional employees -- South Africa. , Professional employees -- Supply and demand -- South Africa , Occupational training -- South Africa , South Africa -- Economic policy
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:8488 , http://hdl.handle.net/10948/d1019843
- Description: The scarcity of skills is a global phenomenon, affecting the capacity building, economic growth and development components of all nations. The African continent has been affected by skills shortages, emanating from certain socio-economic factors. This resulted in the ‘brain drain’, emigration and absorption of skilled talent to developed countries, in search of a better standard of living and employment opportunities. The issue of scarce skills in South Africa was identified by the Government in 2006, due to an identified shortage of expertise and proficiencies, required to fill numerous vacant positions within the local government to meet service delivery needs. The identification of skills shortages led to the formulation of macro-economic policies to address the issue of scarce skills and the identification of the most affected professions, which included, inter alia, engineers; technicians; project managers; and architects. Despite the implementation of these policies, underlying factors compound the issue, complicating and limiting remedial efforts. The South African Government is faced with the challenge of providing quality basic services for the public, especially at the local level. The country has since 2010 experienced multiple incidents of service delivery protests, predominantly in the under-developed communities. The Eastern Cape is no exception, as the Nelson Mandela Bay area has experienced protests, concerning poor service delivery, primarily in Walmer Township. The provision of basic services, are of dire necessity to the communities, as the Eastern Cape is one of the poorest provinces in South Africa. The educational system at primary and secondary levels is faced with challenges in the Eastern Cape province. These challenges are the shortage of teachers; poor infrastructure; and teacher absenteeism. This compounds the issue of scarce skills acquisition and development; the volume of skilled, expert and proficient talent available to the municipality, to fill in vacancies, gaps and areas with shortfalls and deficits within the entity, is reduced and minimal, underscoring the depth of the entrenchment of this scarcity of skills issue. The primary focus of the study is to expose the factors contributing to skills shortages and the implications, apropos service delivery, from the municipal workers’ perceptions. The study highlights and describes the factors affecting scarce skills acquisition and development in South Africa, along with providing a background of the Eastern Cape and demonstrating that the shortage of skills, within the Infrastructure and Engineering Department of the Nelson Mandela Bay Municipality, has an impact on the production, efficacy and efficiency of services for communities. The study also emphasises the essentiality of quality leadership and management within the organisation, a pivotal aspect in ensuring the municipality performs at optimal level, meeting organisational goals. This is a critical issue, as the study revealed that sound management and leadership is lacking within the municipality, affecting quality of the service delivery output. The findings of this study further revealed that adequate training and development is lacking in the municipality. This is hampering skills development, outstandingly with regard to technical skills talents, as their training needs are not met.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2012
- Authors: Oshoniyi, Oluwaseun Abodunrin
- Date: 2012
- Subjects: Labor supply -- South Africa , Professional employees -- South Africa. , Professional employees -- Supply and demand -- South Africa , Occupational training -- South Africa , South Africa -- Economic policy
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:8488 , http://hdl.handle.net/10948/d1019843
- Description: The scarcity of skills is a global phenomenon, affecting the capacity building, economic growth and development components of all nations. The African continent has been affected by skills shortages, emanating from certain socio-economic factors. This resulted in the ‘brain drain’, emigration and absorption of skilled talent to developed countries, in search of a better standard of living and employment opportunities. The issue of scarce skills in South Africa was identified by the Government in 2006, due to an identified shortage of expertise and proficiencies, required to fill numerous vacant positions within the local government to meet service delivery needs. The identification of skills shortages led to the formulation of macro-economic policies to address the issue of scarce skills and the identification of the most affected professions, which included, inter alia, engineers; technicians; project managers; and architects. Despite the implementation of these policies, underlying factors compound the issue, complicating and limiting remedial efforts. The South African Government is faced with the challenge of providing quality basic services for the public, especially at the local level. The country has since 2010 experienced multiple incidents of service delivery protests, predominantly in the under-developed communities. The Eastern Cape is no exception, as the Nelson Mandela Bay