The individual and the social order in Mill and Hegel : seeking common principles in liberal and communitarian ancestry
- Authors: Koseff, Justin Adam
- Date: 2003
- Subjects: Hegel, Georg Wilhelm Friedrich, 1770-1831 , Mill, John Stuart, 1806-1873 , Liberalism , Communitarianism
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2843 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1005624 , Hegel, Georg Wilhelm Friedrich, 1770-1831 , Mill, John Stuart, 1806-1873 , Liberalism , Communitarianism
- Description: This thesis seeks to establish a significant commonality and compatibility between the principles underpinning the political and social philosophies of GWF Hegel and John Stuart Mill. The role of the individual and the social order in both their theories is discussed and assessed separately and in turn in reference to their respective seminal works on the proper structure, principles and function of modern political infrastructure. Through an interpretation of the fundamental tenets and goals of their theories of the social order I argue for a coherent modern reconstruction of their doctrines, within which I locate parallels and contrasts as they apply. Both theorists as ultimately put forward similar arguments for freedom as an intersubjectively·developed capacity, the ideal social order as rational framework for the management of ethical and political engagement, linked to a social holism that ties individual and social progress inextricably. A respect for individual particularity of perspective and practice is integral both of their social frameworks, but that such a space must be harmonised within a rational political community worthy of individual obligation. Finally their social and political theories can be understood as complementary, each providing insights which the other lacks. Mill suffers from an insufficient regard for the social basis of identity and interconnected nature of the modern institutional framework, while Hegel displays an insufficient regard for Mill's caveats concerning the repressive potential of institutional structures and the dangers of overly empowered bureaucracies. In conclusion key elements of the two theorists' projects stand as separate but not in any way fundamentally opposed to each other. This points to the possibility of a via media between a politics of individualism and a politics of community, suggesting strong potential for reconciliation between liberal and communitarian perspectives.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2003
- Authors: Koseff, Justin Adam
- Date: 2003
- Subjects: Hegel, Georg Wilhelm Friedrich, 1770-1831 , Mill, John Stuart, 1806-1873 , Liberalism , Communitarianism
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2843 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1005624 , Hegel, Georg Wilhelm Friedrich, 1770-1831 , Mill, John Stuart, 1806-1873 , Liberalism , Communitarianism
- Description: This thesis seeks to establish a significant commonality and compatibility between the principles underpinning the political and social philosophies of GWF Hegel and John Stuart Mill. The role of the individual and the social order in both their theories is discussed and assessed separately and in turn in reference to their respective seminal works on the proper structure, principles and function of modern political infrastructure. Through an interpretation of the fundamental tenets and goals of their theories of the social order I argue for a coherent modern reconstruction of their doctrines, within which I locate parallels and contrasts as they apply. Both theorists as ultimately put forward similar arguments for freedom as an intersubjectively·developed capacity, the ideal social order as rational framework for the management of ethical and political engagement, linked to a social holism that ties individual and social progress inextricably. A respect for individual particularity of perspective and practice is integral both of their social frameworks, but that such a space must be harmonised within a rational political community worthy of individual obligation. Finally their social and political theories can be understood as complementary, each providing insights which the other lacks. Mill suffers from an insufficient regard for the social basis of identity and interconnected nature of the modern institutional framework, while Hegel displays an insufficient regard for Mill's caveats concerning the repressive potential of institutional structures and the dangers of overly empowered bureaucracies. In conclusion key elements of the two theorists' projects stand as separate but not in any way fundamentally opposed to each other. This points to the possibility of a via media between a politics of individualism and a politics of community, suggesting strong potential for reconciliation between liberal and communitarian perspectives.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2003
A new role for the non-aligned movement in a post-cold war era
- Authors: Chetty, Mahesh
- Date: 2000
- Subjects: Non-Aligned Movement , Nonalignment , Nonalignment -- Developing countries , International police
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2767 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002977 , Non-Aligned Movement , Nonalignment , Nonalignment -- Developing countries , International police
- Description: With the disappearance of the superpower conflict that characterised the Cold War era, many observers have begun to question whether the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM) has a role to play in the post Cold War era. However the emergence of a number of issues on the international agenda, such as United Nations peacekeeping operations, global environmental issues and an increasing unwillingness on the part of the major economic powers to abide by GATT/WTO rules, have increasingly become of concern to non-aligned states. However whilst the United States has recognised that these issues require leadership in dealing with them, it has not been willing to supply that leadership. It shall therefore be argued that the changing nature of hegemony in world politics has set conditions that allow non-aligned middle powers and institutions greater scope for action and influence. The emergence of these issues has provided a scope for non-aligned middle powers, acting in accordance with their interests to play alternate leadership roles within an expanded scope for institutions, such as organisations, regimes and multilateralism, in addressing the interests of non-aligned states. Firstly in looking at an expanded role for organisations, the United States has increasingly been unwilling to play a leadership role within UN peacekeeping operations. The continuing importance of the neutrality of UN peacekeeping operations has provided a scope for nonaligned middle powers to play a burden-sharing role with the great powers in addressing the concerns of non-aligned states with regard to these operations. Secondly in looking at an expanded scope for regimes, the emergence of a regime in the issue of ozone depletion may provide a foundation to analyse how non-aligned middle powers may play a bridge-building role between North and South in the issue of climate change. Middle powers could therefore play this role in the absence of United States leadership within this issue. Thirdly, the role of the Cairns Group within the Uruguay Round in addressing non-aligned states’ interests of maintaining stable agricultural trade, can be seen as a model of small group multilateralism in bridging the divide between the major powers in issue specific areas.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2000
- Authors: Chetty, Mahesh
- Date: 2000
- Subjects: Non-Aligned Movement , Nonalignment , Nonalignment -- Developing countries , International police
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2767 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002977 , Non-Aligned Movement , Nonalignment , Nonalignment -- Developing countries , International police
- Description: With the disappearance of the superpower conflict that characterised the Cold War era, many observers have begun to question whether the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM) has a role to play in the post Cold War era. However the emergence of a number of issues on the international agenda, such as United Nations peacekeeping operations, global environmental issues and an increasing unwillingness on the part of the major economic powers to abide by GATT/WTO rules, have increasingly become of concern to non-aligned states. However whilst the United States has recognised that these issues require leadership in dealing with them, it has not been willing to supply that leadership. It shall therefore be argued that the changing nature of hegemony in world politics has set conditions that allow non-aligned middle powers and institutions greater scope for action and influence. The emergence of these issues has provided a scope for non-aligned middle powers, acting in accordance with their interests to play alternate leadership roles within an expanded scope for institutions, such as organisations, regimes and multilateralism, in addressing the interests of non-aligned states. Firstly in looking at an expanded role for organisations, the United States has increasingly been unwilling to play a leadership role within UN peacekeeping operations. The continuing importance of the neutrality of UN peacekeeping operations has provided a scope for nonaligned middle powers to play a burden-sharing role with the great powers in addressing the concerns of non-aligned states with regard to these operations. Secondly in looking at an expanded scope for regimes, the emergence of a regime in the issue of ozone depletion may provide a foundation to analyse how non-aligned middle powers may play a bridge-building role between North and South in the issue of climate change. Middle powers could therefore play this role in the absence of United States leadership within this issue. Thirdly, the role of the Cairns Group within the Uruguay Round in addressing non-aligned states’ interests of maintaining stable agricultural trade, can be seen as a model of small group multilateralism in bridging the divide between the major powers in issue specific areas.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2000
KwaZakele: the politics of transition in South Africa: an Eastern Cape case study
- Authors: Cherry, Janet Mary
- Date: 2001
- Subjects: South Africa -- Transition to democracy Democracy -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape Eastern Cape (South Africa) -- Politics and government Port Elizabeth region (South Africa) -- Political aspects
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: vital:2766 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002976
- Description: This thesis examines the transition to democracy in South Africa through the use of case study methodology. The nature of political participation and the form of democracy to emerge at the end of the transition process are the central subjects of inquiry. They are examined through an in-depth study of the African community of Kwazakele, a township in the Nelson Mandela metropolitan area in the Eastern Cape province of South Africa. The study covers the period from 1993 to 2000, and uses as a primary data source five surveys conducted among residents of Kwazakele during that period. The emphasis of the study lies on the experience of political participation of ‘ordinary people’ – in particular, the African urban working-class in South Africa who make up the core support base for the governing African National Congress. The primary findings of the thesis are as follows: * Representative democracy has been successfully consolidated in the community under study. * Levels of political participation by urban Africans in the Eastern Cape are consistently high, both in formal political institutions (primarily elections) and in institutions of civil society. * As politics has normalised at the end of the transition period, forms of direct democratic participation have declined. * Despite the structural constraints on development, there is still potential for a high level of participation by citizens in effecting change at local level. * Drawing on the experience of ordinary people in structures of direct democracy, this level of participation can result in a deeper and stronger form of democracy than exists in many established representative democracies.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2001
