'Leaders like children playing with a grenade?' : an analysis of how the Arab Spring was received in South Africa
- Authors: Gevers, Tristan Ronald
- Date: 2013
- Subjects: Arab Spring, 2010- Revolutions -- Theory Arab countries -- Social conditions -- 21st century South Africa -- Social condtions -- 21st century
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2846 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1006031
- Description: When the Arab Spring took place, it took the world by surprise and sparked renewed interest in the idea of revolution. With differing opinions on what caused such a revolutionary wave throughout the North African and Middle Eastern region, many began looking at their own countries, and South Africa was no different. A debate was sparked in South Africa, as to whether there would be a revolution or not. What I originally set out to accomplish is to find out which side of the debate would be correct through the philosophical context of revolutionary theory. Initially, we attempted to define and consider the history of revolutionary theory. We found that revolutionary theory has gone through four generation and that even finding a theoretically informed definition is difficult. Following this, we considered some social-psychological theories of revolution as well as theories of moral indignation. We found that these theories were incredibly informative and that they provide some insight into the reasoning for revolutionary fear in the South African debate. Through the use of opinion pieces, we then considered the South African debate, and – using socialpsychological theories and the theories of moral indignation - found that both sides of the argument had valuable points, however, they often lacked some foresight. With tentative agreement, we found that the side arguing that there would a revolution in South Africa had a more valuable argument, despite its limitations. However, far more research is required before one can – with more accuracy – predict a revolutionary occurrence in such a way as was done in South Africa.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2013
- Authors: Gevers, Tristan Ronald
- Date: 2013
- Subjects: Arab Spring, 2010- Revolutions -- Theory Arab countries -- Social conditions -- 21st century South Africa -- Social condtions -- 21st century
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2846 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1006031
- Description: When the Arab Spring took place, it took the world by surprise and sparked renewed interest in the idea of revolution. With differing opinions on what caused such a revolutionary wave throughout the North African and Middle Eastern region, many began looking at their own countries, and South Africa was no different. A debate was sparked in South Africa, as to whether there would be a revolution or not. What I originally set out to accomplish is to find out which side of the debate would be correct through the philosophical context of revolutionary theory. Initially, we attempted to define and consider the history of revolutionary theory. We found that revolutionary theory has gone through four generation and that even finding a theoretically informed definition is difficult. Following this, we considered some social-psychological theories of revolution as well as theories of moral indignation. We found that these theories were incredibly informative and that they provide some insight into the reasoning for revolutionary fear in the South African debate. Through the use of opinion pieces, we then considered the South African debate, and – using socialpsychological theories and the theories of moral indignation - found that both sides of the argument had valuable points, however, they often lacked some foresight. With tentative agreement, we found that the side arguing that there would a revolution in South Africa had a more valuable argument, despite its limitations. However, far more research is required before one can – with more accuracy – predict a revolutionary occurrence in such a way as was done in South Africa.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2013
A critical discourse analysis of representations of the Niger Delta conflict in four prominent Western anglophone newspapers
- Authors: Mushwana, Tinyiko
- Date: 2013
- Subjects: Newspapers -- Political aspects -- Nigeria -- Niger River Delta , Newspapers -- Economic aspects -- Nigeria -- Niger River Delta , Newspapers -- Social aspects -- Nigeria -- Niger River Delta , Mass media -- Political aspects -- Nigeria , Mass media -- Economic aspects -- Nigeria , Mass media -- Social aspects -- Nigeria , Insurgency -- Nigeria -- Niger River Delta , Petroleum industry and trade -- Political aspects -- Nigeria -- Niger River Delta , Public opinion -- Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MSocSc
- Identifier: vital:2872 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1007745 , Newspapers -- Political aspects -- Nigeria -- Niger River Delta , Newspapers -- Economic aspects -- Nigeria -- Niger River Delta , Newspapers -- Social aspects -- Nigeria -- Niger River Delta , Mass media -- Political aspects -- Nigeria , Mass media -- Economic aspects -- Nigeria , Mass media -- Social aspects -- Nigeria , Insurgency -- Nigeria -- Niger River Delta , Petroleum industry and trade -- Political aspects -- Nigeria -- Niger River Delta , Public opinion -- Africa
