An analysis of South Africa’s food security policy frameworks from a food sovereignty perspective: challenges and implications for genuine long-term food security
- Authors: Hoepfl, Jason
- Date: 2020
- Subjects: Food sovereignty -- South Africa , Food security -- South Africa , Food security -- Government policy -- South Africa , Food security -- Climatic factors -- South Africa , Food policy -- Government policy -- South Africa , Agriculture and state -- South Africa , Food industry and trade -- Government policy -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Masters , MSocSci
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/162851 , vital:40990
- Description: Food price volatility, ecological shocks and unprecedented levels of hunger and obesity are increasing concerns within food security governance, as is the emergence of food sovereignty in broadening critical discussions around food, water, energy and environmental crises. This thesis analyses this changing terrain in the context of South African policy. It analyses shifts in policymaking and the capability of South Africa’s food security policy frameworks to include food sovereignty principles and in so doing support genuine long-term food security. A shift in policy priorities from household production, trade and income opportunities towards social safety nets and nutritional interventions is identified. This focus is constrained by an inability to affect structural changes within a deeply inequitable food landscape. An emphasis on commercial farming and unwillingness to challenge large agribusiness, value chains and corporate retail has enabled social differentiation in access to food and the country’s colonial land dispensation to continue. Consequently, markets have continued to be antipathetic to the needs of poor producers and consumers in South Africa. To overcome these structural constraints, food security policy needs to be framed within a more radical normative agenda. This is important for challenging inequitable power relations and asserting the social and ecological imperatives of healthy food systems. Food sovereignty has significant potential to support a normative agenda by supporting the multiple farming practices, enterprises and livelihood strategies pursued by poor farmers, the unemployed and working poor whilst preserving sensitive environments for future generations. Determining the future of food security is not the privilege of the few with economic clout or power to govern but the right of all. The incorporation of food sovereignty principles in policymaking is therefore paramount for achieving genuine long-term food security.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2020
- Authors: Hoepfl, Jason
- Date: 2020
- Subjects: Food sovereignty -- South Africa , Food security -- South Africa , Food security -- Government policy -- South Africa , Food security -- Climatic factors -- South Africa , Food policy -- Government policy -- South Africa , Agriculture and state -- South Africa , Food industry and trade -- Government policy -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Masters , MSocSci
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/162851 , vital:40990
- Description: Food price volatility, ecological shocks and unprecedented levels of hunger and obesity are increasing concerns within food security governance, as is the emergence of food sovereignty in broadening critical discussions around food, water, energy and environmental crises. This thesis analyses this changing terrain in the context of South African policy. It analyses shifts in policymaking and the capability of South Africa’s food security policy frameworks to include food sovereignty principles and in so doing support genuine long-term food security. A shift in policy priorities from household production, trade and income opportunities towards social safety nets and nutritional interventions is identified. This focus is constrained by an inability to affect structural changes within a deeply inequitable food landscape. An emphasis on commercial farming and unwillingness to challenge large agribusiness, value chains and corporate retail has enabled social differentiation in access to food and the country’s colonial land dispensation to continue. Consequently, markets have continued to be antipathetic to the needs of poor producers and consumers in South Africa. To overcome these structural constraints, food security policy needs to be framed within a more radical normative agenda. This is important for challenging inequitable power relations and asserting the social and ecological imperatives of healthy food systems. Food sovereignty has significant potential to support a normative agenda by supporting the multiple farming practices, enterprises and livelihood strategies pursued by poor farmers, the unemployed and working poor whilst preserving sensitive environments for future generations. Determining the future of food security is not the privilege of the few with economic clout or power to govern but the right of all. The incorporation of food sovereignty principles in policymaking is therefore paramount for achieving genuine long-term food security.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2020
The political thought of Thomas Sankara and its contemporary relevance
- Authors: Kabwato, Levison M
- Date: 2020
- Subjects: Sankara, Thomas , Sankara, Thomas -- Influence , Burkina Faso -- Politics and government -- 1960-1987 , Cabral, Amílcar, 1924-1973 , Fanon, Frantz, 1925-1961 , Nkrumah, Kwame, 1909-1972
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/146556 , vital:38536