- Authors: Cherry, Janet Mary
- Date: 2001
- Subjects: South Africa -- Transition to democracy Democracy -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape Eastern Cape (South Africa) -- Politics and government Port Elizabeth region (South Africa) -- Political aspects
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: vital:2766 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002976
- Description: This thesis examines the transition to democracy in South Africa through the use of case study methodology. The nature of political participation and the form of democracy to emerge at the end of the transition process are the central subjects of inquiry. They are examined through an in-depth study of the African community of Kwazakele, a township in the Nelson Mandela metropolitan area in the Eastern Cape province of South Africa. The study covers the period from 1993 to 2000, and uses as a primary data source five surveys conducted among residents of Kwazakele during that period. The emphasis of the study lies on the experience of political participation of ‘ordinary people’ – in particular, the African urban working-class in South Africa who make up the core support base for the governing African National Congress. The primary findings of the thesis are as follows: * Representative democracy has been successfully consolidated in the community under study. * Levels of political participation by urban Africans in the Eastern Cape are consistently high, both in formal political institutions (primarily elections) and in institutions of civil society. * As politics has normalised at the end of the transition period, forms of direct democratic participation have declined. * Despite the structural constraints on development, there is still potential for a high level of participation by citizens in effecting change at local level. * Drawing on the experience of ordinary people in structures of direct democracy, this level of participation can result in a deeper and stronger form of democracy than exists in many established representative democracies.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2001
The role of the international community in the South African transition: a critical review
- Authors: Dormehl, Andries Christian
- Date: 1993
- Subjects: Democracy -- South Africa , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1989-1994 , South Africa -- Foreign relations -- 1989-1994
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2772 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002982 , Democracy -- South Africa , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1989-1994 , South Africa -- Foreign relations -- 1989-1994
- Description: There is a dearth of position papers on international participation in the South African transition. Political parties and organisations in South Africa instead spend most of their time describing various forms of desirous IC intervention after the transition. This might explain why most articles and academic papers on 'the role of the international community' are suffixed - in the 'new South Africa' or 'post-apartheid South Africa' - few focus on the actual transition and then mostly from a systemic perspective, broadly outlining the constraints imposed by the 'new world order'. Perhaps the first serious attempt to address this gap in the debate over South Africa's future was D. Kempton and L. Mosia's 'The International Community in South Africa's Transition to non-racial Democracy' (1992). Before multiparty negotiations collapsed in June 1992, Kempton and Mosia examined the attitudes toward international intervention of most of the CODESA participants, as well as the major actors that had remained outside CODESA. This paper takes up the issue where Kempton and Mosia left off. It tries to explain transitional politics since the IC introduced an on-the-ground presence after the UN Security Council debates on South Africa in July 1992. It asks why, eight months after multiparty talks were suspended, the IC has been unable to revive multiparty negotiations, has apparently had little or no impact on the violence, and despite events like Boipatong and Bisho, still plays a minor peacekeeping role, confined to observer status. The research describes internal and external components of international intervention, examines the rationale behind the agreed forms of international participation, and assesses the viability of the internationally-supported conflict-resolution and transition-management structures that were formed to facilitate the transition. The evidence uncovered by the research leads the author to the conclusion that more of an international role is necessary, and sooner rather than later, but he concedes that this is not feasible, or likely, under the status quo.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1993
- Authors: Dormehl, Andries Christian
- Date: 1993
- Subjects: Democracy -- South Africa , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1989-1994 , South Africa -- Foreign relations -- 1989-1994
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2772 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002982 , Democracy -- South Africa , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1989-1994 , South Africa -- Foreign relations -- 1989-1994
- Description: There is a dearth of position papers on international participation in the South African transition. Political parties and organisations in South Africa instead spend most of their time describing various forms of desirous IC intervention after the transition. This might explain why most articles and academic papers on 'the role of the international community' are suffixed - in the 'new South Africa' or 'post-apartheid South Africa' - few focus on the actual transition and then mostly from a systemic perspective, broadly outlining the constraints imposed by the 'new world order'. Perhaps the first serious attempt to address this gap in the debate over South Africa's future was D. Kempton and L. Mosia's 'The International Community in South Africa's Transition to non-racial Democracy' (1992). Before multiparty negotiations collapsed in June 1992, Kempton and Mosia examined the attitudes toward international intervention of most of the CODESA participants, as well as the major actors that had remained outside CODESA. This paper takes up the issue where Kempton and Mosia left off. It tries to explain transitional politics since the IC introduced an on-the-ground presence after the UN Security Council debates on South Africa in July 1992. It asks why, eight months after multiparty talks were suspended, the IC has been unable to revive multiparty negotiations, has apparently had little or no impact on the violence, and despite events like Boipatong and Bisho, still plays a minor peacekeeping role, confined to observer status. The research describes internal and external components of international intervention, examines the rationale behind the agreed forms of international participation, and assesses the viability of the internationally-supported conflict-resolution and transition-management structures that were formed to facilitate the transition. The evidence uncovered by the research leads the author to the conclusion that more of an international role is necessary, and sooner rather than later, but he concedes that this is not feasible, or likely, under the status quo.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1993
South Africa's growth, employment and redistribution strategy in the context of structural adjustment programmes in the South
- Authors: Lehloesa, Thembinkosi L
- Date: 2000
- Subjects: Growth, Employment And Redistribution Programme (South Africa) , South Africa -- Economic policy , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1989-1994
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2794 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003004 , Growth, Employment And Redistribution Programme (South Africa) , South Africa -- Economic policy , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1989-1994
- Description: This study is a contribution to the ongoing debate concerning the future of South Africa’s macro-economic policy known as the Growth, Employment and Redistribution (GEAR) strategy. The study attempts to draw parallels between the GEAR macro-economic policy framework and structural adjustment programmes in the South. By making use of this comparison, the study argues that the outcome of the GEAR will be no different from structural adjustment programmes in that it will fail to reduce poverty and cause government to meet the basic needs of the people. These conclusions are drawn from the fact that the GEAR policy is premised on the faith that the market is capable of redistributing income and wealth, and providing people with their basic needs.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2000
- Authors: Lehloesa, Thembinkosi L
- Date: 2000
- Subjects: Growth, Employment And Redistribution Programme (South Africa) , South Africa -- Economic policy , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1989-1994
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2794 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003004 , Growth, Employment And Redistribution Programme (South Africa) , South Africa -- Economic policy , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1989-1994
- Description: This study is a contribution to the ongoing debate concerning the future of South Africa’s macro-economic policy known as the Growth, Employment and Redistribution (GEAR) strategy. The study attempts to draw parallels between the GEAR macro-economic policy framework and structural adjustment programmes in the South. By making use of this comparison, the study argues that the outcome of the GEAR will be no different from structural adjustment programmes in that it will fail to reduce poverty and cause government to meet the basic needs of the people. These conclusions are drawn from the fact that the GEAR policy is premised on the faith that the market is capable of redistributing income and wealth, and providing people with their basic needs.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2000
The impact of structural adjustment programmes upon the political economy of Zambia: a critical analysis
- Authors: Makan, Amita
- Date: 1994
- Subjects: Structural adjustment (Economic policy) -- Zambia , Zambia -- Economic conditions -- 1964- , Zambia -- Politics and government -- 1964-1991 , Zambia -- Economic conditions
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2800 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003010 , Structural adjustment (Economic policy) -- Zambia , Zambia -- Economic conditions -- 1964- , Zambia -- Politics and government -- 1964-1991 , Zambia -- Economic conditions
- Description: This study begins with a statistical survey setting out the parameters of Zambia's socio-economic decline in the 1980s. In order to unravel the complex reasons for the crisis, the study develops and employs an historical structural framework which emphasises the interconnectedness of historical, political, economic and social processes . Thereafter, an explanation of Zambia's political and economic development is presented as a background for understanding how and why the IMF came to play an increasingly decisive role in the management of the economic crisis in the 1980s. It is argued that patron-client politics in conjunction with a 'coincidence of interests' between local elite and international capital, entrenched the distorted mono-export dependent economy which, in turn, accelerated the economic decline and debt crisis of the 1980s. After presenting an overview of the Fund's philosophy and objectives, close attention is paid to the impact of SAPs on Zambia, especially in terms of how such policies as subsidy withdrawal, de-regulation and devaluation affected the economy, debt-reduction, health and education. While there is no incontrovertible evidence that adjustment policies caused the crisis, they have been largely ineffective in reversing Zambia's economic decline. In fact, due to the IMF's ahistorical and apolitical approach, any gains have been ephemeral and, in many instances, served to exacerbate the suffering of the population. Finally, Zambia's political structures have proved unable and unwilling to implement IMF reforms consistently and this underlies the central point that SAPs, as a strategy, cannot ensure long-term sustainable development.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1994