- Description: This thesis explores the manner in which the conflict in the oil-rich Niger Delta in Nigeria is represented in western Anglophone media. Large oil reserves in the Niger Delta have contributed millions of dollars towards the growth of Nigeria's export economy. Despite this, the Niger Delta is the least developed region in the country and is characterised by high rates of inequality. Residents of the Niger Delta have been outraged by the lack of action on the part of the Nigerian government and multinational oil corporations. Their discontent over the inequalities in the region has resulted in the proliferation of armed groups and militants who often use violent and criminal tactics to communicate their disgruntlement. This thesis closely examines the representations of the violent insurgency in the Niger Delta by conducting a Critical Discourse Analysis of 145 news texts selected from four western Anglophone newspapers from 2007 to 2011. The depiction of the conflict as it appears in the four newspapers is discussed in relation to an overview of scholarly literature which explores the portrayal of Africa not only in western media, but also in other forms of western scholarship and writing. The research undertaken in this study reveals that to a significant extent representations of the Niger Delta conflict echo and reflect some of the stereotypical and age-old negative imagery that informs meanings constructed about the African continent. However, the analysis of the news texts also shows that there are certainly efforts amongst some newspapers to move beyond simplistic representations of the conflict. The disadvantage however, is that these notable attempts tend to be marred by the use of pejorative language which typically invokes negative images associated with Africa. This study argues that the implications of these representations are highly significant as these representations not only affect the way in which the conflict is understood, but also the manner in which the international community responds to it.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2013
- Authors: Mushwana, Tinyiko
- Date: 2013
- Subjects: Newspapers -- Political aspects -- Nigeria -- Niger River Delta , Newspapers -- Economic aspects -- Nigeria -- Niger River Delta , Newspapers -- Social aspects -- Nigeria -- Niger River Delta , Mass media -- Political aspects -- Nigeria , Mass media -- Economic aspects -- Nigeria , Mass media -- Social aspects -- Nigeria , Insurgency -- Nigeria -- Niger River Delta , Petroleum industry and trade -- Political aspects -- Nigeria -- Niger River Delta , Public opinion -- Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MSocSc
- Identifier: vital:2872 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1007745 , Newspapers -- Political aspects -- Nigeria -- Niger River Delta , Newspapers -- Economic aspects -- Nigeria -- Niger River Delta , Newspapers -- Social aspects -- Nigeria -- Niger River Delta , Mass media -- Political aspects -- Nigeria , Mass media -- Economic aspects -- Nigeria , Mass media -- Social aspects -- Nigeria , Insurgency -- Nigeria -- Niger River Delta , Petroleum industry and trade -- Political aspects -- Nigeria -- Niger River Delta , Public opinion -- Africa
- Description: This thesis explores the manner in which the conflict in the oil-rich Niger Delta in Nigeria is represented in western Anglophone media. Large oil reserves in the Niger Delta have contributed millions of dollars towards the growth of Nigeria's export economy. Despite this, the Niger Delta is the least developed region in the country and is characterised by high rates of inequality. Residents of the Niger Delta have been outraged by the lack of action on the part of the Nigerian government and multinational oil corporations. Their discontent over the inequalities in the region has resulted in the proliferation of armed groups and militants who often use violent and criminal tactics to communicate their disgruntlement. This thesis closely examines the representations of the violent insurgency in the Niger Delta by conducting a Critical Discourse Analysis of 145 news texts selected from four western Anglophone newspapers from 2007 to 2011. The depiction of the conflict as it appears in the four newspapers is discussed in relation to an overview of scholarly literature which explores the portrayal of Africa not only in western media, but also in other forms of western scholarship and writing. The research undertaken in this study reveals that to a significant extent representations of the Niger Delta conflict echo and reflect some of the stereotypical and age-old negative imagery that informs meanings constructed about the African continent. However, the analysis of the news texts also shows that there are certainly efforts amongst some newspapers to move beyond simplistic representations of the conflict. The disadvantage however, is that these notable attempts tend to be marred by the use of pejorative language which typically invokes negative images associated with Africa. This study argues that the implications of these representations are highly significant as these representations not only affect the way in which the conflict is understood, but also the manner in which the international community responds to it.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2013
Explaining the endurance of poverty and inequality : social policy and the social division of welfare in the South African health system
- Authors: Du Plessis, Ulandi
- Date: 2013
- Subjects: Health system , Private health , Public health , Poor , Subsidies , Profit motive , Quality , Efficiency , Public health -- Finance -- Research -- South Africa , Medical care -- Research -- South Africa , Poverty -- Research -- South Africa , Equality -- Research -- South Africa , South Africa -- Social conditions