- Description: On 4 August 1983, a thirty-three year-old army captain seized power in Burkina Faso and embarked on what can be described a revolutionary journey. Over the next four years, until his assassination in 1987 the government, led by Captain Thomas Sankara, attempted to redeem Burkina Faso from the clutches of neo-colonialism. Through popular mobilisation and organisation, infrastructure (schools, hospitals, bridges) was built, millions of children were vaccinated and diseases such as river blindness were eliminated. Women, long-subjugated by patriarchal systems took up space and led their own initiatives in freedom, including holding senior roles in the public service. On the international stage, practical solidarity was extended to countries either fighting or threatened by neo-colonialism despite the fact that Burkina Faso was poor and was itself threatened by France and her lackeys. What Sankara inherited in August 1983, twenty-three years after Burkina Faso’s independence, was a fragile neo-colonial state which was not allowed by dominant imperialist interests to set an example of what true independence means. So, in just four years, it was all over. Sankara was assassinated by his comrades and the revolutionary project he had led came to a halt. The tragedy of Sankara was the tragedy of all those attempts at revolution which occur before mass movements have had the opportunity to develop and organise themselves independently of the state. Despite this, it is apparent today that Sankara has been influential on current political movements and parties in Africa, from Burkina Faso to South Africa. One of these political movements is the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF) in South Africa. This half-thesis is an investigation of Sankara’s political thought. It also examines the extent to which his answers to questions of nationalism and pan-Africanism both matched and differed from his predecessors. To accomplish the latter, a brief but critical analysis of the writings of Amílcar Cabral, Frantz Fanon, Kwame Nkrumah is made.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2020
- Authors: Kabwato, Levison M
- Date: 2020
- Subjects: Sankara, Thomas , Sankara, Thomas -- Influence , Burkina Faso -- Politics and government -- 1960-1987 , Cabral, Amílcar, 1924-1973 , Fanon, Frantz, 1925-1961 , Nkrumah, Kwame, 1909-1972
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/146556 , vital:38536
- Description: On 4 August 1983, a thirty-three year-old army captain seized power in Burkina Faso and embarked on what can be described a revolutionary journey. Over the next four years, until his assassination in 1987 the government, led by Captain Thomas Sankara, attempted to redeem Burkina Faso from the clutches of neo-colonialism. Through popular mobilisation and organisation, infrastructure (schools, hospitals, bridges) was built, millions of children were vaccinated and diseases such as river blindness were eliminated. Women, long-subjugated by patriarchal systems took up space and led their own initiatives in freedom, including holding senior roles in the public service. On the international stage, practical solidarity was extended to countries either fighting or threatened by neo-colonialism despite the fact that Burkina Faso was poor and was itself threatened by France and her lackeys. What Sankara inherited in August 1983, twenty-three years after Burkina Faso’s independence, was a fragile neo-colonial state which was not allowed by dominant imperialist interests to set an example of what true independence means. So, in just four years, it was all over. Sankara was assassinated by his comrades and the revolutionary project he had led came to a halt. The tragedy of Sankara was the tragedy of all those attempts at revolution which occur before mass movements have had the opportunity to develop and organise themselves independently of the state. Despite this, it is apparent today that Sankara has been influential on current political movements and parties in Africa, from Burkina Faso to South Africa. One of these political movements is the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF) in South Africa. This half-thesis is an investigation of Sankara’s political thought. It also examines the extent to which his answers to questions of nationalism and pan-Africanism both matched and differed from his predecessors. To accomplish the latter, a brief but critical analysis of the writings of Amílcar Cabral, Frantz Fanon, Kwame Nkrumah is made.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2020
A comparison of representations of the imperative of higher education change as „transformation‟ versus „decolonisation‟ in South African public discourse
- Authors: Makgakge, Rebecca Dineo
- Date: 2020
- Subjects: Education in mass media -- South Africa , Higher education and state -- South Africa , Education, Higher -- Curricula -- South Africa , Discrimination in education -- South Africa , South Africa -- Colonial influence , Educational change -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/142498 , vital:38085
- Description: The context of higher education in South Africa which has been shaped by the legacies of the old apartheid system is faced with a paramount task of the continuous process of restructuring and change. In shaping the restructuring and change of the higher education system the concept of transformation has been a constant theme for the post-apartheid government policies. However more recently we have seen the heightened prominence of the concept of change understood as decolonisation of South African higher education – as opposed to “transformation‘. This thesis was concerned with how these concepts of change, “transformation‘ and “decolonisation‘ have been used in debates surrounding higher education in South Africa. The thesis compares and contrasts the ways and context in which they are used. This study of 177 South African newspaper articles taken form independent media stables from the time 2008 to the present provides an analysis of representations of higher education change as “transformation‘ and as “decolonisation‘ evinced in the corpus. This required using both content and framing analysis as a method to analyse the corpus. Three themes emerged from the analysis that are relevant to the comparison between South African higher education institutional change represented as “transformation‘ and South African higher education institutional change represented at “decolonisation‘: the first theme concerns the differences and similarities in how the two terms are defined; the second theme concerns how the two ideas play themselves out when it comes to curriculum change and the final theme concerns the implications of seeing change as “transformation‘ and seeing change as “decolonisation‘ for changing institutional cultures.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2020
- Authors: Makgakge, Rebecca Dineo
- Date: 2020