- Authors: Makan, Amita
- Date: 1994
- Subjects: Structural adjustment (Economic policy) -- Zambia , Zambia -- Economic conditions -- 1964- , Zambia -- Politics and government -- 1964-1991 , Zambia -- Economic conditions
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2800 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003010 , Structural adjustment (Economic policy) -- Zambia , Zambia -- Economic conditions -- 1964- , Zambia -- Politics and government -- 1964-1991 , Zambia -- Economic conditions
- Description: This study begins with a statistical survey setting out the parameters of Zambia's socio-economic decline in the 1980s. In order to unravel the complex reasons for the crisis, the study develops and employs an historical structural framework which emphasises the interconnectedness of historical, political, economic and social processes . Thereafter, an explanation of Zambia's political and economic development is presented as a background for understanding how and why the IMF came to play an increasingly decisive role in the management of the economic crisis in the 1980s. It is argued that patron-client politics in conjunction with a 'coincidence of interests' between local elite and international capital, entrenched the distorted mono-export dependent economy which, in turn, accelerated the economic decline and debt crisis of the 1980s. After presenting an overview of the Fund's philosophy and objectives, close attention is paid to the impact of SAPs on Zambia, especially in terms of how such policies as subsidy withdrawal, de-regulation and devaluation affected the economy, debt-reduction, health and education. While there is no incontrovertible evidence that adjustment policies caused the crisis, they have been largely ineffective in reversing Zambia's economic decline. In fact, due to the IMF's ahistorical and apolitical approach, any gains have been ephemeral and, in many instances, served to exacerbate the suffering of the population. Finally, Zambia's political structures have proved unable and unwilling to implement IMF reforms consistently and this underlies the central point that SAPs, as a strategy, cannot ensure long-term sustainable development.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1994
Politics of asylum : sovereign considerations in the multilateral and humanitarian practices of refugee protection in post-apartheid South Africa
- Authors: Oduba, Victor
- Date: 2003
- Subjects: Refugees -- Africa , Refugees -- Government policy -- South Africa , Refugees -- Legal status, laws, etc. -- South Africa , Asylum, Right of -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2870 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1007725 , Refugees -- Africa , Refugees -- Government policy -- South Africa , Refugees -- Legal status, laws, etc. -- South Africa , Asylum, Right of -- South Africa
- Description: Most scholars claim that international human rights norms embodied in formal international declarations and treaties have an important impact on domestic political interests and governmental practices. This reasoning about the impact of global human rights is often applied to the post-apartheid South African immigration and refugee policies. While I acknowledge that the ratification of United Nations Conventions on refugees has altered the traditional sovereignty considerations of South Africa towards asylum seekers, I take issue with the claims that South African refugee and asylum policies are primarily motivated and based on humanitarian considerations. Instead, I argue that these policies are based on sovereign considerations and strategic foreign policy interests. As a result this sovereign interests of South Africa to study has sought to demonstrate that largely explain decisions on the part accept or reject refugees. Although norms diffusion, international advocacy networks, and prestige factors have made a big impact, in practice the refugee policy has continued to reflect South Africa's strategic interests and domestic considerations at all levels. However, I have not argued that South Africa should overlook its national and foreign interests and abide by international human rights norms regardless of the cost of doing so. I have only sought to demonstrate that refugee protection is more when powerful national interests find it conducive to manage the destabilizing refugee flows.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2003
- Authors: Oduba, Victor
- Date: 2003
- Subjects: Refugees -- Africa , Refugees -- Government policy -- South Africa , Refugees -- Legal status, laws, etc. -- South Africa , Asylum, Right of -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2870 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1007725 , Refugees -- Africa , Refugees -- Government policy -- South Africa , Refugees -- Legal status, laws, etc. -- South Africa , Asylum, Right of -- South Africa
- Description: Most scholars claim that international human rights norms embodied in formal international declarations and treaties have an important impact on domestic political interests and governmental practices. This reasoning about the impact of global human rights is often applied to the post-apartheid South African immigration and refugee policies. While I acknowledge that the ratification of United Nations Conventions on refugees has altered the traditional sovereignty considerations of South Africa towards asylum seekers, I take issue with the claims that South African refugee and asylum policies are primarily motivated and based on humanitarian considerations. Instead, I argue that these policies are based on sovereign considerations and strategic foreign policy interests. As a result this sovereign interests of South Africa to study has sought to demonstrate that largely explain decisions on the part accept or reject refugees. Although norms diffusion, international advocacy networks, and prestige factors have made a big impact, in practice the refugee policy has continued to reflect South Africa's strategic interests and domestic considerations at all levels. However, I have not argued that South Africa should overlook its national and foreign interests and abide by international human rights norms regardless of the cost of doing so. I have only sought to demonstrate that refugee protection is more when powerful national interests find it conducive to manage the destabilizing refugee flows.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2003
Reform and democracy in Mozambique, 1983-1991
- Authors: Morgan, Glenda Nadine
- Date: 1992
- Subjects: Mozambique -- Politics and government -- 1975-1994 , Mozambique -- Economic conditions -- 1975-
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2809 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003019 , Mozambique -- Politics and government -- 1975-1994 , Mozambique -- Economic conditions -- 1975-
- Description: Africa is currently experiencing a movement toward more democratic systems of government. The causes of such changes are numerous, but the literature on African democratization, like that on similar changes elsewhere in the world, places emphasis on the role of internal or domestic factors. The role of international pressures toward democratization is almost completely ignored. The case of Mozambique illustrates the dangers of such an omission. During the past decade Mozambique has undergone considerable political change. The single-party, Marxist-Leninist oriented state has been replaced by a multi-party system, devoid of explicit references to any guiding ideology. The government has also expanded its contacts with the West, particularly by means of its assuming membership of the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank. These changes in Mozambique's political orientation have been accompanied by economic reforms, designed to arrest the precipitous decline in the Mozambican economy. In this dissertation I argue that the causes of both the economic and political reforms lie in this decline and in the government's need to secure capital and debt relief internationally. In order to do this, the Mozambican government had to change the aspects of its political system which were seen as being unacceptable by the West, in particular the lack of multi-party competition and its overtly Marxist orientation and close ties to socialist countries. Because the reforms had their primary genesis in Mozambique's need for international acceptance and not in the growth of popularly based democratic organisations, the reforms are fragile and their meaningfulness questionable.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1992
- Authors: Morgan, Glenda Nadine
- Date: 1992
- Subjects: Mozambique -- Politics and government -- 1975-1994 , Mozambique -- Economic conditions -- 1975-
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2809 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003019 , Mozambique -- Politics and government -- 1975-1994 , Mozambique -- Economic conditions -- 1975-
- Description: Africa is currently experiencing a movement toward more democratic systems of government. The causes of such changes are numerous, but the literature on African democratization, like that on similar changes elsewhere in the world, places emphasis on the role of internal or domestic factors. The role of international pressures toward democratization is almost completely ignored. The case of Mozambique illustrates the dangers of such an omission. During the past decade Mozambique has undergone considerable political change. The single-party, Marxist-Leninist oriented state has been replaced by a multi-party system, devoid of explicit references to any guiding ideology. The government has also expanded its contacts with the West, particularly by means of its assuming membership of the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank. These changes in Mozambique's political orientation have been accompanied by economic reforms, designed to arrest the precipitous decline in the Mozambican economy. In this dissertation I argue that the causes of both the economic and political reforms lie in this decline and in the government's need to secure capital and debt relief internationally. In order to do this, the Mozambican government had to change the aspects of its political system which were seen as being unacceptable by the West, in particular the lack of multi-party competition and its overtly Marxist orientation and close ties to socialist countries. Because the reforms had their primary genesis in Mozambique's need for international acceptance and not in the growth of popularly based democratic organisations, the reforms are fragile and their meaningfulness questionable.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1992
Writing left: Ruth First and radical South African journalism in the 1950's
- Authors: Pinnock, Don
- Date: 1992
- Subjects: First, Ruth, 1925-1982 Journalism -- Political aspects -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: vital:2822 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003032