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2755 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002002
- Description: This thesis examines the structure and flow of public funding between the public and private sectors in the South African health system and the consequences thereof for the achievement of equity. The conceptual framework used to undertake the analysis derives from Richard Titmuss’ core theoretical framework, the Social Division of Welfare. The application of the Social Division of Welfare applied to the South African health care context demonstrates how state resources end up benefitting the non-poor and, as a result, reproduce inequality. Those who access public institutions such as public health care are assumed to be ‘dependent’ on the state, whilst those who access private health facilities claim to be ‘independent’ of the state. However, this thesis shows that these assumptions are flawed. Access to the formal labour market, and subsequently the paying of taxes, authorises one to access state subsidies not available to those who do not. The application of the Social Division of Welfare shows that tax-paying private health care patients benefit considerably from state resources. This thesis argues that due to cost escalation in the private health sector, a consequence of the commodification of health care, these private health care ‘consumers’ as well as the private health industry in general are dependent upon state resources. This thesis analyses the role played by the profit motive present in the private health industry and the consequences for equity, quality, access and efficiency in health care provision
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2013
- Authors: Du Plessis, Ulandi
- Date: 2013
- Subjects: Health system , Private health , Public health , Poor , Subsidies , Profit motive , Quality , Efficiency , Public health -- Finance -- Research -- South Africa , Medical care -- Research -- South Africa , Poverty -- Research -- South Africa , Equality -- Research -- South Africa , South Africa -- Social conditions
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2755 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002002
- Description: This thesis examines the structure and flow of public funding between the public and private sectors in the South African health system and the consequences thereof for the achievement of equity. The conceptual framework used to undertake the analysis derives from Richard Titmuss’ core theoretical framework, the Social Division of Welfare. The application of the Social Division of Welfare applied to the South African health care context demonstrates how state resources end up benefitting the non-poor and, as a result, reproduce inequality. Those who access public institutions such as public health care are assumed to be ‘dependent’ on the state, whilst those who access private health facilities claim to be ‘independent’ of the state. However, this thesis shows that these assumptions are flawed. Access to the formal labour market, and subsequently the paying of taxes, authorises one to access state subsidies not available to those who do not. The application of the Social Division of Welfare shows that tax-paying private health care patients benefit considerably from state resources. This thesis argues that due to cost escalation in the private health sector, a consequence of the commodification of health care, these private health care ‘consumers’ as well as the private health industry in general are dependent upon state resources. This thesis analyses the role played by the profit motive present in the private health industry and the consequences for equity, quality, access and efficiency in health care provision
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2013
Exploring the possibility of an Ubuntu-based political philosophy
- Authors: Furman, Katherine Elizabeth
- Date: 2013
- Subjects: Ubuntu , Political philosophy , Ethical theories , Law , South Africa , Ubuntu (Philosophy) -- Research -- South Africa , Political science -- Philosophy -- Research , Philosophy, African -- Research , Social values -- Research South Africa , Ethics -- Research -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2756 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002003
- Description: It is typically said that there are two questions that political philosophy seeks to address: ‘who gets what?’ and ‘who decides on who gets what?’ South Africa, along with much of the rest of the world, has answered the second question badly and currently ranks as one of the world’s most unequal societies. Counter-intuitively, South Africa maintains a social-political order that (re)produces this inequality along with great enthusiasm for ubuntu, an African ethic that at a minimum requires that we treat each other humanely. However, due to the view that ubuntu has been co-opted in support of South Africa’s unjust system, ubuntu has largely been ignored by radical thinkers. The aim of this thesis is therefore to explore the possibility of an ubuntu-based political philosophy, with the core assumption that political philosophy is rooted in ethical theory. Three tasks are therefore undertaken in this thesis. Firstly, ubuntu is articulated as an ethic. Secondly, it is compared to similar Western ethical theories in order to determine if there are distinguishing characteristics that make ubuntu a more appropriate founding ethic for South African political philosophy. Finally, whether ubuntu can find real-world applicability will be assessed by looking at the way ubuntu has been used in the law