- Subjects: Education in mass media -- South Africa , Higher education and state -- South Africa , Education, Higher -- Curricula -- South Africa , Discrimination in education -- South Africa , South Africa -- Colonial influence , Educational change -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/142498 , vital:38085
- Description: The context of higher education in South Africa which has been shaped by the legacies of the old apartheid system is faced with a paramount task of the continuous process of restructuring and change. In shaping the restructuring and change of the higher education system the concept of transformation has been a constant theme for the post-apartheid government policies. However more recently we have seen the heightened prominence of the concept of change understood as decolonisation of South African higher education – as opposed to “transformation‘. This thesis was concerned with how these concepts of change, “transformation‘ and “decolonisation‘ have been used in debates surrounding higher education in South Africa. The thesis compares and contrasts the ways and context in which they are used. This study of 177 South African newspaper articles taken form independent media stables from the time 2008 to the present provides an analysis of representations of higher education change as “transformation‘ and as “decolonisation‘ evinced in the corpus. This required using both content and framing analysis as a method to analyse the corpus. Three themes emerged from the analysis that are relevant to the comparison between South African higher education institutional change represented as “transformation‘ and South African higher education institutional change represented at “decolonisation‘: the first theme concerns the differences and similarities in how the two terms are defined; the second theme concerns how the two ideas play themselves out when it comes to curriculum change and the final theme concerns the implications of seeing change as “transformation‘ and seeing change as “decolonisation‘ for changing institutional cultures.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2020
A comparative analysis of the use of participatory practices by indigenous trusts and mainstream development NGOs in Zvimba Communal Area Zimbabwe
- Authors: Mbanje, Bowden Bolt
- Date: 2020
- Subjects: Caritas Zimbabwe , Zvimba Community Share Ownership Trust (ZvCSOT) , Non-governmental organizations -- Zimbabwe -- Zvimba District , Community development -- Zimbabwe -- Zvimba District , Rural development -- Zimbabwe -- Zvimba District , Zvimba Communal Land (Zimbabwe)
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/167099 , vital:41437
- Description: This thesis compares the extent to which participatory practices have been used by Caritas Zimbabwe, a mainstream NGO, and the Zvimba Community Share Ownership Trust (ZvCSOT), an indigenous Trust, in Zvimba District, Zimbabwe. Participatory development initiatives are common practice in NGO and government development work in Zimbabwe. The thesis begins with a discussion of two aspects of participatory development (PD). Firstly, PD is discussed in relation to decentralization processes where central government transfers administrative and financial authority to sub-national government units in order to enhance the participation of rural communities in development interventions. Secondly, PD is discussed in relation to the increased role of NGOs in development work. During the 1980s and 1990s, shifts in development thinking resulted in NGOs being perceived as important actors who could attend to the development gaps left by an economically incapacitated state. Both NGOs and sub-national government units were seen to be closer to rural communities and so were thought to be in a better position to enhance the participation of these communities in meaningful development projects. An analysis of the practices of the NGO and CSOT under consideration in this study shows that while there has been much rhetorical commitment to participation, community participation in the development interventions of the NGO and the CSOT is inadequate. In introducing and implementing development interventions, there has been a tendency by both the NGO and CSOT to give priority to organizational preferences over local needs. While recognizing the participatory efforts made by mainstream development NGOs (Caritas in particular) and indigenous Trusts (Zvimba Community Share Ownership Trust in particular) in Zimbabwe, this thesis also considers the impact of other factors on participatory development initiatives. A major observation from the study is that in as much as we expect genuine participatory approaches which include grassroots communities’ inputs from the project’s conceptualization all the way to its evaluation, the challenge is that the elites at the higher level (central government and donor offices) have their own development preferences and interests while the elites at the lower levels (local government and NGO offices) also have their own priorities and needs. Consequently, local communities tend to be confined to implementing development projects foisted on them by elites at the higher level as well as those at the lower level. Worse still, the study shows that elites at the lowest level (community) sometimes hijack or take advantage of the imposed projects. Participation has been stalled by elites at various levels of the participatory development ladder. Thus, unless power imbalances are seriously addressed at all levels, participatory development will remain elusive.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2020
- Authors: Mbanje, Bowden Bolt
- Date: 2020
- Subjects: Caritas Zimbabwe , Zvimba Community Share Ownership Trust (ZvCSOT) , Non-governmental organizations -- Zimbabwe -- Zvimba District , Community development -- Zimbabwe -- Zvimba District , Rural development -- Zimbabwe -- Zvimba District , Zvimba Communal Land (Zimbabwe)
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/167099 , vital:41437
