"Constructive critic" or "donor agency": does the World Bank have a role to play in sub-Saharan Africa's development beyond that of providing economic aid?
- Authors: Thompson, Christine Audra
- Date: 1992
- Subjects: Africa, Sub-Saharan -- Economic conditions -- 20th century , World Bank -- Africa, Sub-Saharan , Africa, Sub-Saharan -- Economic conditions
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2835 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003045 , Africa, Sub-Saharan -- Economic conditions -- 20th century , World Bank -- Africa, Sub-Saharan , Africa, Sub-Saharan -- Economic conditions
- Description: This thesis attempts to evaluate the role of the World Bank in Sub-Saharan Africa's development. It argues that the World Bank has stepped beyond the boundaries of a typical lending institution by linking its aid to political reform. The study argues that in this capacity the Bank has contributed to the halting democratization process currently underway in Africa. The economic effects of the World Bank's Structural Adjustment Programmes have been less successful. As yet, the programmes have not produced the expected results and there is no evidence of long-term, sustainable economic recovery in Sub-Saharan Africa. These programmes are, however, long-term strategies and it may therefore be too premature to reach a final conclusion. They may also have been affected negatively by unfavourable political environments. This study, noting the negative effects of the international terms of trade and prices for African exports, concludes that although economic recovery in Sub-Saharan Africa will be facilitated by domestic political and economic policy reform, there is also a need for reform of the international economic order. The World Bank has correctly identified the need for domestic improvement, but it has a tendency to disregard the negative consequences of the existing structure of the international economy.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1992
- Authors: Thompson, Christine Audra
- Date: 1992
- Subjects: Africa, Sub-Saharan -- Economic conditions -- 20th century , World Bank -- Africa, Sub-Saharan , Africa, Sub-Saharan -- Economic conditions
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2835 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003045 , Africa, Sub-Saharan -- Economic conditions -- 20th century , World Bank -- Africa, Sub-Saharan , Africa, Sub-Saharan -- Economic conditions
- Description: This thesis attempts to evaluate the role of the World Bank in Sub-Saharan Africa's development. It argues that the World Bank has stepped beyond the boundaries of a typical lending institution by linking its aid to political reform. The study argues that in this capacity the Bank has contributed to the halting democratization process currently underway in Africa. The economic effects of the World Bank's Structural Adjustment Programmes have been less successful. As yet, the programmes have not produced the expected results and there is no evidence of long-term, sustainable economic recovery in Sub-Saharan Africa. These programmes are, however, long-term strategies and it may therefore be too premature to reach a final conclusion. They may also have been affected negatively by unfavourable political environments. This study, noting the negative effects of the international terms of trade and prices for African exports, concludes that although economic recovery in Sub-Saharan Africa will be facilitated by domestic political and economic policy reform, there is also a need for reform of the international economic order. The World Bank has correctly identified the need for domestic improvement, but it has a tendency to disregard the negative consequences of the existing structure of the international economy.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1992
A critical investigation of the Primary Schools Nutrition Programme (PSNP) in the Eastern Cape
- Authors: Houston, Elizabeth Margaret
- Date: 1997
- Subjects: Operation Hunger (Organization) , Primary schools nutrition programme -- South Africa , Non-governmental organizations , School children -- Food -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2783 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002993 , Operation Hunger (Organization) , Primary schools nutrition programme -- South Africa , Non-governmental organizations , School children -- Food -- South Africa
- Description: The thesis focuses on the Primary School Nutrition Programme (PSNP), particularly in the Eastern Cape, as a government nutrition and education project, and its failure to achieve its stated goals. The programme experienced problems almost as soon as it was introduced. The press reported incidents of fraud and maladministration and the programme was halted and restarted numerous times. The thesis seeks to offer some insight as to why the government was unable to reach its stated objectives in the implementation phase of the programme. State theory informs the thesis in an attempt to further explain why governments often seem unable to attain their intended goals. The thesis provides an alternative to government development programmes, arguing that NGOs are better equipped to deal with the particular problems that people on the ground experience when dealing with issues like nutritional vulnerability. Operation Hunger provides an excellent case study for how development of this nature ought to occur. The essential argument of the thesis is that there is an inherent tension between what a government's stated intentions is and what, it, in reality, intends to gain from such programmes. It is the contention of this thesis that the Government of National Unity embarked on the PSNP, not to ensure nutritional development for its own sake, but rather to curry favour with its constituents. Operation Hunger, and other organisations like it, provide relief to vulnerable communities with no hidden agenda in mind. Their mandate is solely that they provide assistance. The thesis argues, then, that NGOs have a role in domestic and international politics, that they can make up for or do better, or at least well, things that governments struggle to do.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1997
- Authors: Houston, Elizabeth Margaret
- Date: 1997
- Subjects: Operation Hunger (Organization) , Primary schools nutrition programme -- South Africa , Non-governmental organizations , School children -- Food -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2783 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002993 , Operation Hunger (Organization) , Primary schools nutrition programme -- South Africa , Non-governmental organizations , School children -- Food -- South Africa
- Description: The thesis focuses on the Primary School Nutrition Programme (PSNP), particularly in the Eastern Cape, as a government nutrition and education project, and its failure to achieve its stated goals. The programme experienced problems almost as soon as it was introduced. The press reported incidents of fraud and maladministration and the programme was halted and restarted numerous times. The thesis seeks to offer some insight as to why the government was unable to reach its stated objectives in the implementation phase of the programme. State theory informs the thesis in an attempt to further explain why governments often seem unable to attain their intended goals. The thesis provides an alternative to government development programmes, arguing that NGOs are better equipped to deal with the particular problems that people on the ground experience when dealing with issues like nutritional vulnerability. Operation Hunger provides an excellent case study for how development of this nature ought to occur. The essential argument of the thesis is that there is an inherent tension between what a government's stated intentions is and what, it, in reality, intends to gain from such programmes. It is the contention of this thesis that the Government of National Unity embarked on the PSNP, not to ensure nutritional development for its own sake, but rather to curry favour with its constituents. Operation Hunger, and other organisations like it, provide relief to vulnerable communities with no hidden agenda in mind. Their mandate is solely that they provide assistance. The thesis argues, then, that NGOs have a role in domestic and international politics, that they can make up for or do better, or at least well, things that governments struggle to do.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1997
A new role for the non-aligned movement in a post-cold war era
- Authors: Chetty, Mahesh
- Date: 2000
- Subjects: Non-Aligned Movement , Nonalignment , Nonalignment -- Developing countries , International police
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2767 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002977 , Non-Aligned Movement , Nonalignment , Nonalignment -- Developing countries , International police
- Description: With the disappearance of the superpower conflict that characterised the Cold War era, many observers have begun to question whether the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM) has a role to play in the post Cold War era. However the emergence of a number of issues on the international agenda, such as United Nations peacekeeping operations, global environmental issues and an increasing unwillingness on the part of the major economic powers to abide by GATT/WTO rules, have increasingly become of concern to non-aligned states. However whilst the United States has recognised that these issues require leadership in dealing with them, it has not been willing to supply that leadership. It shall therefore be argued that the changing nature of hegemony in world politics has set conditions that allow non-aligned middle powers and institutions greater scope for action and influence. The emergence of these issues has provided a scope for non-aligned middle powers, acting in accordance with their interests to play alternate leadership roles within an expanded scope for institutions, such as organisations, regimes and multilateralism, in addressing the interests of non-aligned states. Firstly in looking at an expanded role for organisations, the United States has increasingly been unwilling to play a leadership role within UN peacekeeping operations. The continuing importance of the neutrality of UN peacekeeping operations has provided a scope for nonaligned middle powers to play a burden-sharing role with the great powers in addressing the concerns of non-aligned states with regard to these operations. Secondly in looking at an expanded scope for regimes, the emergence of a regime in the issue of ozone depletion may provide a foundation to analyse how non-aligned middle powers may play a bridge-building role between North and South in the issue of climate change. Middle powers could therefore play this role in the absence of United States leadership within this issue. Thirdly, the role of the Cairns Group within the Uruguay Round in addressing non-aligned states’ interests of maintaining stable agricultural trade, can be seen as a model of small group multilateralism in bridging the divide between the major powers in issue specific areas.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2000
- Authors: Chetty, Mahesh
- Date: 2000
- Subjects: Non-Aligned Movement , Nonalignment , Nonalignment -- Developing countries , International police
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2767 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002977 , Non-Aligned Movement , Nonalignment , Nonalignment -- Developing countries , International police