area has experienced protests, concerning poor service delivery, primarily in Walmer Township. The provision of basic services, are of dire necessity to the communities, as the Eastern Cape is one of the poorest provinces in South Africa. The educational system at primary and secondary levels is faced with challenges in the Eastern Cape province. These challenges are the shortage of teachers; poor infrastructure; and teacher absenteeism. This compounds the issue of scarce skills acquisition and development; the volume of skilled, expert and proficient talent available to the municipality, to fill in vacancies, gaps and areas with shortfalls and deficits within the entity, is reduced and minimal, underscoring the depth of the entrenchment of this scarcity of skills issue. The primary focus of the study is to expose the factors contributing to skills shortages and the implications, apropos service delivery, from the municipal workers’ perceptions. The study highlights and describes the factors affecting scarce skills acquisition and development in South Africa, along with providing a background of the Eastern Cape and demonstrating that the shortage of skills, within the Infrastructure and Engineering Department of the Nelson Mandela Bay Municipality, has an impact on the production, efficacy and efficiency of services for communities. The study also emphasises the essentiality of quality leadership and management within the organisation, a pivotal aspect in ensuring the municipality performs at optimal level, meeting organisational goals. This is a critical issue, as the study revealed that sound management and leadership is lacking within the municipality, affecting quality of the service delivery output. The findings of this study further revealed that adequate training and development is lacking in the municipality. This is hampering skills development, outstandingly with regard to technical skills talents, as their training needs are not met.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2012
Factors affecting the functioning of the pro-active land acquisition strategy in the Buffalo City Municipal area
- Authors: Mfuywa, Sigqibo Onward
- Date: 2012
- Subjects: Land reform -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , Land tenure -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPhil
- Identifier: vital:8250 , http://hdl.handle.net/10948/d1011786 , Land reform -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , Land tenure -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape
- Description: A Pro-active Land Acquisition Strategy is an aspect of the land reform programme which is aimed at speeding up land acquisition. The distinct feature of this approach is that the State acquires land pro-actively and then identifies beneficiaries who then become leaseholders. In other land reform programmes the land is acquired by the state and transferred to the beneficiaries, who then own the land. The Pro-active Land Acquisition Strategy was approved ‘in principle’ in July 2003, and included Ministerial provisions that an implementation plan be developed prior to the implementation of the strategy in 2006. The Pro-active Land Acquisition Strategy deals with two possible approaches: a needs-based approach and a supply-led approach, but essentially focuses on the State as the lead driver in land redistribution, rather than the current beneficiary-driven redistribution (Pro-active Land Acquisition Strategy, 2006:4). The Department of Land Affairs Pro-active Land Acquisition Strategy implementation plan (2006:4) further outlines the important elements in order to contextualize the Proactive Implementation Framework, and to stress the revision of the plan in terms of the “new trajectory”. The strategy shifts from the principle that there is a need or demand for land. It is not driven by the demand of beneficiaries, but rather state-driven. This means that the State will target proactively land and compare this with the demand for land.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2012
- Authors: Mfuywa, Sigqibo Onward
- Date: 2012
- Subjects: Land reform -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , Land tenure -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPhil
- Identifier: vital:8250 , http://hdl.handle.net/10948/d1011786 , Land reform -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , Land tenure -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape
- Description: A Pro-active Land Acquisition Strategy is an aspect of the land reform programme which is aimed at speeding up land acquisition. The distinct feature of this approach is that the State acquires land pro-actively and then identifies beneficiaries who then become leaseholders. In other land reform programmes the land is acquired by the state and transferred to the beneficiaries, who then own the land. The Pro-active Land Acquisition Strategy was approved ‘in principle’ in July 2003, and included Ministerial provisions that an implementation plan be developed prior to the implementation of the strategy in 2006. The Pro-active Land Acquisition Strategy deals with two possible approaches: a needs-based approach and a supply-led approach, but essentially focuses on the State as the lead driver in land redistribution, rather than the current beneficiary-driven redistribution (Pro-active Land Acquisition Strategy, 2006:4). The Department of Land Affairs Pro-active Land Acquisition Strategy implementation plan (2006:4) further outlines the important elements in order to contextualize the Proactive Implementation Framework, and to stress the revision of the plan in terms of the “new trajectory”. The strategy shifts from the principle that there is a need or demand for land. It is not driven by the demand of beneficiaries, but rather state-driven. This means that the State will target proactively land and compare this with the demand for land.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2012