- Description: This thesis compares the extent to which participatory practices have been used by Caritas Zimbabwe, a mainstream NGO, and the Zvimba Community Share Ownership Trust (ZvCSOT), an indigenous Trust, in Zvimba District, Zimbabwe. Participatory development initiatives are common practice in NGO and government development work in Zimbabwe. The thesis begins with a discussion of two aspects of participatory development (PD). Firstly, PD is discussed in relation to decentralization processes where central government transfers administrative and financial authority to sub-national government units in order to enhance the participation of rural communities in development interventions. Secondly, PD is discussed in relation to the increased role of NGOs in development work. During the 1980s and 1990s, shifts in development thinking resulted in NGOs being perceived as important actors who could attend to the development gaps left by an economically incapacitated state. Both NGOs and sub-national government units were seen to be closer to rural communities and so were thought to be in a better position to enhance the participation of these communities in meaningful development projects. An analysis of the practices of the NGO and CSOT under consideration in this study shows that while there has been much rhetorical commitment to participation, community participation in the development interventions of the NGO and the CSOT is inadequate. In introducing and implementing development interventions, there has been a tendency by both the NGO and CSOT to give priority to organizational preferences over local needs. While recognizing the participatory efforts made by mainstream development NGOs (Caritas in particular) and indigenous Trusts (Zvimba Community Share Ownership Trust in particular) in Zimbabwe, this thesis also considers the impact of other factors on participatory development initiatives. A major observation from the study is that in as much as we expect genuine participatory approaches which include grassroots communities’ inputs from the project’s conceptualization all the way to its evaluation, the challenge is that the elites at the higher level (central government and donor offices) have their own development preferences and interests while the elites at the lower levels (local government and NGO offices) also have their own priorities and needs. Consequently, local communities tend to be confined to implementing development projects foisted on them by elites at the higher level as well as those at the lower level. Worse still, the study shows that elites at the lowest level (community) sometimes hijack or take advantage of the imposed projects. Participation has been stalled by elites at various levels of the participatory development ladder. Thus, unless power imbalances are seriously addressed at all levels, participatory development will remain elusive.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2020
Walking at the intersection of Seamon’s place ballet and Relph’s insideness: understanding how students experience the university as a place through their everyday habitual walking
- Mtolo, Siyathokoza Monwabisi
- Authors: Mtolo, Siyathokoza Monwabisi
- Date: 2020
- Subjects: Seamon, David , Relph, EC , College students -- South Africa -- Makhanda -- Attitudes , Walking -- Sociological aspects , College students -- South Africa -- Makhanda -- Political activity , Rhodes University -- Students -- Attitudes , Student movements -- South Africa -- Makhanda
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/162901 , vital:40995
- Description: Walking as a way to experience a place is a relatively understudied area of phenomenological study. Furthermore, globally (the world) and locally (South Africa) the study of the experience of tertiary education institutions as walked environments is minimal (see Puig-Ribera et al., 2008; Speck et al., 2010; Mtolo, 2017). However, the events of the South African #MustFall moment – especially the #RhodesMustFall part of the moment and how it began with the desecration of a statue that was walked past and found to be a misplaced artefact in a society that is in postcolonial/post-Apartheid times and space – highlighted the pressing need to study the experience of the university as a place through which habitual walking takes the student through moments of movement, rest, and encounter that are a highly consequential way in which placeness is experienced. This study is a way to document how students at Rhodes University experience the university’s placeness quality, through habitual walking, in an example of the way in which a place is experienced through moments of movement, rest, and encounter. For this study in-depth mobile interviews were conducted with 12 student participants from Rhodes University. The interviews were video-recorded as the participants talked while traversing through habitually walked areas of the campus that are the meaning-infused spaces which make up the Rhodes University that they traverse through on a daily basis. The dissertation found that in the experience of Rhodes University, through habitually walking its placeness, people experience moments of movement, rest, and encounter that are highly targeted and personalised. The experience of the Rhodes University campus is an experience of people and the built-up and decorated environment along similar lines. People bring to the experience of their walked space past experiences which inform consequentially how any space that is walked is experienced. People further employ strategies to ensure that the experience of walking a space is more to their desired quality as an experience, which ends up being meaningful and most likely to affect future instances of walking through meaning-infusing and meaning-infused space. Ultimately, the habitual walking of Rhodes University consequentially informs the relationship between students and Rhodes University’s placeness, as the walking is a way of learning how to be within a placeness that is engaged through alternating moments of movement, rest, and encounter that incrementally ‘open’ for experience Rhodes University in such a targeted manner that every student eventually has their personal and customised Rhodes University by virtue of it being just those sites and situations which have been engaged through habitual walking.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2020
- Authors: Mtolo, Siyathokoza Monwabisi
- Date: 2020
- Subjects: Seamon, David , Relph, EC , College students -- South Africa -- Makhanda -- Attitudes , Walking -- Sociological aspects , College students -- South Africa -- Makhanda -- Political activity , Rhodes University -- Students -- Attitudes , Student movements -- South Africa -- Makhanda