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2013
- Authors: Furman, Katherine Elizabeth
- Date: 2013
- Subjects: Ubuntu , Political philosophy , Ethical theories , Law , South Africa , Ubuntu (Philosophy) -- Research -- South Africa , Political science -- Philosophy -- Research , Philosophy, African -- Research , Social values -- Research South Africa , Ethics -- Research -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2756 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002003
- Description: It is typically said that there are two questions that political philosophy seeks to address: ‘who gets what?’ and ‘who decides on who gets what?’ South Africa, along with much of the rest of the world, has answered the second question badly and currently ranks as one of the world’s most unequal societies. Counter-intuitively, South Africa maintains a social-political order that (re)produces this inequality along with great enthusiasm for ubuntu, an African ethic that at a minimum requires that we treat each other humanely. However, due to the view that ubuntu has been co-opted in support of South Africa’s unjust system, ubuntu has largely been ignored by radical thinkers. The aim of this thesis is therefore to explore the possibility of an ubuntu-based political philosophy, with the core assumption that political philosophy is rooted in ethical theory. Three tasks are therefore undertaken in this thesis. Firstly, ubuntu is articulated as an ethic. Secondly, it is compared to similar Western ethical theories in order to determine if there are distinguishing characteristics that make ubuntu a more appropriate founding ethic for South African political philosophy. Finally, whether ubuntu can find real-world applicability will be assessed by looking at the way ubuntu has been used in the law
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2013
Green zone nation : the securitisation and militarisation of the 2010 FIFA World Cup, South Africa
- McMichael, Christopher Bryden
- Authors: McMichael, Christopher Bryden
- Date: 2013 , 2013-04-22
- Subjects: World Cup (Soccer) (2010 : South Africa) -- Safety measures -- Research Fédération internationale de football association Militarism -- Research -- South Africa Sports -- Political aspects -- Research -- South Africa Police -- South Africa South Africa -- Armed Forces Crime -- South Africa Violent crimes -- South Africa Violent crimes -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: vital:2752 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1001622
- Description: This thesis explores the relationship between the safety and security measures for the 2010 FIFA World Cup and the militarisation of urban space and policing in post-apartheid South Africa. In particular, it focuses upon how the South African state and FIFA, the owners of the World Cup franchise, worked to present the World Cup as an event which required exceptional levels of security – resulting in a historically unprecedented joint police and military operation across host cities. However, in contrast with previous research on these security measures, this thesis aims to interrogate the political and commercial forces which constructed security and positions them against a backdrop of intensified state violence and social exclusion in South Africa. Concurrently, the South African case was indicative of an international militarisation of major events, with policing operations comparable to national states of emergency. This is representative of the ‘new military urbanism’ in which everyday urban life is rendered as a site of ubiquitous risk, leading to the increased diffusion of military tactics and doctrines in policing and policy. While the interpenetration between urbanism and militarism has often been studied against the context of the ‘war on terror’, in the case of South Africa this has primarily been accelerated by a pervasive social fear of violent crime, which has resulted in the securitisation of cities, the remilitarisation of policing and the intensification of a historical legacy of socio-spatial inequalities. The South African government aimed to use the World Cup to ‘rebrand’ the country’s violent international image, while promising that security measures would leave a legacy of safer cities for ordinary South Africans. The concept of legacies was also responsive to the commercial imperatives of FIFA and a range of other security actors, including foreign governments and the private security industry. However these policing measures were primarily cosmetic and designed to allay the fears of foreign tourists and the national middle class. In practice security measures pivoted around the enforcement of social control and urban marginalisation while serving as a training ground for an increasingly repressive state security apparatus. Security was as much a matter of fortifying islands of privilege and aiding a project of financial extraction as protecting the public from harm. , Microsoft� Office Word 2007 , Adobe Acrobat 9.53 Paper Capture Plug-in
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2013
- Authors: McMichael, Christopher Bryden
- Date: 2013 , 2013-04-22
- Subjects: World Cup (Soccer) (2010 : South Africa) -- Safety measures -- Research Fédération internationale de football association Militarism -- Research -- South Africa Sports -- Political aspects -- Research -- South Africa Police -- South Africa South Africa -- Armed Forces Crime -- South Africa Violent crimes -- South Africa Violent crimes -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: vital:2752 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1001622
