A comparative analysis of the use of participatory practices by indigenous trusts and mainstream development NGOs in Zvimba Communal Area Zimbabwe
- Authors: Mbanje, Bowden Bolt
- Date: 2020
- Subjects: Caritas Zimbabwe , Zvimba Community Share Ownership Trust (ZvCSOT) , Non-governmental organizations -- Zimbabwe -- Zvimba District , Community development -- Zimbabwe -- Zvimba District , Rural development -- Zimbabwe -- Zvimba District , Zvimba Communal Land (Zimbabwe)
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/167099 , vital:41437
- Description: This thesis compares the extent to which participatory practices have been used by Caritas Zimbabwe, a mainstream NGO, and the Zvimba Community Share Ownership Trust (ZvCSOT), an indigenous Trust, in Zvimba District, Zimbabwe. Participatory development initiatives are common practice in NGO and government development work in Zimbabwe. The thesis begins with a discussion of two aspects of participatory development (PD). Firstly, PD is discussed in relation to decentralization processes where central government transfers administrative and financial authority to sub-national government units in order to enhance the participation of rural communities in development interventions. Secondly, PD is discussed in relation to the increased role of NGOs in development work. During the 1980s and 1990s, shifts in development thinking resulted in NGOs being perceived as important actors who could attend to the development gaps left by an economically incapacitated state. Both NGOs and sub-national government units were seen to be closer to rural communities and so were thought to be in a better position to enhance the participation of these communities in meaningful development projects. An analysis of the practices of the NGO and CSOT under consideration in this study shows that while there has been much rhetorical commitment to participation, community participation in the development interventions of the NGO and the CSOT is inadequate. In introducing and implementing development interventions, there has been a tendency by both the NGO and CSOT to give priority to organizational preferences over local needs. While recognizing the participatory efforts made by mainstream development NGOs (Caritas in particular) and indigenous Trusts (Zvimba Community Share Ownership Trust in particular) in Zimbabwe, this thesis also considers the impact of other factors on participatory development initiatives. A major observation from the study is that in as much as we expect genuine participatory approaches which include grassroots communities’ inputs from the project’s conceptualization all the way to its evaluation, the challenge is that the elites at the higher level (central government and donor offices) have their own development preferences and interests while the elites at the lower levels (local government and NGO offices) also have their own priorities and needs. Consequently, local communities tend to be confined to implementing development projects foisted on them by elites at the higher level as well as those at the lower level. Worse still, the study shows that elites at the lowest level (community) sometimes hijack or take advantage of the imposed projects. Participation has been stalled by elites at various levels of the participatory development ladder. Thus, unless power imbalances are seriously addressed at all levels, participatory development will remain elusive.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2020
- Authors: Mbanje, Bowden Bolt
- Date: 2020
- Subjects: Caritas Zimbabwe , Zvimba Community Share Ownership Trust (ZvCSOT) , Non-governmental organizations -- Zimbabwe -- Zvimba District , Community development -- Zimbabwe -- Zvimba District , Rural development -- Zimbabwe -- Zvimba District , Zvimba Communal Land (Zimbabwe)
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/167099 , vital:41437
- Description: This thesis compares the extent to which participatory practices have been used by Caritas Zimbabwe, a mainstream NGO, and the Zvimba Community Share Ownership Trust (ZvCSOT), an indigenous Trust, in Zvimba District, Zimbabwe. Participatory development initiatives are common practice in NGO and government development work in Zimbabwe. The thesis begins with a discussion of two aspects of participatory development (PD). Firstly, PD is discussed in relation to decentralization processes where central government transfers administrative and financial authority to sub-national government units in order to enhance the participation of rural communities in development interventions. Secondly, PD is discussed in relation to the increased role of NGOs in development work. During the 1980s and 1990s, shifts in development thinking resulted in NGOs being perceived as important actors who could attend to the development gaps left by an economically incapacitated state. Both NGOs and sub-national government units were seen to be closer to rural communities and so were thought to be in a better position to enhance the participation of these communities in meaningful development projects. An analysis of the practices of the NGO and CSOT under consideration in this study shows that while there has been much rhetorical commitment to