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/162901 , vital:40995
- Description: Walking as a way to experience a place is a relatively understudied area of phenomenological study. Furthermore, globally (the world) and locally (South Africa) the study of the experience of tertiary education institutions as walked environments is minimal (see Puig-Ribera et al., 2008; Speck et al., 2010; Mtolo, 2017). However, the events of the South African #MustFall moment – especially the #RhodesMustFall part of the moment and how it began with the desecration of a statue that was walked past and found to be a misplaced artefact in a society that is in postcolonial/post-Apartheid times and space – highlighted the pressing need to study the experience of the university as a place through which habitual walking takes the student through moments of movement, rest, and encounter that are a highly consequential way in which placeness is experienced. This study is a way to document how students at Rhodes University experience the university’s placeness quality, through habitual walking, in an example of the way in which a place is experienced through moments of movement, rest, and encounter. For this study in-depth mobile interviews were conducted with 12 student participants from Rhodes University. The interviews were video-recorded as the participants talked while traversing through habitually walked areas of the campus that are the meaning-infused spaces which make up the Rhodes University that they traverse through on a daily basis. The dissertation found that in the experience of Rhodes University, through habitually walking its placeness, people experience moments of movement, rest, and encounter that are highly targeted and personalised. The experience of the Rhodes University campus is an experience of people and the built-up and decorated environment along similar lines. People bring to the experience of their walked space past experiences which inform consequentially how any space that is walked is experienced. People further employ strategies to ensure that the experience of walking a space is more to their desired quality as an experience, which ends up being meaningful and most likely to affect future instances of walking through meaning-infusing and meaning-infused space. Ultimately, the habitual walking of Rhodes University consequentially informs the relationship between students and Rhodes University’s placeness, as the walking is a way of learning how to be within a placeness that is engaged through alternating moments of movement, rest, and encounter that incrementally ‘open’ for experience Rhodes University in such a targeted manner that every student eventually has their personal and customised Rhodes University by virtue of it being just those sites and situations which have been engaged through habitual walking.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2020
The international community’s implementation of the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) Principle: a Comparative Study of Sudan and Libya
- Authors: Nizeimana, John Bosco
- Date: 2020
- Subjects: Responsibility to protect (International law) , Humanitarian intervention -- Libya , Libya -- Foreign relations -- 1969- , Libya -- Politics and government -- 1969- , Humanitarian intervention -- Sudan , Sudan -- Foreign relations , Sudan -- Politics and government -- 1985-
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/162631 , vital:40962
- Description: In the history of international relations, the adoption of the R2P principle in 2005 was widely understood to be a break-through in the international community’s efforts to respond to massive human rights violations and atrocities. Despite this, the international community’s implementation of the R2P has been widely contested, including in relation to its application in Sudan and Libya. There is agreement in the literature that, in both cases, the implementation of the R2P failed to achieve its intended purpose of protecting civilian populations. This thesis addresses the question of why the R2P failed in Sudan and Libya. Most explanations concerning the failure of the R2P in Sudan and Libya tend to focus on the politics of big power countries. The study argues that the failure to implement the R2P is related to the interactions between regional organisations and the international community (global organisations like UN) in attempting to solve large-scale human rights violent conflict. The study is firmly embedded in scholarly debates about humanitarian intervention so as to demonstrate the fact that this study is part of efforts to advance knowledge of scholarly debates on humanitarian intervention in this contemporary world order. The study combines a case study approach and qualitative research approach to achieve a nuanced understanding of the reason why the R2P failed in Sudan and Libya. The study relied on the use of documentary reviews and in-depth interviews of experts to collect data which was analysed using critical discourse analysis. The thesis demonstrated that the implementation of the R2P was characterised by a breakdown of the relationship between regional actors like the AU and global institutions like the UN. This breakdown contributed to the failure of the R2P in Sudan and Libya. The lack of financial and operational capacity for rapid deployment, the internal divisions with the AU, and the lack of political will within the AU members states were also cited as obstacles to the realisation of the R2P efforts in Sudan. To establish in-depth knowledge the study revealed other factors related to the politics of big power countries and how they played a part in the failure of the R2P in Sudan and Libya. Among these factors include implementation inconsistencies, the ICC factor, the absence of UNSC consensus in the response over Darfur and Libya, and the veto power factor and its implications in the efforts of the international community in both cases. This study also showed that the implementation of the R2P may not work effectively if left only to international actors to implement. Regional and sub-regional actors are important stakeholders of the R2P, and their interactions with the international community in actualising the implmementation of the R2P on the ground are essential. The manner in which the R2P was applied in Sudan and Libya is an indication its implementation requires improved interaction between regional actors and the international community at all level of collaboration including at global, regional and sub-regional level. This can build a strong foundation to drive the effective implementation of the R2P in future interventions. The findings of this thesis will significantly improve the available literature on the reason why the R2P failed in Sudan and Libya, particularly by paying much attention to the role of regional and sub-regional actors.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2020