- Description: With the disappearance of the superpower conflict that characterised the Cold War era, many observers have begun to question whether the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM) has a role to play in the post Cold War era. However the emergence of a number of issues on the international agenda, such as United Nations peacekeeping operations, global environmental issues and an increasing unwillingness on the part of the major economic powers to abide by GATT/WTO rules, have increasingly become of concern to non-aligned states. However whilst the United States has recognised that these issues require leadership in dealing with them, it has not been willing to supply that leadership. It shall therefore be argued that the changing nature of hegemony in world politics has set conditions that allow non-aligned middle powers and institutions greater scope for action and influence. The emergence of these issues has provided a scope for non-aligned middle powers, acting in accordance with their interests to play alternate leadership roles within an expanded scope for institutions, such as organisations, regimes and multilateralism, in addressing the interests of non-aligned states. Firstly in looking at an expanded role for organisations, the United States has increasingly been unwilling to play a leadership role within UN peacekeeping operations. The continuing importance of the neutrality of UN peacekeeping operations has provided a scope for nonaligned middle powers to play a burden-sharing role with the great powers in addressing the concerns of non-aligned states with regard to these operations. Secondly in looking at an expanded scope for regimes, the emergence of a regime in the issue of ozone depletion may provide a foundation to analyse how non-aligned middle powers may play a bridge-building role between North and South in the issue of climate change. Middle powers could therefore play this role in the absence of United States leadership within this issue. Thirdly, the role of the Cairns Group within the Uruguay Round in addressing non-aligned states’ interests of maintaining stable agricultural trade, can be seen as a model of small group multilateralism in bridging the divide between the major powers in issue specific areas.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2000
Conflict, contradiction and crisis: an analysis of the politics of AIDS policy in post-Apartheid South Africa
- Authors: Fletcher, Haley Kim
- Date: 2009
- Subjects: AIDS (Disease) -- Political aspects -- Africa, Southern AIDS (Disease) -- Political aspects -- South Africa AIDS (Disease) -- Government policy -- South Africa Africa -- Politics and government
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2775 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002985
- Description: Despite the profound impacts of HIV and AIDS on all sectors of South African society, governmental responses to the AIDS epidemic have been inundated with contradiction, conflict and contestation. Though governmental leaders have justified not funding HIV treatment programs because they believe that poverty needs to be dealt with first, social spending has been slashed as part of an adherence to a neo-liberal economic model. Though it would seem that the government would seem to have everything to gain by establishing a cooperative relationship with non-governmental actors regarding the epidemic, the relationship between the government and non-governmental actors has instead been described as nothing short of hostile. Though the government enthusiastically backed Virodene, a supposed treatment for AIDS that turned out to be no more than an industrial solvent, other ‘scientifically backed’ AIDS treatments have been treated with caution and skepticism – to the point where the government even refused to provide funding for programs to prevent mother to child transmission of the virus. And perhaps the most perplexing is that although widely respected for his intellect and cool demeanor, former President Mbeki chose to risk his political career on the AIDS issue by shunning away from the mainstream consensus on the biomedical causes of the epidemic and instead surrounded himself and sought advice from AIDS ‘dissidents’ This thesis will seek explanations for these apparent contradictions. Using Bourdieu’s (1986) typology of capitals, it will build on an argument put forward by Helen Schneider (2002): from the South African government’s perspective, the contestation regarding HIV and AIDS policy and implementation is over symbolic capital, or the right to legitimately hold and exercise political power regarding the epidemic. Though this argument helps explain the conflictual relationship between the government and non-governmental actors regarding the AIDS crisis, in order to understand the perplexing contradictions within the governmental policy response, the political context of policy formation must first be taken into consideration.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2009
- Authors: Fletcher, Haley Kim
- Date: 2009
- Subjects: AIDS (Disease) -- Political aspects -- Africa, Southern AIDS (Disease) -- Political aspects -- South Africa AIDS (Disease) -- Government policy -- South Africa Africa -- Politics and government
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2775 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002985
- Description: Despite the profound impacts of HIV and AIDS on all sectors of South African society, governmental responses to the AIDS epidemic have been inundated with contradiction, conflict and contestation. Though governmental leaders have justified not funding HIV treatment programs because they believe that poverty needs to be dealt with first, social spending has been slashed as part of an adherence to a neo-liberal economic model. Though it would seem that the government would seem to have everything to gain by establishing a cooperative relationship with non-governmental actors regarding the epidemic, the relationship between the government and non-governmental actors has instead been described as nothing short of hostile. Though the government enthusiastically backed Virodene, a supposed treatment for AIDS that turned out to be no more than an industrial solvent, other ‘scientifically backed’ AIDS treatments have been treated with caution and skepticism – to the point where the government even refused to provide funding for programs to prevent mother to child transmission of the virus. And perhaps the most perplexing is that although widely respected for his intellect and cool demeanor, former President Mbeki chose to risk his political career on the AIDS issue by shunning away from the mainstream consensus on the biomedical causes of the epidemic and instead surrounded himself and sought advice from AIDS ‘dissidents’ This thesis will seek explanations for these apparent contradictions. Using Bourdieu’s (1986) typology of capitals, it will build on an argument put forward by Helen Schneider (2002): from the South African government’s perspective, the contestation regarding HIV and AIDS policy and implementation is over symbolic capital, or the right to legitimately hold and exercise political power regarding the epidemic. Though this argument helps explain the conflictual relationship between the government and non-governmental actors regarding the AIDS crisis, in order to understand the perplexing contradictions within the governmental policy response, the political context of policy formation must first be taken into consideration.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2009
Constitutional frameworks and democratization in Africa since independence
- Authors: Neirynck, Karim
- Date: 2000
- Subjects: Democracy -- Africa , Constitutions -- Africa , Africa -- Politics and government -- 1960-
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2816 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003026 , Democracy -- Africa , Constitutions -- Africa , Africa -- Politics and government -- 1960-
- Description: The subject of this thesis is international studies, specifically a study of constitutional frameworks in Africa in the second half of the 20th century, focussing on a statistical correlation between constitutional frameworks, party systems, electoral systems and the Index of Democracy. The struggle to consolidate new democracies - especially those in Eastern Europe, Latin America and Asia - has given rise to a wide-ranging debate about the hard choices concerning democratic political institutions and political markets. According to Stepan and Skach " this literature has produced provocative hypotheses about the effects of institutions on democracy" (Stepan and Skach, 1993 : 1). It forms part of the' new institutionalism I literature in comparative politics that'holds as a premise that political democracy depends not only on economic and social conditions but also on the design of political institutions (Koelble, 1995 : 231-243). " One fundamental political-institutional question that has only received serious scholarly attention concerns the impact of different constitutional frameworks on democratic consolidation. Although the topic has been increasingly debated and discussed, little systematic cross-regional evidence [especially for our field of research: Africa] has been brought to bear on it " (Stepan and Skach, 1993 : 1-2). So far, only the book"on regime transitions in Africa written by Bratton and Van De Walle seeks to fill this empirical gap (Bratton and Van De Walle, 1997, preface xiii). In this thesis, we paid particular attention to the dichotomy between (pure) parliamentarism and (pure) presidentialism. Each type has fundamental characteristics, and for the purposes of classification these characteristics are necessary and sufficient. It was not our purpose to weigh the benefits and drawbacks of parliamentarism and presidentialism. Our intention was to report and analyse different sources of data, and we based our case exclusively on statistic correlatiohs between regime type and the record of democratic success and failure. We collected a data set about constitutional frameworks (matrix1), democracy indices (matrix2), party systems (matrix3) and election systems (matrix4). The basis for matrix 1 was the constitutions of the African countries (over time) and relevant literature. The basis for matrix 2 was the annual Freedom House ratings made by Raymond D. Gastil and others. The basis for matrix 3 and 4 was relevant literature. Once these matrices had been composed, we compared them and calculated statistic correlations. This long-dyration model allowed us to estimate whether African constitutional frameworks, party systems and electoral systems exhibit positive or negative correlation with the index of democracy.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2000
- Authors: Neirynck, Karim
- Date: 2000
- Subjects: Democracy -- Africa , Constitutions -- Africa , Africa -- Politics and government -- 1960-
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2816 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003026 , Democracy -- Africa , Constitutions -- Africa , Africa -- Politics and government -- 1960-
- Description: The subject of this thesis is international studies, specifically a study of constitutional frameworks in Africa in the second half of the 20th century, focussing on a statistical correlation between constitutional frameworks, party systems, electoral systems and the Index of Democracy. The struggle to consolidate new democracies - especially those in Eastern Europe, Latin America and Asia - has given rise to a wide-ranging debate about the hard choices concerning democratic political institutions and political markets. According to Stepan and Skach " this literature has produced provocative hypotheses about the effects of institutions on democracy" (Stepan and Skach, 1993 : 1). It forms part of the' new institutionalism I literature in comparative politics that'holds as a premise that political democracy depends not only on economic and social conditions but also on the design of political institutions (Koelble, 1995 : 231-243). " One fundamental political-institutional question that has only received serious scholarly attention concerns the impact of different constitutional frameworks on democratic consolidation. Although the topic has been increasingly debated and discussed, little systematic cross-regional evidence [especially for our field of research: Africa] has been brought to bear on it " (Stepan and Skach, 1993 : 1-2). So far, only the book"on regime transitions in Africa written by Bratton and Van De Walle seeks to fill this empirical gap (Bratton and Van De Walle, 1997, preface xiii). In this thesis, we paid particular attention to the dichotomy between (pure) parliamentarism and (pure) presidentialism. Each type has fundamental characteristics, and for the purposes of classification these characteristics are necessary and sufficient. It was not our purpose to weigh the benefits and drawbacks of parliamentarism and presidentialism. Our intention was to report and analyse different sources of data, and we based our case exclusively on statistic correlatiohs between regime type and the record of democratic success and failure. We collected a data set about constitutional frameworks (matrix1), democracy indices (matrix2), party systems (matrix3) and election systems (matrix4). The basis for matrix 1 was the constitutions of the African countries (over time) and relevant literature. The basis for matrix 2 was the annual Freedom House ratings made by Raymond D. Gastil and others. The basis for matrix 3 and 4 was relevant literature. Once these matrices had been composed, we compared them and calculated statistic correlations. This long-dyration model allowed us to estimate whether African constitutional frameworks, party systems and electoral systems exhibit positive or negative correlation with the index of democracy.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2000