- Description: In a prison cell in Johannesburg in 1953 after months of solitary confinement Ruth First, one of South Africa's finest investigative joumalists, attempted to commit suicide. In a sense, information for this thesis has been gathered around the question of why First felt her life had reached a point where she wished it extinguished. The answer involves who she was, what she believed in and her perception at that moment in time of the magnitude of the defeat of all she had worked for. But this question has broader implications - it has been asked because its answer throws light not only on the particular joumalist, but on the radical press and on the political movements which gave it both life and readers. This study is divided into six sections: Origins and influences looks, firstly, at early Jewish migrations and Ruth's life up to the end of her schooling in Johannesburg, then at her university years and the influence on her life of the Communist Party of South Africa. A vigorously provocative life traces debates which led to the formation of the South African Congress of Democrats and the Congress Alliance. It looks, also, at the political influence of the white Left and the radical social fratemity. Trumpeters of freedom locates the origins of the radical press tradition in South Africa, then looks at the development of the two publications to which Ruth devoted most of her time: The Guardian/New Age and Fighting Talk. Writing left focuses on First's writing in connection with three campaigns: the farm labour and the potato boycott, womens' passes and the bus boycotts. These chapters are not a history of these campaigns, but an analysis of the influence on them of First's joumalism. Word wars is about the Treason Trial of 1956. The contention here is that the trial, in which First was one of the 'chief co-conspirators ', not only put the Congress Alliance in the dock, but was about the definition of three words: communism, violence and treason. In many ways it was a trial of the language of the Left, the tools of First's trade. Shifting focus looks at the period after Sharpeville and the 1960 State of Emergency. It considers the shift in First's writing necessitated by greater political oppression, a banning order and her exploration of the writing of books. Chapter 12 considers the massive setback to the Congress Alliance of the Rivonia Trial and the tactical errors which led the Congress leadership to the conclusion that armed struggle would succeed at that point in time. The final chapter is about First's detention, and her perceived personal defeat which resulted in her attempted suicide. The Postscript looks at First's successful attempts to come to terms with both a political and personal defeat. The work effectively ends, however, with her departure from South Africa.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1992
- Authors: Pinnock, Don
- Date: 1992
- Subjects: First, Ruth, 1925-1982 Journalism -- Political aspects -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: vital:2822 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003032
- Description: In a prison cell in Johannesburg in 1953 after months of solitary confinement Ruth First, one of South Africa's finest investigative joumalists, attempted to commit suicide. In a sense, information for this thesis has been gathered around the question of why First felt her life had reached a point where she wished it extinguished. The answer involves who she was, what she believed in and her perception at that moment in time of the magnitude of the defeat of all she had worked for. But this question has broader implications - it has been asked because its answer throws light not only on the particular joumalist, but on the radical press and on the political movements which gave it both life and readers. This study is divided into six sections: Origins and influences looks, firstly, at early Jewish migrations and Ruth's life up to the end of her schooling in Johannesburg, then at her university years and the influence on her life of the Communist Party of South Africa. A vigorously provocative life traces debates which led to the formation of the South African Congress of Democrats and the Congress Alliance. It looks, also, at the political influence of the white Left and the radical social fratemity. Trumpeters of freedom locates the origins of the radical press tradition in South Africa, then looks at the development of the two publications to which Ruth devoted most of her time: The Guardian/New Age and Fighting Talk. Writing left focuses on First's writing in connection with three campaigns: the farm labour and the potato boycott, womens' passes and the bus boycotts. These chapters are not a history of these campaigns, but an analysis of the influence on them of First's joumalism. Word wars is about the Treason Trial of 1956. The contention here is that the trial, in which First was one of the 'chief co-conspirators ', not only put the Congress Alliance in the dock, but was about the definition of three words: communism, violence and treason. In many ways it was a trial of the language of the Left, the tools of First's trade. Shifting focus looks at the period after Sharpeville and the 1960 State of Emergency. It considers the shift in First's writing necessitated by greater political oppression, a banning order and her exploration of the writing of books. Chapter 12 considers the massive setback to the Congress Alliance of the Rivonia Trial and the tactical errors which led the Congress leadership to the conclusion that armed struggle would succeed at that point in time. The final chapter is about First's detention, and her perceived personal defeat which resulted in her attempted suicide. The Postscript looks at First's successful attempts to come to terms with both a political and personal defeat. The work effectively ends, however, with her departure from South Africa.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1992
The African National Congress' foreign policy in transition: change or continuity, 1989-1994
- Machesa, Aubrey Mpho John Refiloe
- Authors: Machesa, Aubrey Mpho John Refiloe
- Date: 1997
- Subjects: African National Congress -- Foreign relations
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2797 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003007 , African National Congress -- Foreign relations
- Description: But the central focus will be to explore the foreign policy transition by reflecting the theory that even though international and regional political developments had an impact on the foreign policy transition of the ANC, the internal and domestic political struggles that had evolved during the same time-frame as both the international and regional political developments also had major contributions to the foreign policy transition of the movement. Within this context, the study will also explore the preliminary contours of a post-apartheid foreign policy as perceived by the ANC as to how the country will be reintegrated into the political and economic world order.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1997
- Authors: Machesa, Aubrey Mpho John Refiloe
- Date: 1997
- Subjects: African National Congress -- Foreign relations
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2797 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003007 , African National Congress -- Foreign relations
- Description: But the central focus will be to explore the foreign policy transition by reflecting the theory that even though international and regional political developments had an impact on the foreign policy transition of the ANC, the internal and domestic political struggles that had evolved during the same time-frame as both the international and regional political developments also had major contributions to the foreign policy transition of the movement. Within this context, the study will also explore the preliminary contours of a post-apartheid foreign policy as perceived by the ANC as to how the country will be reintegrated into the political and economic world order.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1997
Failure rather than success : conflict management and resolution in the Democratic Republic of Congo, 1996-1999
- Authors: Munyae, Isaac Muinde
- Date: 2001
- Subjects: Conflict management -- Congo (Democratic Republic) , Dispute resolution (Law) -- Congo (Democratic Republic). , Congo (Democratic Republic) -- History -- 1997-
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2856 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1007427 , Conflict management -- Congo (Democratic Republic) , Dispute resolution (Law) -- Congo (Democratic Republic). , Congo (Democratic Republic) -- History -- 1997-
- Description: History has proven time and time again that conflict is an inevitable aspect of any given society. The seemingly long-standing nature of conflicts in Africa has been changing over time and these conflicts have been either inter-state or intra-state. However, sometimes intrastate wars have escalated into regional conflicts. These scenarios can be seen in the Great Lakes region of Africa where you have the civil war of 1996-7 and the rebellion, which began in 1998 in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). In the DRC there have been at least four stages of conflict. The first is against the Belgians and secondly, the civil strife of the early 1960s. Third, is the civil strife against Mobutu and fourthly, currently against Kabila. The expanding nature of conflict is characterised by power struggles, politicisation of ethnicity, and the impact of external forces. It is noted that the expanding nature of conflict calls for a change in the methods of conflict management and resolution. Initially conflicts were resolved through military intervention. but with the complexity of African wars it has become apparent that peaceful methods are more prudent. With reference to Africa it can be assumed that conflicts need to be increasingly resolved through political means, such as the use of the diplomatic process. The conflict in Chad between 1968 and 1984 is a good example in which military intervention was used but failed, giving way to mediation and negotiation through the use of diplomacy. Both the DRC and Chadian conflicts are similar because they witnessed the influence of external forces (neighbouring countries and non-African states such as France and the US) and African states attempting to find solutions to their own problems. The conflict in the DRC provides a unique example of the changing nature of intra-state conflict in Africa. Thus, the study aims to trace the characteristics of conflict in the DRC and attempts made at conflict management and resolution. The study uses the period bet ween 1996 and 1999 because it highlights this change in the nature and character of conflict.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2001
- Authors: Munyae, Isaac Muinde
- Date: 2001
- Subjects: Conflict management -- Congo (Democratic Republic) , Dispute resolution (Law) -- Congo (Democratic Republic). , Congo (Democratic Republic) -- History -- 1997-
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2856 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1007427 , Conflict management -- Congo (Democratic Republic) , Dispute resolution (Law) -- Congo (Democratic Republic). , Congo (Democratic Republic) -- History -- 1997-
- Description: History has proven time and time again that conflict is an inevitable aspect of any given society. The seemingly long-standing nature of conflicts in Africa has been changing over time and these conflicts have been either inter-state or intra-state. However, sometimes intrastate wars have escalated into regional conflicts. These scenarios can be seen in the Great Lakes region of Africa where you have the civil war of 1996-7 and the rebellion, which began in 1998 in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). In the DRC there have been at least four stages of conflict. The first is against the Belgians and secondly, the civil strife of the early 1960s. Third, is the civil strife against Mobutu and fourthly, currently against Kabila. The expanding nature of conflict is characterised by power struggles, politicisation of ethnicity, and the impact of external forces. It is noted that the expanding nature of conflict calls for a change in the methods of conflict management and resolution. Initially conflicts were resolved through military intervention. but with the complexity of African wars it has become apparent that peaceful methods are more prudent. With reference to Africa it can be assumed that conflicts need to be increasingly resolved through political means, such as the use of the diplomatic process. The conflict in Chad between 1968 and 1984 is a good example in which military intervention was used but failed, giving way to mediation and negotiation through the use of diplomacy. Both the DRC and Chadian conflicts are similar because they witnessed the influence of external forces (neighbouring countries and non-African states such as France and the US) and African states attempting to find solutions to their own problems. The conflict in the DRC provides a unique example of the changing nature of intra-state conflict in Africa. Thus, the study aims to trace the characteristics of conflict in the DRC and attempts made at conflict management and resolution. The study uses the period bet ween 1996 and 1999 because it highlights this change in the nature and character of conflict.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2001