- Authors: Nizeimana, John Bosco
- Date: 2020
- Subjects: Responsibility to protect (International law) , Humanitarian intervention -- Libya , Libya -- Foreign relations -- 1969- , Libya -- Politics and government -- 1969- , Humanitarian intervention -- Sudan , Sudan -- Foreign relations , Sudan -- Politics and government -- 1985-
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/162631 , vital:40962
- Description: In the history of international relations, the adoption of the R2P principle in 2005 was widely understood to be a break-through in the international community’s efforts to respond to massive human rights violations and atrocities. Despite this, the international community’s implementation of the R2P has been widely contested, including in relation to its application in Sudan and Libya. There is agreement in the literature that, in both cases, the implementation of the R2P failed to achieve its intended purpose of protecting civilian populations. This thesis addresses the question of why the R2P failed in Sudan and Libya. Most explanations concerning the failure of the R2P in Sudan and Libya tend to focus on the politics of big power countries. The study argues that the failure to implement the R2P is related to the interactions between regional organisations and the international community (global organisations like UN) in attempting to solve large-scale human rights violent conflict. The study is firmly embedded in scholarly debates about humanitarian intervention so as to demonstrate the fact that this study is part of efforts to advance knowledge of scholarly debates on humanitarian intervention in this contemporary world order. The study combines a case study approach and qualitative research approach to achieve a nuanced understanding of the reason why the R2P failed in Sudan and Libya. The study relied on the use of documentary reviews and in-depth interviews of experts to collect data which was analysed using critical discourse analysis. The thesis demonstrated that the implementation of the R2P was characterised by a breakdown of the relationship between regional actors like the AU and global institutions like the UN. This breakdown contributed to the failure of the R2P in Sudan and Libya. The lack of financial and operational capacity for rapid deployment, the internal divisions with the AU, and the lack of political will within the AU members states were also cited as obstacles to the realisation of the R2P efforts in Sudan. To establish in-depth knowledge the study revealed other factors related to the politics of big power countries and how they played a part in the failure of the R2P in Sudan and Libya. Among these factors include implementation inconsistencies, the ICC factor, the absence of UNSC consensus in the response over Darfur and Libya, and the veto power factor and its implications in the efforts of the international community in both cases. This study also showed that the implementation of the R2P may not work effectively if left only to international actors to implement. Regional and sub-regional actors are important stakeholders of the R2P, and their interactions with the international community in actualising the implmementation of the R2P on the ground are essential. The manner in which the R2P was applied in Sudan and Libya is an indication its implementation requires improved interaction between regional actors and the international community at all level of collaboration including at global, regional and sub-regional level. This can build a strong foundation to drive the effective implementation of the R2P in future interventions. The findings of this thesis will significantly improve the available literature on the reason why the R2P failed in Sudan and Libya, particularly by paying much attention to the role of regional and sub-regional actors.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2020
Understanding popular resistance to xenophobia in South Africa: ‘people think’ and the possibility of alternative politics
- Authors: Parker, Jemima
- Date: 2020
- Subjects: Xenophobia -- South Africa , Nationalism -- South Africa , Lazarus, Sylvain -- Political and social views , Political culture -- South Africa , Social change -- South Africa -- Political aspects , Discourse analysis -- South Africa -- Political aspects , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1994- , Political science -- Philosophy , Political sociology -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/115006 , vital:34069
- Description: This thesis is concerned with the crisis of xenophobia in South Africa. It argues, firstly, that xenophobia itself is not primarily a reaction to poverty, inequality, or any other set of social conditions. Rather, xenophobia must be considered to be a collective political discourse which has arisen in post-apartheid South Africa from an exclusionary conception of state nationalism. Where this work may be distinguished from the majority of research on xenophobia in South Africa is in the fact that its particular focus is on instances where ‘ordinary’ South Africans have challenged and resisted xenophobic violence in their communities through collective political mobilisation. I suggest that these sites of resistance deserve careful consideration in their own right. I argue that they may demonstrate a subjective break with the oppressive politics of state nationalism through the affirmation of alternative political conceptions. Drawing on the political theory of Sylvain Lazarus, and his principal thesis that people are capable of thinking politics in ways which can subjectively think beyond the social and the extant (underscored by his political and methodological axiom, people think), this thesis argues that these sites of resistance show that people – and especially those who are considered to be marginalised from the domain of legitimate politics – can and do think politically, and it is in the thought of people that new and potentially emancipatory visions of politics may emerge.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2020