Defining governance in Uganda in a changing world order, 1962-94
- Authors: Kintu-Nyago, Crispin
- Date: 1996
- Subjects: Uganda -- Politics and government , Uganda -- Economic conditions , World politics , International relations
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2788 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002998 , Uganda -- Politics and government , Uganda -- Economic conditions , World politics , International relations
- Description: This study argues that much of early post colonial Uganda's political developments, had its roots in the colonial patterns of governance. It was, however, the imperative of Uganda's early post colonial rulers to have formulated and maintained conditions for legitimate and orderly governance. Largely, this required a coherent political class with a mass based and mobilising political movement, that moreover had a political programme that catered for the interests of its support base. Indeed, their opting to negate these very prerequisite conditions, contributed greatly to Uganda's subsequent political disorder, and it's further marginalisation in the International Political Economy. This study suggests that since the impact of colonialism in Uganda, its governance policies have closely been linked to the broader dictates of the International Political Economy. A reality that the policy makers in post colonial Uganda should have realised, and in the process attempted to advantageously adapt to the Ugandan situation. Their was a qualitative improvement in Uganda's governance from 1986. This study illustrates that this was a result of the emerging into power of a political class, whose policies deliberately and strenuously attempted to fulfil the above mentioned criteria. Their is need to link Uganda's foreign and governance policies. Consequently a conscious and deliberate effort has to made by its policy makers, to ensure that the two are amicably adapted to each other, so as to derive the best possible benefits. For instance what Uganda needs in the existing New World Order are development, domestic and foreign investments and export markets for its produce. All of which can only be obtained if political order through a legitimate political system and government exists. With a leadership, that moreover, deliberately attracts foreign investments and creates the enabling conditions for competitive economic production. The onus is upon Ugandans to ensure that they institutionalise conditions for their appropriate governance and foreign policies. For this thesis argues that the International Political Economy is dynamic, and Uganda was never predestined to be at its margins.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1996
- Authors: Kintu-Nyago, Crispin
- Date: 1996
- Subjects: Uganda -- Politics and government , Uganda -- Economic conditions , World politics , International relations
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2788 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002998 , Uganda -- Politics and government , Uganda -- Economic conditions , World politics , International relations
- Description: This study argues that much of early post colonial Uganda's political developments, had its roots in the colonial patterns of governance. It was, however, the imperative of Uganda's early post colonial rulers to have formulated and maintained conditions for legitimate and orderly governance. Largely, this required a coherent political class with a mass based and mobilising political movement, that moreover had a political programme that catered for the interests of its support base. Indeed, their opting to negate these very prerequisite conditions, contributed greatly to Uganda's subsequent political disorder, and it's further marginalisation in the International Political Economy. This study suggests that since the impact of colonialism in Uganda, its governance policies have closely been linked to the broader dictates of the International Political Economy. A reality that the policy makers in post colonial Uganda should have realised, and in the process attempted to advantageously adapt to the Ugandan situation. Their was a qualitative improvement in Uganda's governance from 1986. This study illustrates that this was a result of the emerging into power of a political class, whose policies deliberately and strenuously attempted to fulfil the above mentioned criteria. Their is need to link Uganda's foreign and governance policies. Consequently a conscious and deliberate effort has to made by its policy makers, to ensure that the two are amicably adapted to each other, so as to derive the best possible benefits. For instance what Uganda needs in the existing New World Order are development, domestic and foreign investments and export markets for its produce. All of which can only be obtained if political order through a legitimate political system and government exists. With a leadership, that moreover, deliberately attracts foreign investments and creates the enabling conditions for competitive economic production. The onus is upon Ugandans to ensure that they institutionalise conditions for their appropriate governance and foreign policies. For this thesis argues that the International Political Economy is dynamic, and Uganda was never predestined to be at its margins.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1996
Democracy and party dominance in Kenya and South Africa : a comparative study of the Kenya African National Union and the African National Congres
- Authors: Mwangi, Oscar Gakuo
- Date: 2013-08-15
- Subjects: Kenya African National Union African National Congress Political parties -- South Africa Political parties -- Kenya Democracy -- South Africa Democracy -- Kenya South Africa -- Politics and government Kenya -- Politics and government
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: vital:2876 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1008431
- Description: Kenya and South Africa can be described as dominant party systems, under the dominance of the Kenya African National Union CKANU) and the African National Congress CANC) respectively. A dominant party system is in essence a democracy. The spirit of democracy may, however, apparently be contradicted by the weight of party dominance, thus questioning the content of and prospects for democracy under party dominance in both Kenya and South Africa. The study is a comparative analysis of party dominance in Kenya and South Africa. The main objective is to exan1ine the relationship between party dominance and democracy in both countries. It seeks to find out how party dominance is reproducing itself and surviving the post 1990 transition processes in Kenya and South Africa. More importantly, the study also seeks to find out how party dominance impacts upon institutions that support or uphold democratization and subsequently democracy. The findings of the study demonstrate that party dominance has reproduced itself and survived the post-1990 period, and is also impacting upon democratization and democracy. The dominant parties take a similar trajectory in pursuit of dominance over the state and its apparatuses. However, they differ when it comes to their relationship with the civil society. That between KANU and civil society is antagonistic, as the ruling party seeks to augment political power through authoritarian dominance of the latter to, while that of the ANC and civil society is responsive, as the former seeks to enhance political stability in the country. The impact of party dominance upon institutions that support democracy takes similar and different trajectories in both countries. Similarities arise with respect to the detrimental impact upon institutions of the Executive that ensure accountability and transparency, evident in the increasing cases of corruption, nepotism and political patronage appointments. Similarly, there has been a detrimental impact upon the Legislature regarding parliamentary proceedings. Parliamentary committees and opposition parties are being rendered ineffective as organs of ensuring transparency and accountability, and are often subject to delegitimation. The impact of party dominance on the Judiciary, however, differs in both countries. In Kenya, the judiciary continues to suffer from excessive interference from the Executive and the ruling party, whereas in South Africa the judicial system remains largely independent with regard to the application of justice, despite constant criticisms from the dominant party. The study concludes that South Africa is, gradually, going the Kenyan way. If this condition is left unchecked there is the possibility that South Africa could eventually end up a psuedo-democracy like Kenya, where formal democratic political institutions such as multiparty elections, exist to mask the reality of authoritarian dominance. The thesis recommends that strengthening civil society organizations, opposition political parties, and state institutions in both countries to ensure greater accountability and transparency, will reverse this detrimental effect of party dominance. It also recommends meaningful constitutional reforms that will guarantee greater independence of these institutions, and the decentralization of governmental and political power to check and limit the powers of the dominant party. Also recommended are areas for further research. , KMBT_363 , Adobe Acrobat 9.54 Paper Capture Plug-in
- Full Text:
- Authors: Mwangi, Oscar Gakuo
- Date: 2013-08-15
- Subjects: Kenya African National Union African National Congress Political parties -- South Africa Political parties -- Kenya Democracy -- South Africa Democracy -- Kenya South Africa -- Politics and government Kenya -- Politics and government
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: vital:2876 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1008431
- Description: Kenya and South Africa can be described as dominant party systems, under the dominance of the Kenya African National Union CKANU) and the African National Congress CANC) respectively. A dominant party system is in essence a democracy. The spirit of democracy may, however, apparently be contradicted by the weight of party dominance, thus questioning the content of and prospects for democracy under party dominance in both Kenya and South Africa. The study is a comparative analysis of party dominance in Kenya and South Africa. The main objective is to exan1ine the relationship between party dominance and democracy in both countries. It seeks to find out how party dominance is reproducing itself and surviving the post 1990 transition processes in Kenya and South Africa. More importantly, the study also seeks to find out how party dominance impacts upon institutions that support or uphold democratization and subsequently democracy. The findings of the study demonstrate that party dominance has reproduced itself and survived the post-1990 period, and is also impacting upon democratization and democracy. The dominant parties take a similar trajectory in pursuit of dominance over the state and its apparatuses. However, they differ when it comes to their relationship with the civil society. That between KANU and civil society is antagonistic, as the ruling party seeks to augment political power through authoritarian dominance of the latter to, while that of the ANC and civil society is responsive, as the former seeks to enhance political stability in the country. The impact of party dominance upon institutions that support democracy takes similar and different trajectories in both countries. Similarities arise with respect to the detrimental impact upon institutions of the Executive that ensure accountability and transparency, evident in the increasing cases of corruption, nepotism and political patronage appointments. Similarly, there has been a detrimental impact upon the Legislature regarding parliamentary proceedings. Parliamentary committees and opposition parties are being rendered ineffective as organs of ensuring transparency and accountability, and are often subject to delegitimation. The impact of party dominance on the Judiciary, however, differs in both countries. In Kenya, the judiciary continues to suffer from excessive interference from the Executive and the ruling party, whereas in South Africa the judicial system remains largely independent with regard to the application of justice, despite constant criticisms from the dominant party. The study concludes that South Africa is, gradually, going the Kenyan way. If this condition is left unchecked there is the possibility that South Africa could eventually end up a psuedo-democracy like Kenya, where formal democratic political institutions such as multiparty elections, exist to mask the reality of authoritarian dominance. The thesis recommends that strengthening civil society organizations, opposition political parties, and state institutions in both countries to ensure greater accountability and transparency, will reverse this detrimental effect of party dominance. It also recommends meaningful constitutional reforms that will guarantee greater independence of these institutions, and the decentralization of governmental and political power to check and limit the powers of the dominant party. Also recommended are areas for further research. , KMBT_363 , Adobe Acrobat 9.54 Paper Capture Plug-in