- Description: This thesis explores the relationship between the safety and security measures for the 2010 FIFA World Cup and the militarisation of urban space and policing in post-apartheid South Africa. In particular, it focuses upon how the South African state and FIFA, the owners of the World Cup franchise, worked to present the World Cup as an event which required exceptional levels of security – resulting in a historically unprecedented joint police and military operation across host cities. However, in contrast with previous research on these security measures, this thesis aims to interrogate the political and commercial forces which constructed security and positions them against a backdrop of intensified state violence and social exclusion in South Africa. Concurrently, the South African case was indicative of an international militarisation of major events, with policing operations comparable to national states of emergency. This is representative of the ‘new military urbanism’ in which everyday urban life is rendered as a site of ubiquitous risk, leading to the increased diffusion of military tactics and doctrines in policing and policy. While the interpenetration between urbanism and militarism has often been studied against the context of the ‘war on terror’, in the case of South Africa this has primarily been accelerated by a pervasive social fear of violent crime, which has resulted in the securitisation of cities, the remilitarisation of policing and the intensification of a historical legacy of socio-spatial inequalities. The South African government aimed to use the World Cup to ‘rebrand’ the country’s violent international image, while promising that security measures would leave a legacy of safer cities for ordinary South Africans. The concept of legacies was also responsive to the commercial imperatives of FIFA and a range of other security actors, including foreign governments and the private security industry. However these policing measures were primarily cosmetic and designed to allay the fears of foreign tourists and the national middle class. In practice security measures pivoted around the enforcement of social control and urban marginalisation while serving as a training ground for an increasingly repressive state security apparatus. Security was as much a matter of fortifying islands of privilege and aiding a project of financial extraction as protecting the public from harm. , Microsoft� Office Word 2007 , Adobe Acrobat 9.53 Paper Capture Plug-in
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2013
New ways of understanding: a governmentality analysis of basic education policy in post-apartheid South Africa
- Authors: Prinsloo, Estelle Helena
- Date: 2013
- Subjects: South Africa -- Department of Basic Education , Basic education -- Government policy -- Research -- South Africa , Post-apartheid era -- Education -- South Africa , Educational change -- Research -- South Africa , South Africa -- Social conditions
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2751 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1001384
- Description: Social problems that are identified by government policy are articulated in ways that confer the responsibility of their management onto the state. In this way, policy reform serves as a means to justify political rule, as the ‘answers’ to policy failures are located within the realm of state intervention. This role of policy is maintained by the traditional definition of policy as it enables policies to be presented as the outcome of ‘necessary’ actions taken by state institutions to better the wellbeing of citizens. Since 1994, mainstream research on basic education policy in South Africa has employed traditional understandings of policy and its function. In doing so, these inquiries have failed to question the very idea of policy itself. They have also neglected to identify the productive role played by policy in the practice of power. To illuminate the necessary limits of policy reform, an alternative approach to analyse basic education policy is necessary. This thesis premises policy as discourse and advances a governmentality analysis of basic education policy during the first fifteen years of democracy (1994-2009) in South Africa. By drawing on the work of Michel Foucault, the study argues that government – ‘those actions upon the actions of others’ – during this period in South Africa was informed by both a liberal and a neo-liberal mentality of rule. The tensions between these two rationalities contributed to the continuation of apartheid’s socio-economic inequalities in the postapartheid era; an outcome buttressed by the contradictory impulses within basic education policy. By considering policy as a productive translation of governmental reasoning, the boundaries of intervention for future policy reforms are highlighted. These show that the inequalities that were perpetuated during the first fifteen years of democracy justify policy responses similar to those responsible for their production
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2013
- Authors: Prinsloo, Estelle Helena
- Date: 2013
- Subjects: South Africa -- Department of Basic Education , Basic education -- Government policy -- Research -- South Africa , Post-apartheid era -- Education -- South Africa , Educational change -- Research -- South Africa , South Africa -- Social conditions
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2751 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1001384