- Authors: Parker, Jemima
- Date: 2020
- Subjects: Xenophobia -- South Africa , Nationalism -- South Africa , Lazarus, Sylvain -- Political and social views , Political culture -- South Africa , Social change -- South Africa -- Political aspects , Discourse analysis -- South Africa -- Political aspects , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1994- , Political science -- Philosophy , Political sociology -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/115006 , vital:34069
- Description: This thesis is concerned with the crisis of xenophobia in South Africa. It argues, firstly, that xenophobia itself is not primarily a reaction to poverty, inequality, or any other set of social conditions. Rather, xenophobia must be considered to be a collective political discourse which has arisen in post-apartheid South Africa from an exclusionary conception of state nationalism. Where this work may be distinguished from the majority of research on xenophobia in South Africa is in the fact that its particular focus is on instances where ‘ordinary’ South Africans have challenged and resisted xenophobic violence in their communities through collective political mobilisation. I suggest that these sites of resistance deserve careful consideration in their own right. I argue that they may demonstrate a subjective break with the oppressive politics of state nationalism through the affirmation of alternative political conceptions. Drawing on the political theory of Sylvain Lazarus, and his principal thesis that people are capable of thinking politics in ways which can subjectively think beyond the social and the extant (underscored by his political and methodological axiom, people think), this thesis argues that these sites of resistance show that people – and especially those who are considered to be marginalised from the domain of legitimate politics – can and do think politically, and it is in the thought of people that new and potentially emancipatory visions of politics may emerge.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2020
Choreographies of protest performance as recruitment to activism and the movement of perception during the 2015 re-emergence of student activism at Rhodes University
- Authors: Qoza, Phiwokazi
- Date: 2020
- Subjects: College students -- Political activity -- South Africa , Student protesters -- South Africa , Student movements -- South Africa , Higher education and state -- South Africa , Performance art -- Political aspects -- South Africa , Protest songs -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/141692 , vital:37997
- Description: It has been argued that individuals participate in activism due to an identification with the preferences and interests of an emerging group of actors or in solidarity with a pre-existing network that has resorted to a number of protest repertoires in order to make claims or demands. Additionally, an emerging instance of protest is often linked to an image of previous protest events through the employment of a combination of master frames which function as discursive articulation of the encounter in familiar terms, creating a frame resonance which recruits adherents and constituents. To understand why some bystanders to protest transcended to actors in protest and the development of frames within a protest cycle, a performance ethnography is employed to observe and analyse choreographies of protest which took place at an institution of higher education in South Africa during the 2015 re-emergence of wide-spread student activism. It is found that in encountering an atmosphere of protest there emerged a relation of feeling, referred to as “feeling the vibe or atmosphere”, which those who became protest performers resolved in ways which increased their capacity to act in favour of co-constituting that atmosphere. During the encounter between the bystander body and the atmosphere of protest, non-linear somatic communication, characterised by active and passive gestures and postures, occurred through which protest performers developed contact and connection with other bodies as a result of the displacement of space. This thesis suggests that participation in activism can be about going with the flow of movement in an uncertain and ambiguous moment and is not limited to an identification with the pre-existing organization of preferences and interests as a frame of resonance emerges to signify somatic communication which differentiated bodies in the duration of protest performance. Therefore, this thesis uses the theory of affect to situate student activism in-between the politics of performance and the performance of politics whereupon the rhythm of song creates an opening for the kinaesthetic to create form from spontaneous movement of the body as an event of the movement of perception and the perception of movement.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2020
- Authors: Qoza, Phiwokazi
- Date: 2020
- Subjects: College students -- Political activity -- South Africa , Student protesters -- South Africa , Student movements -- South Africa , Higher education and state -- South Africa , Performance art -- Political aspects -- South Africa , Protest songs -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/141692 , vital:37997