South Africa's post-apartheid foreign policy : towards a diplomacy of trade
- Authors: Dullabh, Nitesh Amratlal
- Date: 1994
- Subjects: Foreign trade regulation -- South Africa , South Africa -- Foreign relations
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2774 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002984 , Foreign trade regulation -- South Africa , South Africa -- Foreign relations
- Description: This thesis attempts to argue that a post-apartheid foreign policy will no longer be based on seeking legitimacy for the South African Government. Instead, it argues that if South Africa wants to grow, both domestically and nternationally, it will be imperative for it (South Africa) to move from an import substitution trade policy to an export-oriented trade policy. It is further suggested that the export-led strategy will be an important component for the promotion of South African international trade in the post-Cold War era. South Africa cannot improve the status of its trade regime by its own doing. It will require the support and assistance of international organizations and hence, the international community. Following the principles, rules and procedures of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT); it is argued, will help South Africa reconstruct its trade policies on the basis that they are free, fair and above all competitive. Furthermore, maintaining a constantly favourable relationship with the international community will allow easy access to international markets for South African goods and services, and eventually the smooth integration of the South African economy in the international political economy. This study, noting the importance of trade with a dedicated commitment to exports, concludes that although exports would flourish, there will be an immediate need for diplomats to be conversant with contemporary international trade developments. This would require diplomats to be innovative, steadfast and disciplined in their day-to-day negotiations. In the final instance, the role of trade in South Africa's future will ultimately be determined by its trade postures and the type of diplomacy to be used by its diplomats.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1994
- Authors: Dullabh, Nitesh Amratlal
- Date: 1994
- Subjects: Foreign trade regulation -- South Africa , South Africa -- Foreign relations
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2774 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002984 , Foreign trade regulation -- South Africa , South Africa -- Foreign relations
- Description: This thesis attempts to argue that a post-apartheid foreign policy will no longer be based on seeking legitimacy for the South African Government. Instead, it argues that if South Africa wants to grow, both domestically and nternationally, it will be imperative for it (South Africa) to move from an import substitution trade policy to an export-oriented trade policy. It is further suggested that the export-led strategy will be an important component for the promotion of South African international trade in the post-Cold War era. South Africa cannot improve the status of its trade regime by its own doing. It will require the support and assistance of international organizations and hence, the international community. Following the principles, rules and procedures of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT); it is argued, will help South Africa reconstruct its trade policies on the basis that they are free, fair and above all competitive. Furthermore, maintaining a constantly favourable relationship with the international community will allow easy access to international markets for South African goods and services, and eventually the smooth integration of the South African economy in the international political economy. This study, noting the importance of trade with a dedicated commitment to exports, concludes that although exports would flourish, there will be an immediate need for diplomats to be conversant with contemporary international trade developments. This would require diplomats to be innovative, steadfast and disciplined in their day-to-day negotiations. In the final instance, the role of trade in South Africa's future will ultimately be determined by its trade postures and the type of diplomacy to be used by its diplomats.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1994
Constitutional frameworks and democratization in Africa since independence
- Authors: Neirynck, Karim
- Date: 2000
- Subjects: Democracy -- Africa , Constitutions -- Africa , Africa -- Politics and government -- 1960-
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2816 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003026 , Democracy -- Africa , Constitutions -- Africa , Africa -- Politics and government -- 1960-
- Description: The subject of this thesis is international studies, specifically a study of constitutional frameworks in Africa in the second half of the 20th century, focussing on a statistical correlation between constitutional frameworks, party systems, electoral systems and the Index of Democracy. The struggle to consolidate new democracies - especially those in Eastern Europe, Latin America and Asia - has given rise to a wide-ranging debate about the hard choices concerning democratic political institutions and political markets. According to Stepan and Skach " this literature has produced provocative hypotheses about the effects of institutions on democracy" (Stepan and Skach, 1993 : 1). It forms part of the' new institutionalism I literature in comparative politics that'holds as a premise that political democracy depends not only on economic and social conditions but also on the design of political institutions (Koelble, 1995 : 231-243). " One fundamental political-institutional question that has only received serious scholarly attention concerns the impact of different constitutional frameworks on democratic consolidation. Although the topic has been increasingly debated and discussed, little systematic cross-regional evidence [especially for our field of research: Africa] has been brought to bear on it " (Stepan and Skach, 1993 : 1-2). So far, only the book"on regime transitions in Africa written by Bratton and Van De Walle seeks to fill this empirical gap (Bratton and Van De Walle, 1997, preface xiii). In this thesis, we paid particular attention to the dichotomy between (pure) parliamentarism and (pure) presidentialism. Each type has fundamental characteristics, and for the purposes of classification these characteristics are necessary and sufficient. It was not our purpose to weigh the benefits and drawbacks of parliamentarism and presidentialism. Our intention was to report and analyse different sources of data, and we based our case exclusively on statistic correlatiohs between regime type and the record of democratic success and failure. We collected a data set about constitutional frameworks (matrix1), democracy indices (matrix2), party systems (matrix3) and election systems (matrix4). The basis for matrix 1 was the constitutions of the African countries (over time) and relevant literature. The basis for matrix 2 was the annual Freedom House ratings made by Raymond D. Gastil and others. The basis for matrix 3 and 4 was relevant literature. Once these matrices had been composed, we compared them and calculated statistic correlations. This long-dyration model allowed us to estimate whether African constitutional frameworks, party systems and electoral systems exhibit positive or negative correlation with the index of democracy.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2000
- Authors: Neirynck, Karim
- Date: 2000
- Subjects: Democracy -- Africa , Constitutions -- Africa , Africa -- Politics and government -- 1960-
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2816 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003026 , Democracy -- Africa , Constitutions -- Africa , Africa -- Politics and government -- 1960-
- Description: The subject of this thesis is international studies, specifically a study of constitutional frameworks in Africa in the second half of the 20th century, focussing on a statistical correlation between constitutional frameworks, party systems, electoral systems and the Index of Democracy. The struggle to consolidate new democracies - especially those in Eastern Europe, Latin America and Asia - has given rise to a wide-ranging debate about the hard choices concerning democratic political institutions and political markets. According to Stepan and Skach " this literature has produced provocative hypotheses about the effects of institutions on democracy" (Stepan and Skach, 1993 : 1). It forms part of the' new institutionalism I literature in comparative politics that'holds as a premise that political democracy depends not only on economic and social conditions but also on the design of political institutions (Koelble, 1995 : 231-243). " One fundamental political-institutional question that has only received serious scholarly attention concerns the impact of different constitutional frameworks on democratic consolidation. Although the topic has been increasingly debated and discussed, little systematic cross-regional evidence [especially for our field of research: Africa] has been brought to bear on it " (Stepan and Skach, 1993 : 1-2). So far, only the book"on regime transitions in Africa written by Bratton and Van De Walle seeks to fill this empirical gap (Bratton and Van De Walle, 1997, preface xiii). In this thesis, we paid particular attention to the dichotomy between (pure) parliamentarism and (pure) presidentialism. Each type has fundamental characteristics, and for the purposes of classification these characteristics are necessary and sufficient. It was not our purpose to weigh the benefits and drawbacks of parliamentarism and presidentialism. Our intention was to report and analyse different sources of data, and we based our case exclusively on statistic correlatiohs between regime type and the record of democratic success and failure. We collected a data set about constitutional frameworks (matrix1), democracy indices (matrix2), party systems (matrix3) and election systems (matrix4). The basis for matrix 1 was the constitutions of the African countries (over time) and relevant literature. The basis for matrix 2 was the annual Freedom House ratings made by Raymond D. Gastil and others. The basis for matrix 3 and 4 was relevant literature. Once these matrices had been composed, we compared them and calculated statistic correlations. This long-dyration model allowed us to estimate whether African constitutional frameworks, party systems and electoral systems exhibit positive or negative correlation with the index of democracy.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2000
The idea of regionalism in West and Southern Africa : a critical social enquiry
- Authors: Lindsay, Albert Domson
- Date: 2007
- Subjects: Regionalism -- Africa, West Regionalism -- Africa, Southern Africa, West -- Politics and government Africa, Southern -- Politics and government Africa -- Foreign relations
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: vital:2848 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1006118