- Full Text:
Die administratiewe funksionering van bewindsinstellings in die Ciskei met besondere verwysing na plaaslike bestuur
- Authors: Groenewald, David Marais
- Date: 1976
- Subjects: Public institutions -- Administration -- South Africa -- Ciskei , Public institutions -- Management -- South Africa -- Ciskei , Public institutions -- Government -- South Africa -- Ciskei
- Language: Afrikaans
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2877 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1012099 , Public institutions -- Administration -- South Africa -- Ciskei , Public institutions -- Management -- South Africa -- Ciskei , Public institutions -- Government -- South Africa -- Ciskei
- Description: As gevolg van die ongekonsolideerde aard van die Bantoegebiede in die Ciskei is dit onmoontlik om diè gebied te begrens binne bepaalde relief kenmerke, soos bv. berge en riviere; of selfs binne administratiewe grense soos bv. magistraatsdistrikte. Intro., p. 1
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1976
- Authors: Groenewald, David Marais
- Date: 1976
- Subjects: Public institutions -- Administration -- South Africa -- Ciskei , Public institutions -- Management -- South Africa -- Ciskei , Public institutions -- Government -- South Africa -- Ciskei
- Language: Afrikaans
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2877 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1012099 , Public institutions -- Administration -- South Africa -- Ciskei , Public institutions -- Management -- South Africa -- Ciskei , Public institutions -- Government -- South Africa -- Ciskei
- Description: As gevolg van die ongekonsolideerde aard van die Bantoegebiede in die Ciskei is dit onmoontlik om diè gebied te begrens binne bepaalde relief kenmerke, soos bv. berge en riviere; of selfs binne administratiewe grense soos bv. magistraatsdistrikte. Intro., p. 1
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1976
Donor conditionalities and democratisation in Kenya, 1991-1997
- Authors: Muriuki, Irene
- Date: 2000
- Subjects: Economic assistance -- Political aspects -- Kenya , Democracy -- Kenya , Elections -- Kenya , Kenya -- Politics and government -- 1978-2002
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2812 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003022 , Economic assistance -- Political aspects -- Kenya , Democracy -- Kenya , Elections -- Kenya , Kenya -- Politics and government -- 1978-2002
- Description: The end of the Cold War and the collapse of the Soviet Union has encouraged democratisation in most parts of Africa. At the same time, Western donors' attitudes towards r~cipients of foreign aid have changed. This has resulted in a new practice, which attempts to force Third World states to move toward liberal democracy by conditioning lending on the holding of mUlti-party elections. In Africa this has resulted to the holding of multi-party elections. This study attempts to examine donor conditionalities and democratisation in Kenya by examining the results of 1992 and 1997 multi-party elections. Kenya attained independence from the British and ushered in a multi-party democracy in 1963. Since then, the country has undergone a full circle of political development, starting with a multi-party democracy at independence, through a one party dictatorship between 1982 and 1992 and back to a multi-party democracy in 1993. The need to satisfy foreign donors forced the leadership to amend Section 2(A) of Kenya' s constitution that had legalised single-party rule in 1982 thus allowing plural politics. The externally pressured transition to multi-party democracy though has resulted in increased corruption, state-sponsored ethnic violence, continued political authoritarianism and disastrous economic mismanagement of what was once considered a model for the continent. This study urges that Western donors should focus less on elections and more on the fostering of democratic institutions through breaking patterns of neo-patrimonial rule that have inforn1ed and continue to inform politics in Kenya. Political reforms have been resisted by the incumbency in the fear tha! they may curtail the power of the political leadership whose main objective has been to cling to power.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2000
- Authors: Muriuki, Irene
- Date: 2000
- Subjects: Economic assistance -- Political aspects -- Kenya , Democracy -- Kenya , Elections -- Kenya , Kenya -- Politics and government -- 1978-2002
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2812 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003022 , Economic assistance -- Political aspects -- Kenya , Democracy -- Kenya , Elections -- Kenya , Kenya -- Politics and government -- 1978-2002
- Description: The end of the Cold War and the collapse of the Soviet Union has encouraged democratisation in most parts of Africa. At the same time, Western donors' attitudes towards r~cipients of foreign aid have changed. This has resulted in a new practice, which attempts to force Third World states to move toward liberal democracy by conditioning lending on the holding of mUlti-party elections. In Africa this has resulted to the holding of multi-party elections. This study attempts to examine donor conditionalities and democratisation in Kenya by examining the results of 1992 and 1997 multi-party elections. Kenya attained independence from the British and ushered in a multi-party democracy in 1963. Since then, the country has undergone a full circle of political development, starting with a multi-party democracy at independence, through a one party dictatorship between 1982 and 1992 and back to a multi-party democracy in 1993. The need to satisfy foreign donors forced the leadership to amend Section 2(A) of Kenya' s constitution that had legalised single-party rule in 1982 thus allowing plural politics. The externally pressured transition to multi-party democracy though has resulted in increased corruption, state-sponsored ethnic violence, continued political authoritarianism and disastrous economic mismanagement of what was once considered a model for the continent. This study urges that Western donors should focus less on elections and more on the fostering of democratic institutions through breaking patterns of neo-patrimonial rule that have inforn1ed and continue to inform politics in Kenya. Political reforms have been resisted by the incumbency in the fear tha! they may curtail the power of the political leadership whose main objective has been to cling to power.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2000
Failure rather than success : conflict management and resolution in the Democratic Republic of Congo, 1996-1999
- Authors: Munyae, Isaac Muinde
- Date: 2001
- Subjects: Conflict management -- Congo (Democratic Republic) , Dispute resolution (Law) -- Congo (Democratic Republic). , Congo (Democratic Republic) -- History -- 1997-
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2856 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1007427 , Conflict management -- Congo (Democratic Republic) , Dispute resolution (Law) -- Congo (Democratic Republic). , Congo (Democratic Republic) -- History -- 1997-
- Description: History has proven time and time again that conflict is an inevitable aspect of any given society. The seemingly long-standing nature of conflicts in Africa has been changing over time and these conflicts have been either inter-state or intra-state. However, sometimes intrastate wars have escalated into regional conflicts. These scenarios can be seen in the Great Lakes region of Africa where you have the civil war of 1996-7 and the rebellion, which began in 1998 in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). In the DRC there have been at least four stages of conflict. The first is against the Belgians and secondly, the civil strife of the early 1960s. Third, is the civil strife against Mobutu and fourthly, currently against Kabila. The expanding nature of conflict is characterised by power struggles, politicisation of ethnicity, and the impact of external forces. It is noted that the expanding nature of conflict calls for a change in the methods of conflict management and resolution. Initially conflicts were resolved through military intervention. but with the complexity of African wars it has become apparent that peaceful methods are more prudent. With reference to Africa it can be assumed that conflicts need to be increasingly resolved through political means, such as the use of the diplomatic process. The conflict in Chad between 1968 and 1984 is a good example in which military intervention was used but failed, giving way to mediation and negotiation through the use of diplomacy. Both the DRC and Chadian conflicts are similar because they witnessed the influence of external forces (neighbouring countries and non-African states such as France and the US) and African states attempting to find solutions to their own problems. The conflict in the DRC provides a unique example of the changing nature of intra-state conflict in Africa. Thus, the study aims to trace the characteristics of conflict in the DRC and attempts made at conflict management and resolution. The study uses the period bet ween 1996 and 1999 because it highlights this change in the nature and character of conflict.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2001
- Authors: Munyae, Isaac Muinde
- Date: 2001
- Subjects: Conflict management -- Congo (Democratic Republic) , Dispute resolution (Law) -- Congo (Democratic Republic). , Congo (Democratic Republic) -- History -- 1997-
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2856 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1007427 , Conflict management -- Congo (Democratic Republic) , Dispute resolution (Law) -- Congo (Democratic Republic). , Congo (Democratic Republic) -- History -- 1997-
- Description: History has proven time and time again that conflict is an inevitable aspect of any given society. The seemingly long-standing nature of conflicts in Africa has been changing over time and these conflicts have been either inter-state or intra-state. However, sometimes intrastate wars have escalated into regional conflicts. These scenarios can be seen in the Great Lakes region of Africa where you have the civil war of 1996-7 and the rebellion, which began in 1998 in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). In the DRC there have been at least four stages of conflict. The first is against the Belgians and secondly, the civil strife of the early 1960s. Third, is the civil strife against Mobutu and fourthly, currently against Kabila. The expanding nature of conflict is characterised by power struggles, politicisation of ethnicity, and the impact of external forces. It is noted that the expanding nature of conflict calls for a change in the methods of conflict management and resolution. Initially conflicts were resolved through military intervention. but with the complexity of African wars it has become apparent that peaceful methods are more prudent. With reference to Africa it can be assumed that conflicts need to be increasingly resolved through political means, such as the use of the diplomatic process. The conflict in Chad between 1968 and 1984 is a good example in which military intervention was used but failed, giving way to mediation and negotiation through the use of diplomacy. Both the DRC and Chadian conflicts are similar because they witnessed the influence of external forces (neighbouring countries and non-African states such as France and the US) and African states attempting to find solutions to their own problems. The conflict in the DRC provides a unique example of the changing nature of intra-state conflict in Africa. Thus, the study aims to trace the characteristics of conflict in the DRC and attempts made at conflict management and resolution. The study uses the period bet ween 1996 and 1999 because it highlights this change in the nature and character of conflict.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2001
Foreign labour migration to South Africa after apartheid: continuity or change?