- Description: It has been argued that individuals participate in activism due to an identification with the preferences and interests of an emerging group of actors or in solidarity with a pre-existing network that has resorted to a number of protest repertoires in order to make claims or demands. Additionally, an emerging instance of protest is often linked to an image of previous protest events through the employment of a combination of master frames which function as discursive articulation of the encounter in familiar terms, creating a frame resonance which recruits adherents and constituents. To understand why some bystanders to protest transcended to actors in protest and the development of frames within a protest cycle, a performance ethnography is employed to observe and analyse choreographies of protest which took place at an institution of higher education in South Africa during the 2015 re-emergence of wide-spread student activism. It is found that in encountering an atmosphere of protest there emerged a relation of feeling, referred to as “feeling the vibe or atmosphere”, which those who became protest performers resolved in ways which increased their capacity to act in favour of co-constituting that atmosphere. During the encounter between the bystander body and the atmosphere of protest, non-linear somatic communication, characterised by active and passive gestures and postures, occurred through which protest performers developed contact and connection with other bodies as a result of the displacement of space. This thesis suggests that participation in activism can be about going with the flow of movement in an uncertain and ambiguous moment and is not limited to an identification with the pre-existing organization of preferences and interests as a frame of resonance emerges to signify somatic communication which differentiated bodies in the duration of protest performance. Therefore, this thesis uses the theory of affect to situate student activism in-between the politics of performance and the performance of politics whereupon the rhythm of song creates an opening for the kinaesthetic to create form from spontaneous movement of the body as an event of the movement of perception and the perception of movement.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2020
The Islamic Bloc at the United Nations Human Rights Council
- Authors: Rist, Duncan Graham
- Date: 2020
- Subjects: United Nations Human Rights Council , Organisation of Islamic Cooperation , International relations , International relations -- Moral and ethical aspects , Political leadership -- Moral and ethical aspects , Power (Social sciences) -- United States , Human rights -- International cooperation , Liberalism -- International cooperation
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/142759 , vital:38114
- Description: Uncertainty as to the future of the liberal international order and the position of the United States within an international system in which it is not the hegemon remains a topic of debate amongst scholars of International Relations (Acharya: 2017; Duncombe and Dunne: 2018; Ikenberry: 2009, 2011, 2014; Nye: 2012 and Monteiro: 2011/2012). Fukuyama’s (1989: 4) “end of history” has not happened and a resurgence of populist leaders within established liberal democratic countries has contributed to a rapid decline of moral and ethical leadership and has further compromised the future of the liberal international order (Duncombe and Dunne, 2018: 27). As the relative power of the United States declines and the future of the liberal international order becomes increasingly uncertain, support for its future must be sought from outside the West (Duncombe and Dunne, 2018: 25 and Ikenberry: 2009). This thesis seeks to locate where potential non-Western support for the future liberal international order may be found. It does so through an analysis of how Islamic states who are part of the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation vote on the United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC). The OIC has a significant presence at the UNHRC and can influence the direction of the liberal international human rights regime. The evidence examined in this research project suggests that the future liberal international order and human rights regime can indeed expect some form of cooperation from the OIC. However, the OIC, and by extension Islamic states, would likely offer more support at least for human rights, if a more common understanding were to be found.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2020
- Authors: Rist, Duncan Graham
- Date: 2020
- Subjects: United Nations Human Rights Council , Organisation of Islamic Cooperation , International relations , International relations -- Moral and ethical aspects , Political leadership -- Moral and ethical aspects , Power (Social sciences) -- United States , Human rights -- International cooperation , Liberalism -- International cooperation
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/142759 , vital:38114
- Description: Uncertainty as to the future of the liberal international order and the position of the United States within an international system in which it is not the hegemon remains a topic of debate amongst scholars of International Relations (Acharya: 2017; Duncombe and Dunne: 2018; Ikenberry: 2009, 2011, 2014; Nye: 2012 and Monteiro: 2011/2012). Fukuyama’s (1989: 4) “end of history” has not happened and a resurgence of populist leaders within established liberal democratic countries has contributed to a rapid decline of moral and ethical leadership and has further compromised the future of the liberal international order (Duncombe and Dunne, 2018: 27). As the relative power of the United States declines and the future of the liberal international order becomes increasingly uncertain, support for its future must be sought from outside the West (Duncombe and Dunne, 2018: 25 and Ikenberry: 2009). This thesis seeks to locate where potential non-Western support for the future liberal international order may be found. It does so through an analysis of how Islamic states who are part of the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation vote on the United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC). The OIC has a significant presence at the UNHRC and can influence the direction of the liberal international human rights regime. The evidence examined in this research project suggests that the future liberal international order and human rights regime can indeed expect some form of cooperation from the OIC. However, the OIC, and by extension Islamic states, would likely offer more support at least for human rights, if a more common understanding were to be found.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2020
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