- Description: Traditional views on International Relations dominate regional analyses. These invariably emphasize the dominance of state and market forces in inter-state relations. Experiences and expectations of people are less prominent in these discourses, and the practices they foster. This thesis critically analyses the regional processes in West and southern Africa within the framework of Critical Theory. It argues that these processes are constrained by instability and the increasing legitimacy crises of the State. The thesis demonstrates that the State, through exclusive nationalist practices, hinder the growth of a cosmopolitan order, and it argues that neo-liberal regionalism is a contested phenomenon because of its exclusive nature. Finally, the thesis suggests steps needed to resolve the legitimacy crises and to build an inclusive regional order, based on cosmopolitan values.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2007
- Authors: Lindsay, Albert Domson
- Date: 2007
- Subjects: Regionalism -- Africa, West Regionalism -- Africa, Southern Africa, West -- Politics and government Africa, Southern -- Politics and government Africa -- Foreign relations
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: vital:2848 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1006118
- Description: Traditional views on International Relations dominate regional analyses. These invariably emphasize the dominance of state and market forces in inter-state relations. Experiences and expectations of people are less prominent in these discourses, and the practices they foster. This thesis critically analyses the regional processes in West and southern Africa within the framework of Critical Theory. It argues that these processes are constrained by instability and the increasing legitimacy crises of the State. The thesis demonstrates that the State, through exclusive nationalist practices, hinder the growth of a cosmopolitan order, and it argues that neo-liberal regionalism is a contested phenomenon because of its exclusive nature. Finally, the thesis suggests steps needed to resolve the legitimacy crises and to build an inclusive regional order, based on cosmopolitan values.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2007
Human rights: an investigation into the importance of second generation rights
- Authors: Bentley, Kristina Anne
- Date: 1998
- Subjects: Human rights -- Philosophy , Human rights
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2759 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002969 , Human rights -- Philosophy , Human rights
- Description: This study examines the notion of universal human rights in the context of the importance of social and economic rights for the agency and dignity of human beings. It argues that the recognition of basic rights to what is necessary for physical well-being is essential to any adequate theory of human rights, and that rights of the civil and political variety depend on the recognition of social and economic rights if they are to be exercised. Therefore the secondary status which is usually accorded to social and economic rights results in an imbalanced ideal of human rights both in theory and in practice. This study is an attempt to place second generation rights in their proper context and to argue for them as human rights of equal status and importance. It focuses on the derivation of human rights in general, and shows that second generation rights may be accommodated within this structure. It further supports this position by showing that the categorical differences which are asserted to exist between first and second generation rights are based on a mistaken conception of positive and negative rights and duties, as well as an inadequate conception of liberty. The thesis shows that all rights generate a variety of duties, both positive and negative, and that an adequate theory of rights has to be able to accommodate the inevitability of conflicts of rights at the level of their enforcement. Consequently, this study argues there is no reason to give either class of right primary importance, as both first and second generation human rights are essential to the agency and dignity of a human being, and they are thus interdependent. Furthermore, the thesis shows that human rights can be balanced at the level of the obligations which they generate without compromising the deontological nature of such rights. This thesis argues that a theory of rights which is rooted in the liberal democratic notion of rights, such as that characterised by the choice theory of rights, is inadequate. It therefore argues that a benefit theory of rights must be adopted in order to accommodate conflicts of rights when they arise. The thesis argues that as such conflicts of rights are" most common in cases involving the assertion of social and economic rights, this balancing of rights is of special significance for the enforcement of second generation rights. Furthermore, this thesis argues for a theory of minimal interdependence of first and second generation rights, in order to accommodate the notion of first and second generation rights of equal status and importance, as well as to prevent an inflation of rights claims which would compromise the balancing of rights. It is argued that a reordering of values is necessary to take account of material well-being, as well as civil freedom, as both of these generate fundamental rights of equal status and importance.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1998
- Authors: Bentley, Kristina Anne
- Date: 1998
- Subjects: Human rights -- Philosophy , Human rights
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2759 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002969 , Human rights -- Philosophy , Human rights
- Description: This study examines the notion of universal human rights in the context of the importance of social and economic rights for the agency and dignity of human beings. It argues that the recognition of basic rights to what is necessary for physical well-being is essential to any adequate theory of human rights, and that rights of the civil and political variety depend on the recognition of social and economic rights if they are to be exercised. Therefore the secondary status which is usually accorded to social and economic rights results in an imbalanced ideal of human rights both in theory and in practice. This study is an attempt to place second generation rights in their proper context and to argue for them as human rights of equal status and importance. It focuses on the derivation of human rights in general, and shows that second generation rights may be accommodated within this structure. It further supports this position by showing that the categorical differences which are asserted to exist between first and second generation rights are based on a mistaken conception of positive and negative rights and duties, as well as an inadequate conception of liberty. The thesis shows that all rights generate a variety of duties, both positive and negative, and that an adequate theory of rights has to be able to accommodate the inevitability of conflicts of rights at the level of their enforcement. Consequently, this study argues there is no reason to give either class of right primary importance, as both first and second generation human rights are essential to the agency and dignity of a human being, and they are thus interdependent. Furthermore, the thesis shows that human rights can be balanced at the level of the obligations which they generate without compromising the deontological nature of such rights. This thesis argues that a theory of rights which is rooted in the liberal democratic notion of rights, such as that characterised by the choice theory of rights, is inadequate. It therefore argues that a benefit theory of rights must be adopted in order to accommodate conflicts of rights when they arise. The thesis argues that as such conflicts of rights are" most common in cases involving the assertion of social and economic rights, this balancing of rights is of special significance for the enforcement of second generation rights. Furthermore, this thesis argues for a theory of minimal interdependence of first and second generation rights, in order to accommodate the notion of first and second generation rights of equal status and importance, as well as to prevent an inflation of rights claims which would compromise the balancing of rights. It is argued that a reordering of values is necessary to take account of material well-being, as well as civil freedom, as both of these generate fundamental rights of equal status and importance.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1998
The impact of the end of the Cold War on transition in South Africa
- Authors: Du Preez, Roni
- Date: 1994
- Subjects: Cold War , International relations , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1989-1994 , South Africa -- Foreign relations -- 1989-1994 , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1978-1989 , South Africa -- Foreign relations -- 1978-1989
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2773 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002983 , Cold War , International relations , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1989-1994 , South Africa -- Foreign relations -- 1989-1994 , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1978-1989 , South Africa -- Foreign relations -- 1978-1989
- Description: This thesis argues that F.W. de Klerk's historic February 1990 speech was the end product of a set of circumstances in recent South African and global history which made possible the new phase of transitional politics which South Africa is currently experiencing. It seeks to establish that of all the factors that contributed to change, it was the late 1980s thaw in the Cold War, and its resultant repercussions internationally and regionally which was the catalytic factor which made the new era possible. In all the literature on transition there has been no comprehensive analysis of the plausible link between the two superpowers agreeing in the mid-1980s to abandon confrontational practices and to change their approaches to regional conflicts and the South African government agreeing to negotiate for a new political dispensation. This thesis will seek to establish and analyse such a link. By 1986 there was in certain governmental circles a non-public view that the policy of apartheid had failed both as a solution to the problem of black political aspirations and as a legitimating ideology. Constraining any serious move towards political change was a widely held fear at the top level of government that an accelerated reform process would make South Africa vulnerable to external aggression and internal revolutionary forces. This thesis suggests that the collapse of communist rule in Eastern Europe and the 'new political thinking' in Soviet foreign policy resulted in the notion of a communist-inspired total onslaught against South Africa losing currency - as did the position of those within the ruling elite who remained dogmatically attached to it. The end of the Cold War is the common thread which links South Africa's international , regional and domestic environments. Two important events occurred in the international and regional arenas, which against the backdrop of the end of the Cold War, strengthened the credibility of the alternative view in government: (i) the October 1986 Reykjavik Summit and (ii) the South African Defence Force setback at Cuito Cuanavale. P.W. Botha's resignation as leader of the National Party and soon after as State President created the political space through which the view of the reformers could emerge as dominant. Recognising that neither the international nor regional environments sustained the beliefs and fears held by the military hawks, F.W. de Klerk was able to capitalise on the ambience of negotiations and apply it to the South African situation. De Klerk's February 1990 speech was therefore the culmination of a process which had its origins in the mid-1980's.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1994
- Authors: Du Preez, Roni
- Date: 1994
- Subjects: Cold War , International relations , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1989-1994 , South Africa -- Foreign relations -- 1989-1994 , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1978-1989 , South Africa -- Foreign relations -- 1978-1989
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2773 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002983 , Cold War , International relations , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1989-1994 , South Africa -- Foreign relations -- 1989-1994 , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1978-1989 , South Africa -- Foreign relations -- 1978-1989