- Authors: Myataza, Lutando Samuel
- Date: 1995
- Subjects: Foreign workers -- South Africa , Black people -- Employment -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2813 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003023 , Foreign workers -- South Africa , Black people -- Employment -- South Africa
- Description: Migrant labour constitutes one of the perennial problems of the political economy of the Southern African region. The movement of people between their home countries and the gold mines in South Africa is over a hundred years old. In this sense, labour migrancy predates apartheid, and is now threatening to outlive it. Migrants working in South Africa make up a sizable proportion of the total wage earning population of the neighbouring countries (Botswana, Lesotho, Swaziland, Mozambique and Malawi). Their entrenched dependence on migrant-based revenue has made them vulnerable to fluctuations in labour flows to the gold mines (Davies, 1992) The developments since the first quarter of 1988 have altered the terms of debate on migrant labour. With the independence of Namibia and the establishment of a new government in South Africa, to name but a few, the pattern of future regional cooperation has become a central issue. Likewise, the debate about labour migrancy has entered a new phase. Given the current political changes, and yet to take place, this study constitutes a modest attempt to contribute to the debate by examining the prospects of restructuring of labour migrancy to the gold mining industry. The central aim of this undertaking will be to establish what the future holds for the foreign component of the labour force. The focus here will be on the emerging debates in this area, policy pronouncements by major stakeholders, the Chamber of Mines and the new Government of National Unity. However, an informed forecast on the future of labour migrancy is possible only if we establish the conditions that created it in the first place; how it has been constructed overtime; and the successive moments of transformation in the system. In this regard, this study will locate the origins and development of labour migration in its proper historical context ~ before drawing conclusions about the future of the system. In this scholarly pursuit one does not pretend to break a new ground but rather to re-interpret the current literature on migration and establish whether the current pattern of labour migration will change. The research will be based mainly on secondary materials, drawing extensively on published materials, journals and articles.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1995
- Authors: Myataza, Lutando Samuel
- Date: 1995
- Subjects: Foreign workers -- South Africa , Black people -- Employment -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2813 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003023 , Foreign workers -- South Africa , Black people -- Employment -- South Africa
- Description: Migrant labour constitutes one of the perennial problems of the political economy of the Southern African region. The movement of people between their home countries and the gold mines in South Africa is over a hundred years old. In this sense, labour migrancy predates apartheid, and is now threatening to outlive it. Migrants working in South Africa make up a sizable proportion of the total wage earning population of the neighbouring countries (Botswana, Lesotho, Swaziland, Mozambique and Malawi). Their entrenched dependence on migrant-based revenue has made them vulnerable to fluctuations in labour flows to the gold mines (Davies, 1992) The developments since the first quarter of 1988 have altered the terms of debate on migrant labour. With the independence of Namibia and the establishment of a new government in South Africa, to name but a few, the pattern of future regional cooperation has become a central issue. Likewise, the debate about labour migrancy has entered a new phase. Given the current political changes, and yet to take place, this study constitutes a modest attempt to contribute to the debate by examining the prospects of restructuring of labour migrancy to the gold mining industry. The central aim of this undertaking will be to establish what the future holds for the foreign component of the labour force. The focus here will be on the emerging debates in this area, policy pronouncements by major stakeholders, the Chamber of Mines and the new Government of National Unity. However, an informed forecast on the future of labour migrancy is possible only if we establish the conditions that created it in the first place; how it has been constructed overtime; and the successive moments of transformation in the system. In this regard, this study will locate the origins and development of labour migration in its proper historical context ~ before drawing conclusions about the future of the system. In this scholarly pursuit one does not pretend to break a new ground but rather to re-interpret the current literature on migration and establish whether the current pattern of labour migration will change. The research will be based mainly on secondary materials, drawing extensively on published materials, journals and articles.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1995
Formulating the African National Congress' foreign investment policy in the transition to a post-apartheid South Africa: problems, pressures and constraints
- Authors: Carim, Xavier
- Date: 1995
- Subjects: Investments, Foreign -- South Africa , Political stability -- South Africa , African National Congress -- Foreign economic relations , South Africa -- Foreign economic relations , South Africa -- Economic policy , South Africa -- Economic conditions -- 1991-
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2764 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002974 , Investments, Foreign -- South Africa , Political stability -- South Africa , African National Congress -- Foreign economic relations , South Africa -- Foreign economic relations , South Africa -- Economic policy , South Africa -- Economic conditions -- 1991-
- Description: This study examines the wide-ranging and critical factors which have impacted on the African National Congress' (ANC) emerging foreign investment policy. It identifies and analyses the matrix of political and socio-economic factors which have combined at global and national levels to shape ANC policy perspectives towards foreign direct investment (FDI). In so doing, the study adopts an eclectic theoretical and methodological approach. It draws on various theoretical traditions to propose a framework that is heuristic and contingent, rather than axiomatic. With regard to foreign investment, in particular, it recommends a theoretical pluralism emphasising 'engagement' through praxis and sound political (state) action. The study argues that the ANC has reconsidered many of its basic assumptions on the nature of the post-apartheid economy and discusses the reasons for those shifts. The reasons include, in particular, global political and economic trends and the balance of forces in South Africa. These have combined to ensure the ANC's broad acceptance of an 'open-door policy' towards FDI so long as it occurs on terms not inconsistent with national objectives. The emerging policy sees the state playing an active role in encouraging and guiding FDI to specific areas and sectors supportive of broad-based development. Foreign investors will be encouraged to form joint ventures with emerging black businesses and agree to foster training, skills development and affirmative action. Harnessing the benefits of FDI will be important for the success of wider strategies designed to place the economy on a firmer, more sustainable growth path.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1995
- Authors: Carim, Xavier
- Date: 1995
- Subjects: Investments, Foreign -- South Africa , Political stability -- South Africa , African National Congress -- Foreign economic relations , South Africa -- Foreign economic relations , South Africa -- Economic policy , South Africa -- Economic conditions -- 1991-
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2764 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002974 , Investments, Foreign -- South Africa , Political stability -- South Africa , African National Congress -- Foreign economic relations , South Africa -- Foreign economic relations , South Africa -- Economic policy , South Africa -- Economic conditions -- 1991-
- Description: This study examines the wide-ranging and critical factors which have impacted on the African National Congress' (ANC) emerging foreign investment policy. It identifies and analyses the matrix of political and socio-economic factors which have combined at global and national levels to shape ANC policy perspectives towards foreign direct investment (FDI). In so doing, the study adopts an eclectic theoretical and methodological approach. It draws on various theoretical traditions to propose a framework that is heuristic and contingent, rather than axiomatic. With regard to foreign investment, in particular, it recommends a theoretical pluralism emphasising 'engagement' through praxis and sound political (state) action. The study argues that the ANC has reconsidered many of its basic assumptions on the nature of the post-apartheid economy and discusses the reasons for those shifts. The reasons include, in particular, global political and economic trends and the balance of forces in South Africa. These have combined to ensure the ANC's broad acceptance of an 'open-door policy' towards FDI so long as it occurs on terms not inconsistent with national objectives. The emerging policy sees the state playing an active role in encouraging and guiding FDI to specific areas and sectors supportive of broad-based development. Foreign investors will be encouraged to form joint ventures with emerging black businesses and agree to foster training, skills development and affirmative action. Harnessing the benefits of FDI will be important for the success of wider strategies designed to place the economy on a firmer, more sustainable growth path.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1995
From confrontation to co-operation: new security challenges facing post-apartheid Southern Africa
- Authors: Monnakgotla, Kgomotso
- Date: 1998
- Subjects: Economic security -- Africa, Southern , Cooperation -- Africa, Southern , Africa, Southern -- Economic policy , Africa, Southern -- Foreign relations
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2807 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003017 , Economic security -- Africa, Southern , Cooperation -- Africa, Southern , Africa, Southern -- Economic policy , Africa, Southern -- Foreign relations
- Description: Trite as it may sound, the end of the Cold War is a landmark event in the history of human-kind. As such, this thesis was motivated by some of the international and local events that have taken place since the end of the 1980s. At the international level, the end of the Cold War has encouraged the re-examination of the concept of security. In Southern Africa too, this process has been strengthened by the demise of apartheid in South Africa. Initially challenged by a few academics, the traditional conception of security which perceived the threat to 'national' security primarily in the form of external military aggression no longer enjoys the primacy it was accorded during the Cold War era. A 'new' security discourse has emerged, and even though it has not yet made inroads into many governments' policy papers, there is some realisation that people's security concerns go beyond external military aggression to the state. Proponents of this 'new' thinking make reference to people-centred or human security - the notion that people and not the state, must be the objects of security. Arising from that, they point to the existence of many phenomena which should also be accorded security status especially in developing countries where people are confronted by life-threatening challenges such as disease, poverty, famine, and other challenges which do not necessarily threaten life, but if not tackled with urgency could transform themselves into the more conventional military threats. Here reference is made to the proliferation of small arms, political instability, mass migr?tions, and so on. In a region besotted by many of the challenges mentioned above, a security conception informed by the 'new' approach seems more appropriate. The outcome of the traditional approach to security is well known to the region many millions of lives were lost and it is estimated that billions of dollars in revenue were also lost, all in the name of maintaining the security of the South African state. Seeing neighbouring states as threats to its security because they accommodated liberation movements who occasionally instigated military attacks against Pretoria, the former apartheid state through its policy of 'Total Strategy' terrorised the entire region, including the majority of citizens within South Africa. However, since the end of apartheid in 1994, the new democratically elected South African government has committed itself to help build a politically stable, more secure, economically prosperous and integrated region. Through its accession to the Southern African Development Community (SADC), a body which it once tried to undermine, South Africa has further demonstrated a commitment to tackle some of the region's problems in unison with its former adversaries. Throughout the Southern African region there is a realisation that there are more long-term benefits to be gained by working together to tackle the challenges that confront almost all the countries in the region than trying to solve problems independently. Therefore through SADC, primarily a development-oriented body, Southern African states will also seek to address the region's security concerns. Many of the region's governments seem to show an understanding that security and development are intertwined - that they are two sides of the same coin whereby one cannot be attained without the other. Much as this understanding is laudable, in practice it does not seem as if it will translate to the prominence of so-called development issues or marginal security issues. Accepting the 'new' thinking on security also implies an acceptance of a wider range of security agents. It does not mean that by widening the agenda of security to include nonmilitary threats, more tasks will follow for the 'men' in uniform. What it means is that, the military establishment should no longer be the sole agent of security. Instead, where there is no military threat, resources should be channeled to other establishments such as those of health and research in order to fight the spread of AIDS. Furthermore, departments of water, environmental affairs, and so on, should be part of the security policy-making process. In addition, civil society should also be included in the policy-making process. Notwithstanding its limitations, and without undermining inter-governmental projects, civil society can at best promote security by serving as a watch-dog over policies adopted by governments. South Africa during the era of apartheid is a classic example of how governments cannot always be entrusted with the security of ordinary citizens. However, an examination of the structure and terms of reference of the newly created SADC Organ for Politics, Defence and Security (from henceforth referred to as the Organ) reflects a preponderance of the traditional/realist approach to addressing security concerns. It was conceived by, and is primarily constituted by the traditional establishments of security, that is, the military and the police. Some of the Organ's objectives include; security and defence cooperation through conflict prevention, management and resolution and mediation of disputes and conflicts. Nowhere is it evident that others besides those from a military/police background were involved in the formation of this important body. There is also no indication as to how other dimensions of security will be attained through the Organ. All this casts doubt regarding SADC's actual commitment to a development-oriented, people-centred and people-driven security. Nonetheless, current debates on security give hope to the notion that in the future, people's overall security needs will be addressed.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1998