- Description: Social problems that are identified by government policy are articulated in ways that confer the responsibility of their management onto the state. In this way, policy reform serves as a means to justify political rule, as the ‘answers’ to policy failures are located within the realm of state intervention. This role of policy is maintained by the traditional definition of policy as it enables policies to be presented as the outcome of ‘necessary’ actions taken by state institutions to better the wellbeing of citizens. Since 1994, mainstream research on basic education policy in South Africa has employed traditional understandings of policy and its function. In doing so, these inquiries have failed to question the very idea of policy itself. They have also neglected to identify the productive role played by policy in the practice of power. To illuminate the necessary limits of policy reform, an alternative approach to analyse basic education policy is necessary. This thesis premises policy as discourse and advances a governmentality analysis of basic education policy during the first fifteen years of democracy (1994-2009) in South Africa. By drawing on the work of Michel Foucault, the study argues that government – ‘those actions upon the actions of others’ – during this period in South Africa was informed by both a liberal and a neo-liberal mentality of rule. The tensions between these two rationalities contributed to the continuation of apartheid’s socio-economic inequalities in the postapartheid era; an outcome buttressed by the contradictory impulses within basic education policy. By considering policy as a productive translation of governmental reasoning, the boundaries of intervention for future policy reforms are highlighted. These show that the inequalities that were perpetuated during the first fifteen years of democracy justify policy responses similar to those responsible for their production
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2013
The protection of indigenous knowledge within the current intellectual property rights regime: a critical assessment focusing upon the Masakhane Pelargonium case
- Authors: Msomi, Zuziwe Nokwanda
- Date: 2013
- Subjects: Intellectual property -- South Africa -- Case studies Cultural property -- Protection -- Law and legislation -- South Africa Indigenous peoples -- Legal status, laws, etc. -- South Africa Masakhane (South Africa) -- Trials, litigation, etc. Pelargoniums -- Therapeutic use Traditional ecological knowledge -- Law and legislation -- South Africa Pharmaceutical industry -- Law and legislation -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2871 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1007744
- Description: The use of indigenous knowledge (IK) and indigenous bio-resources by pharmaceutical and herbal industries has led to concerns about the need to protect IK in order to prevent biopiracy and the misappropriation of indigenous knowledge and resources. While some commentators believe that intellectual property rights (IPR) law can effectively protect IK, others are more sceptical. In order to contribute to the growing debate on this issue, this study uses the relatively new and as yet largely critically unanalysed Masakhane Pelargonium case to address the question of whether or not IPR law can be used to effectively protect IK. It is argued here that discussion about the protection of IK is a matter that must be located within broader discussions about North-South relations and the continued struggle for economic and political freedom by indigenous people and their states. The Masakhane case suggests that IPR law in its current form cannot provide sufficient protection of IK on its own. Incompatibilities between IPR law and IK necessitate that certain factors, most important of which are land, organised representation, and what are referred as 'confidence and network resources', be present in order for IPR law to be used with any degree of success. The study also reveals various factors that undermine the possibility of using IPR law to protect IK. In particular, the study highlights the way in which local political tensions can undermine the ability of communities to effectively use IPR law to protect their knowledge. The thesis concludes with several recommendations that will enable indigenous communities and their states to benefit more substantially from the commercialisation of their bio-resources and associated IK.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2013
- Authors: Msomi, Zuziwe Nokwanda
- Date: 2013
- Subjects: Intellectual property -- South Africa -- Case studies Cultural property -- Protection -- Law and legislation -- South Africa Indigenous peoples -- Legal status, laws, etc. -- South Africa Masakhane (South Africa) -- Trials, litigation, etc. Pelargoniums -- Therapeutic use Traditional ecological knowledge -- Law and legislation -- South Africa Pharmaceutical industry -- Law and legislation -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2871 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1007744