Investigating the parallels between disciplinary/bio-power and cyber-corporate empire
- Authors: Taljaard, Darren
- Date: 2012
- Subjects: Foucault, Michel, 1926-1984 , Discourse analysis , Disciplinary power
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:8436 , http://hdl.handle.net/10948/d1021023
- Description: Strong parallels exist between the formation of subjectivity through the disciplinary/bio-power technologies of the 18th/19th centuries – which Michel Foucault identified in his books Discipline and Punish: The Birth of the Prison, and The History of Sexuality Volume 1: The Will to Knowledge – and the 20th/21st century formation of subjectivity effected through Apple. Inc and Google. Inc operating systems and products. These systems and products similarly serve to canalize and ‗discipline‘ the pursuit and exchange of information, in a way that is constitutive of a new cyber-variant of disciplinary/bio-power subjectivity.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2012
- Authors: Taljaard, Darren
- Date: 2012
- Subjects: Foucault, Michel, 1926-1984 , Discourse analysis , Disciplinary power
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:8436 , http://hdl.handle.net/10948/d1021023
- Description: Strong parallels exist between the formation of subjectivity through the disciplinary/bio-power technologies of the 18th/19th centuries – which Michel Foucault identified in his books Discipline and Punish: The Birth of the Prison, and The History of Sexuality Volume 1: The Will to Knowledge – and the 20th/21st century formation of subjectivity effected through Apple. Inc and Google. Inc operating systems and products. These systems and products similarly serve to canalize and ‗discipline‘ the pursuit and exchange of information, in a way that is constitutive of a new cyber-variant of disciplinary/bio-power subjectivity.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2012
An evaluation of political participation by coloured people, 1994-2009
- Authors: Bloemiers, Gary
- Date: 2012
- Subjects: Colored people (South Africa) , Political participation , Racially mixed people -- South Africa , Apartheid -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:8184 , http://hdl.handle.net/10948/d1008078 , Colored people (South Africa) , Political participation , Racially mixed people -- South Africa , Apartheid -- South Africa
- Description: The aim of the study was to gain an understanding of the level of political participation of Coloured people in the northern areas of Port Elizabeth. The focus was to investigate and identify if political apathy exists among Coloureds in the northern areas of Port Elizabeth and the reasons thereof, if it existed. The northern area of Port Elizabeth is a historically Coloured area created with the imposition of the segregation policies of the apartheid government. The study attempted to explore means to improve political participation of Coloured people in Port Elizabeth. Coloured people have played an important role in the political landscape in South Africa during the colonial and apartheid period. The voting power of the Coloured people during the colonial and apartheid period have been a determining factor in shaping the political landscape. The study commences with a broad overview of the political participation and political identity of Coloured people during the colonial and apartheid periods, including the current political dispensation. The study also included the analysis of secondary information in the form of statistical data in respect of election results from the 1999 elections through to the 2009 national elections. Data was collected by using qualitative and quantitative methods referred to as methodological triangulation. The qualitative method comprised face-to-face semi-structured interviews with political and community leaders in the northern areas that gained information on the levels of political participation and the extent of political disengagement. The quantitative method included a questionnaire that established views of respondents regarding levels of political participation and apathy to determine the levels of political disengagement. The interviews elicited valuable information on political participation of Coloured people before and after 1994. Information was also gained on the existence and the reasons for the perceived political apathy. Valuable insight was gained as to how Coloured people view the importance of political participation and the results indicated the limited participation beyond elections. Recommendations are made on the importance of civil society participation, the visibility of political parties and the importance of political education and how it can contribute to increased political participation.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2012
- Authors: Bloemiers, Gary
- Date: 2012