- Authors: Monnakgotla, Kgomotso
- Date: 1998
- Subjects: Economic security -- Africa, Southern , Cooperation -- Africa, Southern , Africa, Southern -- Economic policy , Africa, Southern -- Foreign relations
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2807 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003017 , Economic security -- Africa, Southern , Cooperation -- Africa, Southern , Africa, Southern -- Economic policy , Africa, Southern -- Foreign relations
- Description: Trite as it may sound, the end of the Cold War is a landmark event in the history of human-kind. As such, this thesis was motivated by some of the international and local events that have taken place since the end of the 1980s. At the international level, the end of the Cold War has encouraged the re-examination of the concept of security. In Southern Africa too, this process has been strengthened by the demise of apartheid in South Africa. Initially challenged by a few academics, the traditional conception of security which perceived the threat to 'national' security primarily in the form of external military aggression no longer enjoys the primacy it was accorded during the Cold War era. A 'new' security discourse has emerged, and even though it has not yet made inroads into many governments' policy papers, there is some realisation that people's security concerns go beyond external military aggression to the state. Proponents of this 'new' thinking make reference to people-centred or human security - the notion that people and not the state, must be the objects of security. Arising from that, they point to the existence of many phenomena which should also be accorded security status especially in developing countries where people are confronted by life-threatening challenges such as disease, poverty, famine, and other challenges which do not necessarily threaten life, but if not tackled with urgency could transform themselves into the more conventional military threats. Here reference is made to the proliferation of small arms, political instability, mass migr?tions, and so on. In a region besotted by many of the challenges mentioned above, a security conception informed by the 'new' approach seems more appropriate. The outcome of the traditional approach to security is well known to the region many millions of lives were lost and it is estimated that billions of dollars in revenue were also lost, all in the name of maintaining the security of the South African state. Seeing neighbouring states as threats to its security because they accommodated liberation movements who occasionally instigated military attacks against Pretoria, the former apartheid state through its policy of 'Total Strategy' terrorised the entire region, including the majority of citizens within South Africa. However, since the end of apartheid in 1994, the new democratically elected South African government has committed itself to help build a politically stable, more secure, economically prosperous and integrated region. Through its accession to the Southern African Development Community (SADC), a body which it once tried to undermine, South Africa has further demonstrated a commitment to tackle some of the region's problems in unison with its former adversaries. Throughout the Southern African region there is a realisation that there are more long-term benefits to be gained by working together to tackle the challenges that confront almost all the countries in the region than trying to solve problems independently. Therefore through SADC, primarily a development-oriented body, Southern African states will also seek to address the region's security concerns. Many of the region's governments seem to show an understanding that security and development are intertwined - that they are two sides of the same coin whereby one cannot be attained without the other. Much as this understanding is laudable, in practice it does not seem as if it will translate to the prominence of so-called development issues or marginal security issues. Accepting the 'new' thinking on security also implies an acceptance of a wider range of security agents. It does not mean that by widening the agenda of security to include nonmilitary threats, more tasks will follow for the 'men' in uniform. What it means is that, the military establishment should no longer be the sole agent of security. Instead, where there is no military threat, resources should be channeled to other establishments such as those of health and research in order to fight the spread of AIDS. Furthermore, departments of water, environmental affairs, and so on, should be part of the security policy-making process. In addition, civil society should also be included in the policy-making process. Notwithstanding its limitations, and without undermining inter-governmental projects, civil society can at best promote security by serving as a watch-dog over policies adopted by governments. South Africa during the era of apartheid is a classic example of how governments cannot always be entrusted with the security of ordinary citizens. However, an examination of the structure and terms of reference of the newly created SADC Organ for Politics, Defence and Security (from henceforth referred to as the Organ) reflects a preponderance of the traditional/realist approach to addressing security concerns. It was conceived by, and is primarily constituted by the traditional establishments of security, that is, the military and the police. Some of the Organ's objectives include; security and defence cooperation through conflict prevention, management and resolution and mediation of disputes and conflicts. Nowhere is it evident that others besides those from a military/police background were involved in the formation of this important body. There is also no indication as to how other dimensions of security will be attained through the Organ. All this casts doubt regarding SADC's actual commitment to a development-oriented, people-centred and people-driven security. Nonetheless, current debates on security give hope to the notion that in the future, people's overall security needs will be addressed.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1998
Grassroots diplomacy between Lesotho and South Africa: the district liaison committees
- Moeletsi, Motheba Gwendoline
- Authors: Moeletsi, Motheba Gwendoline
- Date: 2000
- Subjects: Lesotho -- Foreign relations -- South Africa , South Africa -- Foreign relations -- Lesotho , Africa -- Foreign relations -- 1960- , Africa -- Politics and government -- 1960-
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2805 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003015 , Lesotho -- Foreign relations -- South Africa , South Africa -- Foreign relations -- Lesotho , Africa -- Foreign relations -- 1960- , Africa -- Politics and government -- 1960-
- Description: Cross-border conflicts on the African continent have increased tremendously in the post-colonial years. The widespread border conflicts on the African continent have been attributed to the arbitrariness with which Africa’s national boundaries were drawn during the colonial period. The colonial boundaries have left the doors open for perpetual conflicts among African states. This thesis proposes to investigate the prospects of grassroots diplomacy as an option of dealing with border conflicts with specific reference to the case of Lesotho/South Africa border relations. This is done by critically evaluating the role the District Liaison Committees (DLCs) have played in border relations between Lesotho and South Africa. The Lesotho and South African governments have institutionalised the resolution of border conflicts at grassroots level through the establishment of the DLCs. The DLCs consists of representatives of border communities in Lesotho and South Africa. The paper introduces a not so familiar concept of involving people at grassroots levels in the conducting of diplomacy between the two neighbouring countries. The central issue implicit in this paper is that grassroots diplomacy is succeeding in the case of Lesotho and South Africa. The DLCs have managed to reduce tension between the two countries along the borders which had existed over a long period of time, thereby, relieving the central governments of some of their duties. The thesis contents that high level conventional diplomacy is not always the answer to cross-border conflicts. The example of Lesotho and South Africa could be followed by other African countries in similar situations.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2000
- Authors: Moeletsi, Motheba Gwendoline
- Date: 2000
- Subjects: Lesotho -- Foreign relations -- South Africa , South Africa -- Foreign relations -- Lesotho , Africa -- Foreign relations -- 1960- , Africa -- Politics and government -- 1960-
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2805 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003015 , Lesotho -- Foreign relations -- South Africa , South Africa -- Foreign relations -- Lesotho , Africa -- Foreign relations -- 1960- , Africa -- Politics and government -- 1960-
- Description: Cross-border conflicts on the African continent have increased tremendously in the post-colonial years. The widespread border conflicts on the African continent have been attributed to the arbitrariness with which Africa’s national boundaries were drawn during the colonial period. The colonial boundaries have left the doors open for perpetual conflicts among African states. This thesis proposes to investigate the prospects of grassroots diplomacy as an option of dealing with border conflicts with specific reference to the case of Lesotho/South Africa border relations. This is done by critically evaluating the role the District Liaison Committees (DLCs) have played in border relations between Lesotho and South Africa. The Lesotho and South African governments have institutionalised the resolution of border conflicts at grassroots level through the establishment of the DLCs. The DLCs consists of representatives of border communities in Lesotho and South Africa. The paper introduces a not so familiar concept of involving people at grassroots levels in the conducting of diplomacy between the two neighbouring countries. The central issue implicit in this paper is that grassroots diplomacy is succeeding in the case of Lesotho and South Africa. The DLCs have managed to reduce tension between the two countries along the borders which had existed over a long period of time, thereby, relieving the central governments of some of their duties. The thesis contents that high level conventional diplomacy is not always the answer to cross-border conflicts. The example of Lesotho and South Africa could be followed by other African countries in similar situations.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2000
How green is our future? Thor Chemicals: a case study in South African environmental policy
- Authors: Flint, Adrian
- Date: 1998
- Subjects: Environmental ethics , Environmental policy -- South Africa , Environmental policy -- South Africa -- Case studies , Environmental degradation -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2776 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002986 , Environmental ethics , Environmental policy -- South Africa , Environmental policy -- South Africa -- Case studies , Environmental degradation -- South Africa
- Description: This study focuses on South African Environmefltal policy; in particular its policies regarding hazardous waste. These policies are addressed within the framework of a case study which serves as basis to critically evaluate government environmental policies both past and present. The thesis examines South African environmental policy against the backdrop of competing schools of thought regarding the relationship between growth and development on the one hand and long term environmental security on the other. Development strategies such as Sustainable Development and the government's Growth, Employment and Redistribution as well as philosophies such as Deep Ecology will be discussed. The thesis argues that Non-Governmental Organisations are the holders of a real environmental ethic and thus their role in preventing environmental degradation is of critical importance. Furthermore, it is imperative that this ethic be disseminated across society if South Africa is to successfully pursue sound environmental policies. This argument is pursued by way of a case study, Thor Chemicals: a company responsible for the running of the largest mercury recovery facility in the world. This plant, which operated in Cato Ridge, KwaZulu-Natal, has been the source of much controversy since it was found that many of its employees and ex-employees were suffering from severe mercury poisoning resulting in two fatalities. The company was also involved in the importation of hazardous wastes as well as the pollution of the surrounding environment. Thor is currently the subject of inquiry by the government-appointed Davis Commission. It is pointed out that ill the past South Africa held no real environmental ethic and environmental degradation ensued as a result. The presented thesis argues that, despite assurances to the contrary, the present government is also without a true environmental ethic that will be effective in preventing future degradation.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1998