- Description: The use of indigenous knowledge (IK) and indigenous bio-resources by pharmaceutical and herbal industries has led to concerns about the need to protect IK in order to prevent biopiracy and the misappropriation of indigenous knowledge and resources. While some commentators believe that intellectual property rights (IPR) law can effectively protect IK, others are more sceptical. In order to contribute to the growing debate on this issue, this study uses the relatively new and as yet largely critically unanalysed Masakhane Pelargonium case to address the question of whether or not IPR law can be used to effectively protect IK. It is argued here that discussion about the protection of IK is a matter that must be located within broader discussions about North-South relations and the continued struggle for economic and political freedom by indigenous people and their states. The Masakhane case suggests that IPR law in its current form cannot provide sufficient protection of IK on its own. Incompatibilities between IPR law and IK necessitate that certain factors, most important of which are land, organised representation, and what are referred as 'confidence and network resources', be present in order for IPR law to be used with any degree of success. The study also reveals various factors that undermine the possibility of using IPR law to protect IK. In particular, the study highlights the way in which local political tensions can undermine the ability of communities to effectively use IPR law to protect their knowledge. The thesis concludes with several recommendations that will enable indigenous communities and their states to benefit more substantially from the commercialisation of their bio-resources and associated IK.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2013
Understandings of citizenship in policy and amongst matric learners in three KwaZulu Natal schools
- Authors: Van Lelyveld, Lara Diane
- Date: 2013
- Subjects: Citizenship -- Study and teaching -- Kwazulu-Natal (South Africa) Citizenship -- Social aspects -- Kwazulu-Natal (South Africa)
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2847 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1006116
- Description: This thesis explores the difference between the vision of citizenship within education policy and the actual experiences and understandings of citizenship by Matric learners. Citizenship as envisioned in policy is shown to differ significantly to citizenship as understood and experienced by the interview participants. The citizenship envisioned in policy presents the goal of an equal and united citizenry whereas interview participants described citizenship as unequal and hierarchical. In particular, the racial hierarchy enforced under Apartheid was found to dominate the learners’ experiences of citizenship. Despite progressive legislation, distribution of opportunities remains heavily weighted in favour of those in high-income environments. Education policies that determine the overall structure of the South African education system were selected for analysis. These are the Constitution, the South African Schools Act and the National Education Policy Act. These policies are analysed and a vision of South African citizenship is described as possessing the following characteristics. A common, equal citizenship in a united and transformed South Africa. A citizenship encouraging and mandating critical engagement, dialogue, openness and transparency. A citizenship founded on quality of life for all and developing the potential of each individual. A citizenship in which both state and citizen are responsible and accountable and operate within the rule of law. A citizenship underpinned by human dignity and freedom and security of the person. A citizenship in which there is respect for difference and self-determination and in which ‘unity in diversity’ plays a key role. Matric learners were drawn from three different schools in an area of Kwazulu-Natal. Each of these schools represents a ‘type’ of school in South Africa: a former Model C school, an independent school and a school based in a rural or township area. The interviews aimed not only to understand citizenship from the perspective of these learners, but also to understand how experiences of citizenship varied depending on race, gender and class.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2013
- Authors: Van Lelyveld, Lara Diane
- Date: 2013
- Subjects: Citizenship -- Study and teaching -- Kwazulu-Natal (South Africa) Citizenship -- Social aspects -- Kwazulu-Natal (South Africa)
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2847 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1006116
- Description: This thesis explores the difference between the vision of citizenship within education policy and the actual experiences and understandings of citizenship by Matric learners. Citizenship as envisioned in policy is shown to differ significantly to citizenship as understood and experienced by the interview participants. The citizenship envisioned in policy presents the goal of an equal and united citizenry whereas interview participants described citizenship as unequal and hierarchical. In particular, the racial hierarchy enforced under Apartheid was found to dominate the learners’ experiences of citizenship. Despite progressive legislation, distribution of opportunities remains heavily weighted in favour of those in high-income environments. Education policies that determine the overall structure of the South African education system were selected for analysis. These are the Constitution, the South African Schools Act and the National Education Policy Act. These policies are analysed and a vision of South African citizenship is described as possessing the following characteristics. A common, equal citizenship in a united and transformed South Africa. A citizenship encouraging and mandating critical engagement, dialogue, openness and transparency. A citizenship founded on quality of life for all and developing the potential of each individual. A citizenship in which both state and citizen are responsible and accountable and operate within the rule of law. A citizenship underpinned by human dignity and freedom and security of the person. A citizenship in which there is respect for difference and self-determination and in which ‘unity in diversity’ plays a key role. Matric learners were drawn from three different schools in an area of Kwazulu-Natal. Each of these schools represents a ‘type’ of school in South Africa: a former Model C school, an independent school and a school based in a rural or township area. The interviews aimed not only to understand citizenship from the perspective of these learners, but also to understand how experiences of citizenship varied depending on race, gender and class.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2013