participation, community participation in the development interventions of the NGO and the CSOT is inadequate. In introducing and implementing development interventions, there has been a tendency by both the NGO and CSOT to give priority to organizational preferences over local needs. While recognizing the participatory efforts made by mainstream development NGOs (Caritas in particular) and indigenous Trusts (Zvimba Community Share Ownership Trust in particular) in Zimbabwe, this thesis also considers the impact of other factors on participatory development initiatives. A major observation from the study is that in as much as we expect genuine participatory approaches which include grassroots communities’ inputs from the project’s conceptualization all the way to its evaluation, the challenge is that the elites at the higher level (central government and donor offices) have their own development preferences and interests while the elites at the lower levels (local government and NGO offices) also have their own priorities and needs. Consequently, local communities tend to be confined to implementing development projects foisted on them by elites at the higher level as well as those at the lower level. Worse still, the study shows that elites at the lowest level (community) sometimes hijack or take advantage of the imposed projects. Participation has been stalled by elites at various levels of the participatory development ladder. Thus, unless power imbalances are seriously addressed at all levels, participatory development will remain elusive.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2020
A comparison of representations of the imperative of higher education change as „transformation‟ versus „decolonisation‟ in South African public discourse
- Authors: Makgakge, Rebecca Dineo
- Date: 2020
- Subjects: Education in mass media -- South Africa , Higher education and state -- South Africa , Education, Higher -- Curricula -- South Africa , Discrimination in education -- South Africa , South Africa -- Colonial influence , Educational change -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/142498 , vital:38085
- Description: The context of higher education in South Africa which has been shaped by the legacies of the old apartheid system is faced with a paramount task of the continuous process of restructuring and change. In shaping the restructuring and change of the higher education system the concept of transformation has been a constant theme for the post-apartheid government policies. However more recently we have seen the heightened prominence of the concept of change understood as decolonisation of South African higher education – as opposed to “transformation‘. This thesis was concerned with how these concepts of change, “transformation‘ and “decolonisation‘ have been used in debates surrounding higher education in South Africa. The thesis compares and contrasts the ways and context in which they are used. This study of 177 South African newspaper articles taken form independent media stables from the time 2008 to the present provides an analysis of representations of higher education change as “transformation‘ and as “decolonisation‘ evinced in the corpus. This required using both content and framing analysis as a method to analyse the corpus. Three themes emerged from the analysis that are relevant to the comparison between South African higher education institutional change represented as “transformation‘ and South African higher education institutional change represented at “decolonisation‘: the first theme concerns the differences and similarities in how the two terms are defined; the second theme concerns how the two ideas play themselves out when it comes to curriculum change and the final theme concerns the implications of seeing change as “transformation‘ and seeing change as “decolonisation‘ for changing institutional cultures.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2020
- Authors: Makgakge, Rebecca Dineo
- Date: 2020
- Subjects: Education in mass media -- South Africa , Higher education and state -- South Africa , Education, Higher -- Curricula -- South Africa , Discrimination in education -- South Africa , South Africa -- Colonial influence , Educational change -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/142498 , vital:38085
- Description: The context of higher education in South Africa which has been shaped by the legacies of the old apartheid system is faced with a paramount task of the continuous process of restructuring and change. In shaping the restructuring and change of the higher education system the concept of transformation has been a constant theme for the post-apartheid government policies. However more recently we have seen the heightened prominence of the concept of change understood as decolonisation of South African higher education – as opposed to “transformation‘. This thesis was concerned with how these concepts of change, “transformation‘ and “decolonisation‘ have been used in debates surrounding higher education in South Africa. The thesis compares and contrasts the ways and context in which they are used. This study of 177 South African newspaper articles taken form independent media stables from the time 2008 to the