- Authors: Flint, Adrian
- Date: 1998
- Subjects: Environmental ethics , Environmental policy -- South Africa , Environmental policy -- South Africa -- Case studies , Environmental degradation -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2776 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002986 , Environmental ethics , Environmental policy -- South Africa , Environmental policy -- South Africa -- Case studies , Environmental degradation -- South Africa
- Description: This study focuses on South African Environmefltal policy; in particular its policies regarding hazardous waste. These policies are addressed within the framework of a case study which serves as basis to critically evaluate government environmental policies both past and present. The thesis examines South African environmental policy against the backdrop of competing schools of thought regarding the relationship between growth and development on the one hand and long term environmental security on the other. Development strategies such as Sustainable Development and the government's Growth, Employment and Redistribution as well as philosophies such as Deep Ecology will be discussed. The thesis argues that Non-Governmental Organisations are the holders of a real environmental ethic and thus their role in preventing environmental degradation is of critical importance. Furthermore, it is imperative that this ethic be disseminated across society if South Africa is to successfully pursue sound environmental policies. This argument is pursued by way of a case study, Thor Chemicals: a company responsible for the running of the largest mercury recovery facility in the world. This plant, which operated in Cato Ridge, KwaZulu-Natal, has been the source of much controversy since it was found that many of its employees and ex-employees were suffering from severe mercury poisoning resulting in two fatalities. The company was also involved in the importation of hazardous wastes as well as the pollution of the surrounding environment. Thor is currently the subject of inquiry by the government-appointed Davis Commission. It is pointed out that ill the past South Africa held no real environmental ethic and environmental degradation ensued as a result. The presented thesis argues that, despite assurances to the contrary, the present government is also without a true environmental ethic that will be effective in preventing future degradation.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1998
Human rights: an investigation into the importance of second generation rights
- Authors: Bentley, Kristina Anne
- Date: 1998
- Subjects: Human rights -- Philosophy , Human rights
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2759 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002969 , Human rights -- Philosophy , Human rights
- Description: This study examines the notion of universal human rights in the context of the importance of social and economic rights for the agency and dignity of human beings. It argues that the recognition of basic rights to what is necessary for physical well-being is essential to any adequate theory of human rights, and that rights of the civil and political variety depend on the recognition of social and economic rights if they are to be exercised. Therefore the secondary status which is usually accorded to social and economic rights results in an imbalanced ideal of human rights both in theory and in practice. This study is an attempt to place second generation rights in their proper context and to argue for them as human rights of equal status and importance. It focuses on the derivation of human rights in general, and shows that second generation rights may be accommodated within this structure. It further supports this position by showing that the categorical differences which are asserted to exist between first and second generation rights are based on a mistaken conception of positive and negative rights and duties, as well as an inadequate conception of liberty. The thesis shows that all rights generate a variety of duties, both positive and negative, and that an adequate theory of rights has to be able to accommodate the inevitability of conflicts of rights at the level of their enforcement. Consequently, this study argues there is no reason to give either class of right primary importance, as both first and second generation human rights are essential to the agency and dignity of a human being, and they are thus interdependent. Furthermore, the thesis shows that human rights can be balanced at the level of the obligations which they generate without compromising the deontological nature of such rights. This thesis argues that a theory of rights which is rooted in the liberal democratic notion of rights, such as that characterised by the choice theory of rights, is inadequate. It therefore argues that a benefit theory of rights must be adopted in order to accommodate conflicts of rights when they arise. The thesis argues that as such conflicts of rights are" most common in cases involving the assertion of social and economic rights, this balancing of rights is of special significance for the enforcement of second generation rights. Furthermore, this thesis argues for a theory of minimal interdependence of first and second generation rights, in order to accommodate the notion of first and second generation rights of equal status and importance, as well as to prevent an inflation of rights claims which would compromise the balancing of rights. It is argued that a reordering of values is necessary to take account of material well-being, as well as civil freedom, as both of these generate fundamental rights of equal status and importance.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1998
- Authors: Bentley, Kristina Anne
- Date: 1998
- Subjects: Human rights -- Philosophy , Human rights
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2759 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002969 , Human rights -- Philosophy , Human rights
- Description: This study examines the notion of universal human rights in the context of the importance of social and economic rights for the agency and dignity of human beings. It argues that the recognition of basic rights to what is necessary for physical well-being is essential to any adequate theory of human rights, and that rights of the civil and political variety depend on the recognition of social and economic rights if they are to be exercised. Therefore the secondary status which is usually accorded to social and economic rights results in an imbalanced ideal of human rights both in theory and in practice. This study is an attempt to place second generation rights in their proper context and to argue for them as human rights of equal status and importance. It focuses on the derivation of human rights in general, and shows that second generation rights may be accommodated within this structure. It further supports this position by showing that the categorical differences which are asserted to exist between first and second generation rights are based on a mistaken conception of positive and negative rights and duties, as well as an inadequate conception of liberty. The thesis shows that all rights generate a variety of duties, both positive and negative, and that an adequate theory of rights has to be able to accommodate the inevitability of conflicts of rights at the level of their enforcement. Consequently, this study argues there is no reason to give either class of right primary importance, as both first and second generation human rights are essential to the agency and dignity of a human being, and they are thus interdependent. Furthermore, the thesis shows that human rights can be balanced at the level of the obligations which they generate without compromising the deontological nature of such rights. This thesis argues that a theory of rights which is rooted in the liberal democratic notion of rights, such as that characterised by the choice theory of rights, is inadequate. It therefore argues that a benefit theory of rights must be adopted in order to accommodate conflicts of rights when they arise. The thesis argues that as such conflicts of rights are" most common in cases involving the assertion of social and economic rights, this balancing of rights is of special significance for the enforcement of second generation rights. Furthermore, this thesis argues for a theory of minimal interdependence of first and second generation rights, in order to accommodate the notion of first and second generation rights of equal status and importance, as well as to prevent an inflation of rights claims which would compromise the balancing of rights. It is argued that a reordering of values is necessary to take account of material well-being, as well as civil freedom, as both of these generate fundamental rights of equal status and importance.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1998
KwaZakele: the politics of transition in South Africa: an Eastern Cape case study
- Authors: Cherry, Janet Mary
- Date: 2001
- Subjects: South Africa -- Transition to democracy Democracy -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape Eastern Cape (South Africa) -- Politics and government Port Elizabeth region (South Africa) -- Political aspects
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: vital:2766 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002976
- Description: This thesis examines the transition to democracy in South Africa through the use of case study methodology. The nature of political participation and the form of democracy to emerge at the end of the transition process are the central subjects of inquiry. They are examined through an in-depth study of the African community of Kwazakele, a township in the Nelson Mandela metropolitan area in the Eastern Cape province of South Africa. The study covers the period from 1993 to 2000, and uses as a primary data source five surveys conducted among residents of Kwazakele during that period. The emphasis of the study lies on the experience of political participation of ‘ordinary people’ – in particular, the African urban working-class in South Africa who make up the core support base for the governing African National Congress. The primary findings of the thesis are as follows: * Representative democracy has been successfully consolidated in the community under study. * Levels of political participation by urban Africans in the Eastern Cape are consistently high, both in formal political institutions (primarily elections) and in institutions of civil society. * As politics has normalised at the end of the transition period, forms of direct democratic participation have declined. * Despite the structural constraints on development, there is still potential for a high level of participation by citizens in effecting change at local level. * Drawing on the experience of ordinary people in structures of direct democracy, this level of participation can result in a deeper and stronger form of democracy than exists in many established representative democracies.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2001
- Authors: Cherry, Janet Mary
- Date: 2001
- Subjects: South Africa -- Transition to democracy Democracy -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape Eastern Cape (South Africa) -- Politics and government Port Elizabeth region (South Africa) -- Political aspects
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: vital:2766 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002976
- Description: This thesis examines the transition to democracy in South Africa through the use of case study methodology. The nature of political participation and the form of democracy to emerge at the end of the transition process are the central subjects of inquiry. They are examined through an in-depth study of the African community of Kwazakele, a township in the Nelson Mandela metropolitan area in the Eastern Cape province of South Africa. The study covers the period from 1993 to 2000, and uses as a primary data source five surveys conducted among residents of Kwazakele during that period. The emphasis of the study lies on the experience of political participation of ‘ordinary people’ – in particular, the African urban working-class in South Africa who make up the core support base for the governing African National Congress. The primary findings of the thesis are as follows: * Representative democracy has been successfully consolidated in the community under study. * Levels of political participation by urban Africans in the Eastern Cape are consistently high, both in formal political institutions (primarily elections) and in institutions of civil society. * As politics has normalised at the end of the transition period, forms of direct democratic participation have declined. * Despite the structural constraints on development, there is still potential for a high level of participation by citizens in effecting change at local level. * Drawing on the experience of ordinary people in structures of direct democracy, this level of participation can result in a deeper and stronger form of democracy than exists in many established representative democracies.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2001
Locating the institution of traditional leadership within the institutional framework of South Africa's new democracy
- Authors: Mashele, Hlukanisa Prince
- Date: 2003
- Subjects: Tribal government -- South Africa , Political leadership -- South Africa , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1994-
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2858 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1007512 , Tribal government -- South Africa , Political leadership -- South Africa , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1994-