- Description: This thesis argues that F.W. de Klerk's historic February 1990 speech was the end product of a set of circumstances in recent South African and global history which made possible the new phase of transitional politics which South Africa is currently experiencing. It seeks to establish that of all the factors that contributed to change, it was the late 1980s thaw in the Cold War, and its resultant repercussions internationally and regionally which was the catalytic factor which made the new era possible. In all the literature on transition there has been no comprehensive analysis of the plausible link between the two superpowers agreeing in the mid-1980s to abandon confrontational practices and to change their approaches to regional conflicts and the South African government agreeing to negotiate for a new political dispensation. This thesis will seek to establish and analyse such a link. By 1986 there was in certain governmental circles a non-public view that the policy of apartheid had failed both as a solution to the problem of black political aspirations and as a legitimating ideology. Constraining any serious move towards political change was a widely held fear at the top level of government that an accelerated reform process would make South Africa vulnerable to external aggression and internal revolutionary forces. This thesis suggests that the collapse of communist rule in Eastern Europe and the 'new political thinking' in Soviet foreign policy resulted in the notion of a communist-inspired total onslaught against South Africa losing currency - as did the position of those within the ruling elite who remained dogmatically attached to it. The end of the Cold War is the common thread which links South Africa's international , regional and domestic environments. Two important events occurred in the international and regional arenas, which against the backdrop of the end of the Cold War, strengthened the credibility of the alternative view in government: (i) the October 1986 Reykjavik Summit and (ii) the South African Defence Force setback at Cuito Cuanavale. P.W. Botha's resignation as leader of the National Party and soon after as State President created the political space through which the view of the reformers could emerge as dominant. Recognising that neither the international nor regional environments sustained the beliefs and fears held by the military hawks, F.W. de Klerk was able to capitalise on the ambience of negotiations and apply it to the South African situation. De Klerk's February 1990 speech was therefore the culmination of a process which had its origins in the mid-1980's.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1994
Formulating the African National Congress' foreign investment policy in the transition to a post-apartheid South Africa: problems, pressures and constraints
- Authors: Carim, Xavier
- Date: 1995
- Subjects: Investments, Foreign -- South Africa , Political stability -- South Africa , African National Congress -- Foreign economic relations , South Africa -- Foreign economic relations , South Africa -- Economic policy , South Africa -- Economic conditions -- 1991-
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2764 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002974 , Investments, Foreign -- South Africa , Political stability -- South Africa , African National Congress -- Foreign economic relations , South Africa -- Foreign economic relations , South Africa -- Economic policy , South Africa -- Economic conditions -- 1991-
- Description: This study examines the wide-ranging and critical factors which have impacted on the African National Congress' (ANC) emerging foreign investment policy. It identifies and analyses the matrix of political and socio-economic factors which have combined at global and national levels to shape ANC policy perspectives towards foreign direct investment (FDI). In so doing, the study adopts an eclectic theoretical and methodological approach. It draws on various theoretical traditions to propose a framework that is heuristic and contingent, rather than axiomatic. With regard to foreign investment, in particular, it recommends a theoretical pluralism emphasising 'engagement' through praxis and sound political (state) action. The study argues that the ANC has reconsidered many of its basic assumptions on the nature of the post-apartheid economy and discusses the reasons for those shifts. The reasons include, in particular, global political and economic trends and the balance of forces in South Africa. These have combined to ensure the ANC's broad acceptance of an 'open-door policy' towards FDI so long as it occurs on terms not inconsistent with national objectives. The emerging policy sees the state playing an active role in encouraging and guiding FDI to specific areas and sectors supportive of broad-based development. Foreign investors will be encouraged to form joint ventures with emerging black businesses and agree to foster training, skills development and affirmative action. Harnessing the benefits of FDI will be important for the success of wider strategies designed to place the economy on a firmer, more sustainable growth path.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1995
- Authors: Carim, Xavier
- Date: 1995
- Subjects: Investments, Foreign -- South Africa , Political stability -- South Africa , African National Congress -- Foreign economic relations , South Africa -- Foreign economic relations , South Africa -- Economic policy , South Africa -- Economic conditions -- 1991-
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2764 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002974 , Investments, Foreign -- South Africa , Political stability -- South Africa , African National Congress -- Foreign economic relations , South Africa -- Foreign economic relations , South Africa -- Economic policy , South Africa -- Economic conditions -- 1991-
- Description: This study examines the wide-ranging and critical factors which have impacted on the African National Congress' (ANC) emerging foreign investment policy. It identifies and analyses the matrix of political and socio-economic factors which have combined at global and national levels to shape ANC policy perspectives towards foreign direct investment (FDI). In so doing, the study adopts an eclectic theoretical and methodological approach. It draws on various theoretical traditions to propose a framework that is heuristic and contingent, rather than axiomatic. With regard to foreign investment, in particular, it recommends a theoretical pluralism emphasising 'engagement' through praxis and sound political (state) action. The study argues that the ANC has reconsidered many of its basic assumptions on the nature of the post-apartheid economy and discusses the reasons for those shifts. The reasons include, in particular, global political and economic trends and the balance of forces in South Africa. These have combined to ensure the ANC's broad acceptance of an 'open-door policy' towards FDI so long as it occurs on terms not inconsistent with national objectives. The emerging policy sees the state playing an active role in encouraging and guiding FDI to specific areas and sectors supportive of broad-based development. Foreign investors will be encouraged to form joint ventures with emerging black businesses and agree to foster training, skills development and affirmative action. Harnessing the benefits of FDI will be important for the success of wider strategies designed to place the economy on a firmer, more sustainable growth path.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1995
Traditional leaders in post-1996 South Africa, with particular reference to the Eastern Cape
- De Sas Kropiwnicki, Zosa Olenka
- Authors: De Sas Kropiwnicki, Zosa Olenka
- Date: 2002
- Subjects: Tribal government -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , Political leadership -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , South Africa -- Politics and government
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2857 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1007479 , Tribal government -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , Political leadership -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , South Africa -- Politics and government
- Description: The failure of democracy in Africa can be partially attributed to the Eurocentric assumptions that belie Western recommendations for Africa. This thesis focuses on the failure of the modernisation school to account for the resiliency of tradition in the modern African state, which is described by Sklar (1991) as amounting to a form of 'mixed government', combining the traditional with the modern to create a uniquely African form of governance. This notion of a 'mixed government' is addressed from the vantage point of traditional leaders in the Eastern Cape. It maps the vacillating relationship between the chiefs, the people and the government through colonialism, Apartheid and democratisation. It concludes that although the Eastern Cape provincial government has subordinated the chiefs, this does not signify a victory for modernity over tradition because the chiefs are not a spent force. History has shown that when the government fails to act in the interests of the people, they seek an alternative authority namely, the chiefs. The ANC government's centralising tendencies have negative implications for democracy and consequently for the people. This opens up space for the chiefs to assert themselves provided they play an active role in furthering democracy, development and modernisation in the interests of the people. Hence, although ' mixed' government in the post-1996 South Africa is currently on the ANC's terms, traditional leaders may someday play a vital role in the modern democratic state.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2002
- Authors: De Sas Kropiwnicki, Zosa Olenka
- Date: 2002
- Subjects: Tribal government -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , Political leadership -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , South Africa -- Politics and government
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2857 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1007479 , Tribal government -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , Political leadership -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , South Africa -- Politics and government
- Description: The failure of democracy in Africa can be partially attributed to the Eurocentric assumptions that belie Western recommendations for Africa. This thesis focuses on the failure of the modernisation school to account for the resiliency of tradition in the modern African state, which is described by Sklar (1991) as amounting to a form of 'mixed government', combining the traditional with the modern to create a uniquely African form of governance. This notion of a 'mixed government' is addressed from the vantage point of traditional leaders in the Eastern Cape. It maps the vacillating relationship between the chiefs, the people and the government through colonialism, Apartheid and democratisation. It concludes that although the Eastern Cape provincial government has subordinated the chiefs, this does not signify a victory for modernity over tradition because the chiefs are not a spent force. History has shown that when the government fails to act in the interests of the people, they seek an alternative authority namely, the chiefs. The ANC government's centralising tendencies have negative implications for democracy and consequently for the people. This opens up space for the chiefs to assert themselves provided they play an active role in furthering democracy, development and modernisation in the interests of the people. Hence, although ' mixed' government in the post-1996 South Africa is currently on the ANC's terms, traditional leaders may someday play a vital role in the modern democratic state.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2002
New rules for security and survival: Southern Africa's adaptation to a changing world environment
- Authors: Naidoo, Sagaren Krishna
- Date: 1998