Vital threats to human security in Southern Africa : the regional ramifications of the public health crisis in Zimbabwe
- Authors: Mtero, Shingirai
- Date: 2013
- Subjects: Human security -- Africa, Southern , Communicable diseases -- Africa, Southern , Public health -- Zimbabwe , Poverty -- Africa, Southern
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2891 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1018251
- Description: The southern African region is beset with numerous security concerns: pervasive poverty, deepening inequality, starvation, contamination of essential natural resources, violent crime and state oppression. However, the most vital of the region’s security concerns in the 21st century is the spread of infectious disease. The region shoulders a disproportionate amount of the continent’s infectious disease burden, with diseases such as HIV/AIDS, tuberculosis and malaria claiming more lives every year than any other factor. The nature of these diseases and their propensity to spread, coupled with inadequate regional public health structures pose a significant threat to regional security and stability. The study asserts that southern Africa’s security concerns are most appropriately characterised under the paradigm of Human Security. It further asserts that if such vital threats to human security are not adequately managed they have the ability to permeate across state borders, spelling numerous negative ramifications for the region. To this end, the study details the public health crisis in Zimbabwe and its effects on regional security and stability in southern Africa. An enduring political and economic collapse in Zimbabwe led to the dramatic deterioration of its public health sector, the concomitant mass migration of Zimbabwean nationals across the region presented a unique and complex challenge to the Southern African Development Community (SADC) and its member states. As the premier regional governance institution, SADC has failed to adequately mobilise its structures and member states to respond to the challenges resulting from the public health crisis in Zimbabwe. The study explores the factors accounting for this regional inertia, and asserts that while infectious diseases are at present the most vital of the human security threats, similar threats to human security have the potential to affect the region if SADC fails to recognise and prioritise threats to human security as legitimate regional security concerns.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2013
- Authors: Mtero, Shingirai
- Date: 2013
- Subjects: Human security -- Africa, Southern , Communicable diseases -- Africa, Southern , Public health -- Zimbabwe , Poverty -- Africa, Southern
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2891 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1018251
- Description: The southern African region is beset with numerous security concerns: pervasive poverty, deepening inequality, starvation, contamination of essential natural resources, violent crime and state oppression. However, the most vital of the region’s security concerns in the 21st century is the spread of infectious disease. The region shoulders a disproportionate amount of the continent’s infectious disease burden, with diseases such as HIV/AIDS, tuberculosis and malaria claiming more lives every year than any other factor. The nature of these diseases and their propensity to spread, coupled with inadequate regional public health structures pose a significant threat to regional security and stability. The study asserts that southern Africa’s security concerns are most appropriately characterised under the paradigm of Human Security. It further asserts that if such vital threats to human security are not adequately managed they have the ability to permeate across state borders, spelling numerous negative ramifications for the region. To this end, the study details the public health crisis in Zimbabwe and its effects on regional security and stability in southern Africa. An enduring political and economic collapse in Zimbabwe led to the dramatic deterioration of its public health sector, the concomitant mass migration of Zimbabwean nationals across the region presented a unique and complex challenge to the Southern African Development Community (SADC) and its member states. As the premier regional governance institution, SADC has failed to adequately mobilise its structures and member states to respond to the challenges resulting from the public health crisis in Zimbabwe. The study explores the factors accounting for this regional inertia, and asserts that while infectious diseases are at present the most vital of the human security threats, similar threats to human security have the potential to affect the region if SADC fails to recognise and prioritise threats to human security as legitimate regional security concerns.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2013
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