- Description: This study looks into the role of the institution of traditional leadership in post-apartheid South Africa. It seeks to critically engage the debate on how to locate the institution within the new politico-constitutional framework. This is done with the main objective of proposing an altemative to the current state of affairs vis-à-vis traditional leadership and governance in South Africa. In order to clear the ground, the study first deals with the important question of democracy in relation to the institution of traditional leadership. In this regard, the study unearthed that the institution of traditional leadership is fundamentally undemocratic in character, as it is largely based on heredity and devoid of principles of democracy such as equality, accountability, etc. In order to put matters into perspective the study also delves into the history of the institution of traditional leadership with the aim of getting to the role that traditional leaders played in various epochs of South Africa's political development. This investigation reveals that the denting of the integrity of the institution of traditional leadership began with the advent of colonialism and worsened by successive apartheid regimes. It is at these stages of development that the institution was subordinated to a higher authority that sought to use the institution as an instrument of domination and oppression of the black majority. Considering this role, it would seem that the place that the space that the institution occupies in the post-apartheid South African governance framework is a compromise. The institution plays an advisory role at all levels of government - with their houses in both national and provincial legislatures, whilst traditional leaders sit as ex-officio members on local councils. However, traditional leaders fiercely contest this position as, in their view, this limits their powers. The main argument of this study is that for traditional leaders to be given an advisory role in the current and future governance framework of the country is a step in the right direction, as that serves to insulate the institution from active politics. For that reason, the study recommends that the institution of traditional leadership should occupy a cultural space in society - meaning that it should be responsible for the preservation of African customs and culture. This, therefore, means that the institution is better-placed to advise government on cultural and customary aspects of development. Whilst playing this role, the institution of traditional leadership should also -be brought into line with democratic ways of governance.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2003
- Authors: Mashele, Hlukanisa Prince
- Date: 2003
- Subjects: Tribal government -- South Africa , Political leadership -- South Africa , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1994-
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2858 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1007512 , Tribal government -- South Africa , Political leadership -- South Africa , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1994-
- Description: This study looks into the role of the institution of traditional leadership in post-apartheid South Africa. It seeks to critically engage the debate on how to locate the institution within the new politico-constitutional framework. This is done with the main objective of proposing an altemative to the current state of affairs vis-à-vis traditional leadership and governance in South Africa. In order to clear the ground, the study first deals with the important question of democracy in relation to the institution of traditional leadership. In this regard, the study unearthed that the institution of traditional leadership is fundamentally undemocratic in character, as it is largely based on heredity and devoid of principles of democracy such as equality, accountability, etc. In order to put matters into perspective the study also delves into the history of the institution of traditional leadership with the aim of getting to the role that traditional leaders played in various epochs of South Africa's political development. This investigation reveals that the denting of the integrity of the institution of traditional leadership began with the advent of colonialism and worsened by successive apartheid regimes. It is at these stages of development that the institution was subordinated to a higher authority that sought to use the institution as an instrument of domination and oppression of the black majority. Considering this role, it would seem that the place that the space that the institution occupies in the post-apartheid South African governance framework is a compromise. The institution plays an advisory role at all levels of government - with their houses in both national and provincial legislatures, whilst traditional leaders sit as ex-officio members on local councils. However, traditional leaders fiercely contest this position as, in their view, this limits their powers. The main argument of this study is that for traditional leaders to be given an advisory role in the current and future governance framework of the country is a step in the right direction, as that serves to insulate the institution from active politics. For that reason, the study recommends that the institution of traditional leadership should occupy a cultural space in society - meaning that it should be responsible for the preservation of African customs and culture. This, therefore, means that the institution is better-placed to advise government on cultural and customary aspects of development. Whilst playing this role, the institution of traditional leadership should also -be brought into line with democratic ways of governance.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2003
Namibia's long road to independence : the Botha era
- Authors: Ruiters, Michele René
- Date: 1992
- Subjects: United Nations -- Namibia , Namibia -- History -- 1946-1990 , Namibia -- Politics and government -- 1946-1990
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2754 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002001
- Description: This thesis deals with the ten years preceding Namibia's independence in March 1990. It examines the various characters and groups in this process, and how their roles delayed or promoted it. The era of Pieter W. Botha is very significant in that his rule brought many changes to the decision-making process and content of South African foreign policy. This period, 1978 - 1989, marked the formulation of the Total National Strategy in response to the Total Onslaught being waged on South Africa by perceived hostile external forces. Namibia's transition to independence suffered under this military-oriented policy as did the rest of the region. Never before in South Africa's policy-making history had the security sector played such a major role. Regional relations changed subsequent to the policy changes because of the distorted vision the Botha regime had of black-ruled states. Namibia was seen as an important pawn in the Total National Strategy as the last buffer state in Southern Africa protecting South Africa's white minority regime
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1992
- Authors: Ruiters, Michele René
- Date: 1992
- Subjects: United Nations -- Namibia , Namibia -- History -- 1946-1990 , Namibia -- Politics and government -- 1946-1990
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2754 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002001
- Description: This thesis deals with the ten years preceding Namibia's independence in March 1990. It examines the various characters and groups in this process, and how their roles delayed or promoted it. The era of Pieter W. Botha is very significant in that his rule brought many changes to the decision-making process and content of South African foreign policy. This period, 1978 - 1989, marked the formulation of the Total National Strategy in response to the Total Onslaught being waged on South Africa by perceived hostile external forces. Namibia's transition to independence suffered under this military-oriented policy as did the rest of the region. Never before in South Africa's policy-making history had the security sector played such a major role. Regional relations changed subsequent to the policy changes because of the distorted vision the Botha regime had of black-ruled states. Namibia was seen as an important pawn in the Total National Strategy as the last buffer state in Southern Africa protecting South Africa's white minority regime
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1992
New rules for security and survival: Southern Africa's adaptation to a changing world environment
- Authors: Naidoo, Sagaren Krishna
- Date: 1998
- Subjects: Internal security -- South Africa , National security -- South Africa , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1994- , South Africa -- Economic conditions -- 1991-
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2814 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003024 , Internal security -- South Africa , National security -- South Africa , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1994- , South Africa -- Economic conditions -- 1991-
- Description: In the wake of the post-Cold War era, students of international relations were forced to review their theoretical frameworks to explain new rules for international peace and security. States are now confronted with new constraints for their security and survival as current trends in international politics depict a 'regionalisation' of peace and security. For southern Africa, likewise, the end of the Cold War and, moreover, apartheid, compels its member states to redefine their security strategies and mechanisms for survival. This thesis undertakes to examine southern Africa's adaptation to new rules of a changing world environment, to ensure a stable and secure region, into the next millennium. At the outset of this thesis lies a conceptual contextualisation of security within the major contemporary theoretical approaches of international relations. By examining the essential differences between the redefinitions and new conceptualisations of security, this thesis, firstly argues that the state in southern Africa must be retained as a primary referent of security. This argument is premised on the need to create stronger states for a 'regionalisation' of security in southern Africa. The second issue examined is the changing world environment and its impact on the state and development in Africa, as the new constraints to which the continent must adapt, for security and survival. Arguing that the new international economic order and 'globalisation' dictate the new rules, this chapter asserts that the 'weak' states in Africa need to be strengthened to have the necessary capacity to be the means for its people's security. Finally this thesis examines the new rules for southern Africa's adaptation to a changing world environment. The new rules for the African sub-continent involve the formation of a security regime and economic community with, the power-house, South Africa. Using the Southern African Development Community(SADC) as the umbrella body, the formation of the Organ for Politics, Defence and Security, and signing of trade protocols for a movement towards a free trade area, are evidence of southern Africa's attempts to adapt to new rules for its security. Such adaptation cannot, however, be accomplished with 'weak' states. Southern African states will have to, therefore, be strengthened to attain a more secure adaptation to the new international (economic) order.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1998
- Authors: Naidoo, Sagaren Krishna
- Date: 1998
- Subjects: Internal security -- South Africa , National security -- South Africa , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1994- , South Africa -- Economic conditions -- 1991-
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2814 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003024 , Internal security -- South Africa , National security -- South Africa , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1994- , South Africa -- Economic conditions -- 1991-
- Description: In the wake of the post-Cold War era, students of international relations were forced to review their theoretical frameworks to explain new rules for international peace and security. States are now confronted with new constraints for their security and survival as current trends in international politics depict a 'regionalisation' of peace and security. For southern Africa, likewise, the end of the Cold War and, moreover, apartheid, compels its member states to redefine their security strategies and mechanisms for survival. This thesis undertakes to examine southern Africa's adaptation to new rules of a changing world environment, to ensure a stable and secure region, into the next millennium. At the outset of this thesis lies a conceptual contextualisation of security within the major contemporary theoretical approaches of international relations. By examining the essential differences between the redefinitions and new conceptualisations of security, this thesis, firstly argues that the state in southern Africa must be retained as a primary referent of security. This argument is premised on the need to create stronger states for a 'regionalisation' of security in southern Africa. The second issue examined is the changing world environment and its impact on the state and development in Africa, as the new constraints to which the continent must adapt, for security and survival. Arguing that the new international economic order and 'globalisation' dictate the new rules, this chapter asserts that the 'weak' states in Africa need to be strengthened to have the necessary capacity to be the means for its people's security. Finally this thesis examines the new rules for southern Africa's adaptation to a changing world environment. The new rules for the African sub-continent involve the formation of a security regime and economic community with, the power-house, South Africa. Using the Southern African Development Community(SADC) as the umbrella body, the formation of the Organ for Politics, Defence and Security, and signing of trade protocols for a movement towards a free trade area, are evidence of southern Africa's attempts to adapt to new rules for its security. Such adaptation cannot, however, be accomplished with 'weak' states. Southern African states will have to, therefore, be strengthened to attain a more secure adaptation to the new international (economic) order.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1998