- Subjects: Internal security -- South Africa , National security -- South Africa , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1994- , South Africa -- Economic conditions -- 1991-
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2814 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003024 , Internal security -- South Africa , National security -- South Africa , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1994- , South Africa -- Economic conditions -- 1991-
- Description: In the wake of the post-Cold War era, students of international relations were forced to review their theoretical frameworks to explain new rules for international peace and security. States are now confronted with new constraints for their security and survival as current trends in international politics depict a 'regionalisation' of peace and security. For southern Africa, likewise, the end of the Cold War and, moreover, apartheid, compels its member states to redefine their security strategies and mechanisms for survival. This thesis undertakes to examine southern Africa's adaptation to new rules of a changing world environment, to ensure a stable and secure region, into the next millennium. At the outset of this thesis lies a conceptual contextualisation of security within the major contemporary theoretical approaches of international relations. By examining the essential differences between the redefinitions and new conceptualisations of security, this thesis, firstly argues that the state in southern Africa must be retained as a primary referent of security. This argument is premised on the need to create stronger states for a 'regionalisation' of security in southern Africa. The second issue examined is the changing world environment and its impact on the state and development in Africa, as the new constraints to which the continent must adapt, for security and survival. Arguing that the new international economic order and 'globalisation' dictate the new rules, this chapter asserts that the 'weak' states in Africa need to be strengthened to have the necessary capacity to be the means for its people's security. Finally this thesis examines the new rules for southern Africa's adaptation to a changing world environment. The new rules for the African sub-continent involve the formation of a security regime and economic community with, the power-house, South Africa. Using the Southern African Development Community(SADC) as the umbrella body, the formation of the Organ for Politics, Defence and Security, and signing of trade protocols for a movement towards a free trade area, are evidence of southern Africa's attempts to adapt to new rules for its security. Such adaptation cannot, however, be accomplished with 'weak' states. Southern African states will have to, therefore, be strengthened to attain a more secure adaptation to the new international (economic) order.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1998
- Authors: Naidoo, Sagaren Krishna
- Date: 1998
- Subjects: Internal security -- South Africa , National security -- South Africa , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1994- , South Africa -- Economic conditions -- 1991-
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2814 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003024 , Internal security -- South Africa , National security -- South Africa , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1994- , South Africa -- Economic conditions -- 1991-
- Description: In the wake of the post-Cold War era, students of international relations were forced to review their theoretical frameworks to explain new rules for international peace and security. States are now confronted with new constraints for their security and survival as current trends in international politics depict a 'regionalisation' of peace and security. For southern Africa, likewise, the end of the Cold War and, moreover, apartheid, compels its member states to redefine their security strategies and mechanisms for survival. This thesis undertakes to examine southern Africa's adaptation to new rules of a changing world environment, to ensure a stable and secure region, into the next millennium. At the outset of this thesis lies a conceptual contextualisation of security within the major contemporary theoretical approaches of international relations. By examining the essential differences between the redefinitions and new conceptualisations of security, this thesis, firstly argues that the state in southern Africa must be retained as a primary referent of security. This argument is premised on the need to create stronger states for a 'regionalisation' of security in southern Africa. The second issue examined is the changing world environment and its impact on the state and development in Africa, as the new constraints to which the continent must adapt, for security and survival. Arguing that the new international economic order and 'globalisation' dictate the new rules, this chapter asserts that the 'weak' states in Africa need to be strengthened to have the necessary capacity to be the means for its people's security. Finally this thesis examines the new rules for southern Africa's adaptation to a changing world environment. The new rules for the African sub-continent involve the formation of a security regime and economic community with, the power-house, South Africa. Using the Southern African Development Community(SADC) as the umbrella body, the formation of the Organ for Politics, Defence and Security, and signing of trade protocols for a movement towards a free trade area, are evidence of southern Africa's attempts to adapt to new rules for its security. Such adaptation cannot, however, be accomplished with 'weak' states. Southern African states will have to, therefore, be strengthened to attain a more secure adaptation to the new international (economic) order.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1998
Locating the institution of traditional leadership within the institutional framework of South Africa's new democracy
- Authors: Mashele, Hlukanisa Prince
- Date: 2003
- Subjects: Tribal government -- South Africa , Political leadership -- South Africa , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1994-
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2858 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1007512 , Tribal government -- South Africa , Political leadership -- South Africa , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1994-
- Description: This study looks into the role of the institution of traditional leadership in post-apartheid South Africa. It seeks to critically engage the debate on how to locate the institution within the new politico-constitutional framework. This is done with the main objective of proposing an altemative to the current state of affairs vis-à-vis traditional leadership and governance in South Africa. In order to clear the ground, the study first deals with the important question of democracy in relation to the institution of traditional leadership. In this regard, the study unearthed that the institution of traditional leadership is fundamentally undemocratic in character, as it is largely based on heredity and devoid of principles of democracy such as equality, accountability, etc. In order to put matters into perspective the study also delves into the history of the institution of traditional leadership with the aim of getting to the role that traditional leaders played in various epochs of South Africa's political development. This investigation reveals that the denting of the integrity of the institution of traditional leadership began with the advent of colonialism and worsened by successive apartheid regimes. It is at these stages of development that the institution was subordinated to a higher authority that sought to use the institution as an instrument of domination and oppression of the black majority. Considering this role, it would seem that the place that the space that the institution occupies in the post-apartheid South African governance framework is a compromise. The institution plays an advisory role at all levels of government - with their houses in both national and provincial legislatures, whilst traditional leaders sit as ex-officio members on local councils. However, traditional leaders fiercely contest this position as, in their view, this limits their powers. The main argument of this study is that for traditional leaders to be given an advisory role in the current and future governance framework of the country is a step in the right direction, as that serves to insulate the institution from active politics. For that reason, the study recommends that the institution of traditional leadership should occupy a cultural space in society - meaning that it should be responsible for the preservation of African customs and culture. This, therefore, means that the institution is better-placed to advise government on cultural and customary aspects of development. Whilst playing this role, the institution of traditional leadership should also -be brought into line with democratic ways of governance.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2003
- Authors: Mashele, Hlukanisa Prince
- Date: 2003
- Subjects: Tribal government -- South Africa , Political leadership -- South Africa , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1994-
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2858 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1007512 , Tribal government -- South Africa , Political leadership -- South Africa , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1994-
- Description: This study looks into the role of the institution of traditional leadership in post-apartheid South Africa. It seeks to critically engage the debate on how to locate the institution within the new politico-constitutional framework. This is done with the main objective of proposing an altemative to the current state of affairs vis-à-vis traditional leadership and governance in South Africa. In order to clear the ground, the study first deals with the important question of democracy in relation to the institution of traditional leadership. In this regard, the study unearthed that the institution of traditional leadership is fundamentally undemocratic in character, as it is largely based on heredity and devoid of principles of democracy such as equality, accountability, etc. In order to put matters into perspective the study also delves into the history of the institution of traditional leadership with the aim of getting to the role that traditional leaders played in various epochs of South Africa's political development. This investigation reveals that the denting of the integrity of the institution of traditional leadership began with the advent of colonialism and worsened by successive apartheid regimes. It is at these stages of development that the institution was subordinated to a higher authority that sought to use the institution as an instrument of domination and oppression of the black majority. Considering this role, it would seem that the place that the space that the institution occupies in the post-apartheid South African governance framework is a compromise. The institution plays an advisory role at all levels of government - with their houses in both national and provincial legislatures, whilst traditional leaders sit as ex-officio members on local councils. However, traditional leaders fiercely contest this position as, in their view, this limits their powers. The main argument of this study is that for traditional leaders to be given an advisory role in the current and future governance framework of the country is a step in the right direction, as that serves to insulate the institution from active politics. For that reason, the study recommends that the institution of traditional leadership should occupy a cultural space in society - meaning that it should be responsible for the preservation of African customs and culture. This, therefore, means that the institution is better-placed to advise government on cultural and customary aspects of development. Whilst playing this role, the institution of traditional leadership should also -be brought into line with democratic ways of governance.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2003