- Subjects: Colored people (South Africa) , Political participation , Racially mixed people -- South Africa , Apartheid -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:8184 , http://hdl.handle.net/10948/d1008078 , Colored people (South Africa) , Political participation , Racially mixed people -- South Africa , Apartheid -- South Africa
- Description: The aim of the study was to gain an understanding of the level of political participation of Coloured people in the northern areas of Port Elizabeth. The focus was to investigate and identify if political apathy exists among Coloureds in the northern areas of Port Elizabeth and the reasons thereof, if it existed. The northern area of Port Elizabeth is a historically Coloured area created with the imposition of the segregation policies of the apartheid government. The study attempted to explore means to improve political participation of Coloured people in Port Elizabeth. Coloured people have played an important role in the political landscape in South Africa during the colonial and apartheid period. The voting power of the Coloured people during the colonial and apartheid period have been a determining factor in shaping the political landscape. The study commences with a broad overview of the political participation and political identity of Coloured people during the colonial and apartheid periods, including the current political dispensation. The study also included the analysis of secondary information in the form of statistical data in respect of election results from the 1999 elections through to the 2009 national elections. Data was collected by using qualitative and quantitative methods referred to as methodological triangulation. The qualitative method comprised face-to-face semi-structured interviews with political and community leaders in the northern areas that gained information on the levels of political participation and the extent of political disengagement. The quantitative method included a questionnaire that established views of respondents regarding levels of political participation and apathy to determine the levels of political disengagement. The interviews elicited valuable information on political participation of Coloured people before and after 1994. Information was also gained on the existence and the reasons for the perceived political apathy. Valuable insight was gained as to how Coloured people view the importance of political participation and the results indicated the limited participation beyond elections. Recommendations are made on the importance of civil society participation, the visibility of political parties and the importance of political education and how it can contribute to increased political participation.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2012
The South African Communist Party and its prospects for achieving socialism in a democratic South Africa
- Authors: Tali, Lolonga Lincoln
- Date: 2012
- Subjects: Communist Party of South Africa , Socialism -- South Africa , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1994-
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPhil
- Identifier: vital:8332 , http://hdl.handle.net/10948/d1020569
- Description: “It should not be forgotten that this ideological contribution impacted itself in a very real way on the whole national and democratic movement. It helped transform the ANC from its early beginnings of petition politics into a revolutionary nationalist movement.” Joe Slovo (in a speech delivered at the University of the Western Cape to mark the 70th anniversary of the SACP, 19 July 1991) At the time that the late Joe Slovo, former secretary of the South African Communist Party and former Minister of Housing in the first Government of national unity, made the speech the former party had about a year of legal existence inside the country after President FW de Klerk had unbanned all previously banned political parties in February 1990. Indeed the unbanning of political parties in South Africa was preceded by cataclysmic events in both Soviet Russia and Eastern Europe. General Secretary Mikhail Gorbachev who was leader of the Soviet Communist Party was at the helm in Moscow. He introduced a number of policies whose main objective was to democratize Soviet society and do away with some of the undemocratic practices that were always associated with the policy of communism. Consequently, there was much talk about glasnost (openness) and perestroika during the period of President Gorbachev’s rule of Soviet Russia. The two policies were the main feature of his quest to modernize Soviet Russia and gradually move away from communism. The collapse of the Berlin Wall in 1989 and the fall of Nicolai Ceausescu in Romania and the disintegration of other East European countries like Yugoslavia signalled a death knell for East European socialism. The foregoing events also implied that the era of the Cold War between the West (led by USA, Britain, and West Germany et al) and East (led by the USSR, Poland, and East Germany et al) was over. The Cold War was a period of tremendous tension as Soviet Russia sought to spread its system of communism to Third World countries in Africa and South America. The West for its part tried to counteract by supporting forces which were opposed to communism in these countries. One can cite the example of Angola where Soviet Russia supported the Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola (MPLA) led by Augustinho Neto which had adopted the system at the independence of the country in 1975. Jonas Savimbi led the Union for the Total Independence of Angola (UNITA) which was opposed to communism and was supported by South Africa and other Western countries which were also opposed to the system of communism. In essence the Cold War was a contest between the West and the East in gaining converts to their respective belief systems. The collapse of communism was viewed by the West as triumph of its own belief system and the confirmation of the failure of communism. It is against the backdrop of these foregoing events that the South African Communist Party was unbanned together with other erstwhile banned on the 2nd of February 1990.The SACP which had much influence in the ANC in the late 1950s and early 1960s and much of the time the parties were in exile was unbanned against the backdrop of the foregoing events. Of interest to observers was whether the party after it was unbanned would be able to exert the same influence it did on the ANC during the time in exile. Would the SACP take over from the ANC after the democratic transition and impose a socialist state in South Africa even if globally the trend was to move away from communism/socialism? Would the ANC itself follow a system which had been shown to lack the ability to confront the challenges of the 20th century? Some political commentators viewed the relationship between the ANC and the SACP as that of a metaphorical rider (the latter) and donkey (the former). In essence they argued that the SACP was the one determining the general trajectory of the liberation movement and its economic policies in particular. This dissertation will show that the influence of the SACP within the Tripartite Alliance in general and the ANC government in particular swings like a pendulum. It depends on who is in charge as president of the ANC. Before and during the exile years as the ANC was led by the late Oliver Tambo, the party enjoyed relatively better influence within the former organizations. The two organizations co-operated well in many ventures like the Defiance campaign, drafting of the Freedom Charter and the establishment of Umkhonto Wesizwe in 1961. During the presidency of Nelson Mandela most SACP members were in the first democratic cabinet though they did not exert as much influence as would be desirable. The main economic policy that the ruling ANC advocated was under the umbrella of what was termed the Reconstruction and Development Programme (RDP) and was not even the brainchild of the SACP but of the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU). In 1996 Thabo Mbeki, then deputy president to Nelson Mandela, came with the neo-liberal policy of Growth, Employment and Redistribution to try and salvage the South African economy which at the time was not performing at its best. Not only was GEAR unashamedly neo-liberal, it was also done without consultation of the SACP by its alliance partner the ANC. This engendered palpable tension within the alliance and led to name-calling from the party which derogatively referred to all the advocates of GEAR as the ‘Class of 1996’. The tension between the SACP and the ANC continued until former President Thabo Mbeki and his ‘Class of 1996’ were ousted from office in the 2007 ANC Polokwane elective conference. After the Polokwane conference, Jacob Zuma who had been Thabo Mbeki’s deputy president in both government and the ANC, assumed power. Zuma did not deviate much from the policies that were adopted by his predecessor though the SACP had played a significant role in bringing him to power. Just like Mbeki and Mandela before him, he had a number of SACP members in his cabinet and, in his case, some of them in key cabinet posts like Ebrahim Patel (a member of the SACP) who serves as Minister of Economic Development. Though he has these staunch members of the party in his cabinet, the Zuma administration has been able to adopt a neo-liberal economic policy which it has termed: National Development Plan which has been criticized by communists as no better than GEAR. This dissertation will show how the party sometimes struggle and sometimes wins that struggle to influence government policy.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2012
- Authors: Tali, Lolonga Lincoln
- Date: 2012
- Subjects: Communist Party of South Africa , Socialism -- South Africa , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1994-
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPhil
- Identifier: vital:8332 , http://hdl.handle.net/10948/d1020569
- Description: “It should not be forgotten that this ideological contribution impacted itself in a very real way on the whole national and democratic movement. It helped transform the ANC from its early beginnings of petition politics into a revolutionary nationalist movement.” Joe Slovo (in a speech delivered at the University of the Western Cape to mark the 70th anniversary of the SACP, 19 July 1991) At the time that the late Joe Slovo, former secretary of the South African Communist Party and former Minister of Housing in the first Government of national unity, made the speech the former party had about a year of legal existence inside the country after President FW de Klerk had unbanned all previously banned political parties in February 1990. Indeed the unbanning of political parties in South Africa was preceded by cataclysmic events in both Soviet Russia and Eastern Europe. General Secretary Mikhail Gorbachev who was leader of the Soviet Communist Party was at the helm in Moscow. He introduced a number of policies whose main objective was to democratize Soviet society and do away with some of the undemocratic practices that were always associated with the policy of communism. Consequently, there was much talk about glasnost (openness) and perestroika during the period of President Gorbachev’s rule of Soviet Russia. The two policies were the main feature of his quest to modernize Soviet Russia and gradually move away from communism. The collapse of the Berlin Wall in 1989 and the fall of Nicolai Ceausescu in Romania and the disintegration of other East European countries like Yugoslavia signalled a death knell for East European socialism. The foregoing events also implied that the era of the Cold War between the West (led by USA, Britain, and West Germany et al) and East (led by the USSR, Poland, and East Germany et al) was over. The Cold War was a period of tremendous tension as Soviet Russia sought to spread its system of communism to Third World countries in Africa and South America. The West for its part tried to counteract by supporting forces which were opposed to communism in these countries. One can cite the example of Angola where Soviet Russia supported the Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola (MPLA) led by Augustinho Neto which had adopted the system at the independence of the country in 1975. Jonas Savimbi led the Union for the Total Independence of Angola (UNITA) which was opposed to communism and was supported by South Africa and other Western countries which were also opposed to the system of communism. In essence the Cold War was a contest between the West and the East in gaining converts to their respective belief systems. The collapse of communism was viewed by the West as triumph of its own belief system and the confirmation of the failure of communism. It is against the backdrop of these foregoing events that the South African Communist Party was unbanned together with other erstwhile banned on the 2nd of February 1990.The SACP which had much influence in the ANC in the late 1950s and early 1960s and much of the time the parties were in exile was unbanned against the backdrop of the foregoing events. Of interest to observers was whether the party after it was unbanned would be able to exert the same influence it did on the ANC during the time in exile. Would the SACP take over from the ANC after the democratic transition and impose a socialist state in South Africa even if globally the trend was to move away from communism/socialism? Would the ANC itself follow a system which had been shown to lack the ability to confront the challenges of the 20th century? Some political commentators viewed the relationship between the ANC and the SACP as that of a metaphorical rider (the latter) and donkey (the former). In essence they argued that the SACP was the one determining the general trajectory of the liberation movement and its economic policies in particular. This dissertation will show that the influence of the SACP within the Tripartite Alliance in general and the ANC government in particular swings like a pendulum. It depends on who is in charge as president of the ANC. Before and during the exile years as the ANC was led by the late Oliver Tambo, the party enjoyed relatively better influence within the former organizations. The two organizations co-operated well in many ventures like the Defiance campaign, drafting of the Freedom Charter and the establishment of Umkhonto Wesizwe in 1961. During the presidency of Nelson Mandela most SACP members were in the first democratic cabinet though they did not exert as much influence as would be desirable. The main economic policy that the ruling ANC advocated was under the umbrella of what was termed the Reconstruction and Development Programme (RDP) and was not even the brainchild of the SACP but of the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU). In 1996 Thabo Mbeki, then deputy president to Nelson Mandela, came with the neo-liberal policy of Growth, Employment and Redistribution to try and salvage the South African economy which at the time was not performing at its best. Not only was GEAR unashamedly neo-liberal, it was also done without consultation of the SACP by its alliance partner the ANC. This engendered palpable tension within the alliance and led to name-calling from the party which derogatively referred to all the advocates of GEAR as the ‘Class of 1996’. The tension between the SACP and the ANC continued until former President Thabo Mbeki and his ‘Class of 1996’ were ousted from office in the 2007 ANC Polokwane elective conference. After the Polokwane conference, Jacob Zuma who had been Thabo Mbeki’s deputy president in both government and the ANC, assumed power. Zuma did not deviate much from the policies that were adopted by his predecessor though the SACP had played a significant role in bringing him to power. Just like Mbeki and Mandela before him, he had a number of SACP members in his cabinet and, in his case, some of them in key cabinet posts like Ebrahim Patel (a member of the SACP) who serves as Minister of Economic Development. Though he has these staunch members of the party in his cabinet, the Zuma administration has been able to adopt a neo-liberal economic policy which it has termed: National Development Plan which has been criticized by communists as no better than GEAR. This dissertation will show how the party sometimes struggle and sometimes wins that struggle to influence government policy.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2012