present provides an analysis of representations of higher education change as “transformation‘ and as “decolonisation‘ evinced in the corpus. This required using both content and framing analysis as a method to analyse the corpus. Three themes emerged from the analysis that are relevant to the comparison between South African higher education institutional change represented as “transformation‘ and South African higher education institutional change represented at “decolonisation‘: the first theme concerns the differences and similarities in how the two terms are defined; the second theme concerns how the two ideas play themselves out when it comes to curriculum change and the final theme concerns the implications of seeing change as “transformation‘ and seeing change as “decolonisation‘ for changing institutional cultures.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2020
A constructivist deconstruction of post-apartheid South Africa’s trade negotiation strategies: the politics of development and global value chains
- Authors: Pillay, Morgenie
- Date: 2015
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/64731 , vital:28596
- Description: Expected release date-May 2020
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2015
- Authors: Pillay, Morgenie
- Date: 2015
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/64731 , vital:28596
- Description: Expected release date-May 2020
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2015
Al-Shabaab and the sources of its resilience and resurgence: Cold War legacies and Jihadism in Somalia
- Authors: Gardiner, Richard
- Date: 2018
- Subjects: Shabaab (Organization) , Jihad , Cold War -- Influence , Cold War -- Social aspects -- Somalia , Somalia -- Foreign relations , Refugees, Somalian -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Masters , MSocSc
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/63833 , vital:28495
- Description: This study examines the continued development and survival of the group, Harakat al-Shabaab al-Mujahidin, commonly known as al-Shabaab – which emerged in 2006 as the militant wing of Somalia’s Islamic Courts Union and became an independent group in 2007. The group has survived in spite of the fact that it has endured significant losses of personnel, resources and territory in Somalia. The study examines al-Shabaab’s sources of resilience, resurgence and diversity. To achieve this, the study focused on the narratives of nine Somali nationals living and working in Durban, Grahamstown and Port Elizabeth, who fled their home country as a result of the ongoing violence and instability. Through understanding war as experience and placing the individual and community at the center of analysis, a people-centered approach is developed in understanding the organisation. This allows the study to challenge the state centered approaches to security and International Relations (IR) theory, which is important in the case of an armed, transnational, non-state actor such as al-Shabaab, whose operation and mobilisation requires no territorial base. The study makes use of social constructivism as a theoretical lens, as it provides an alternative way of analysing a non-state actor, specifically within an African context. The study argues that al-Shabaab's war within Somalia and East Africa is a territorial manifestation of a global phenomenon which highlights the importance of understanding its unique history within Somalia and East Africa. Importantly, the study also shows that veterans of the Afghan-Soviet war brought back ideas and tactics which have played a central part in shaping al-Shabaab's ideology and tactics. It is argued that al-Shabaab's process of decentralisation has ensured their survival but also alienated them from the Somali population. It is demonstrated that their insurgent tactics and process of intelligence gathering means that they operate in the shadows, making it difficult to locate them. Furthermore, the study shows that the role of regional actors and the presence of African Union peacekeepers have ensured that they have a constant enemy which provides a sense of cohesion and drive. The study concludes that al-Shabaab exists at a nexus of factors; its survival has and will depend on both domestic and transnational factors. Without the transnational nature of the organisation, al-Shabaab would not have become the organisation it is today. However, the future of al-Shabaab is heavily dependent on the security situation within Somalia. The immediate objectives of the group are focused within Somalia. Therefore, if the state institutions are consolidated within the country and human security levels improve, the organisation will struggle to operate with the same freedom it currently enjoys.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2018
- Authors: Gardiner, Richard
- Date: 2018
- Subjects: Shabaab (Organization) , Jihad , Cold War -- Influence , Cold War -- Social aspects -- Somalia , Somalia -- Foreign relations , Refugees, Somalian -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Masters , MSocSc
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/63833 , vital:28495
- Description: This study examines the continued development and survival of the group, Harakat al-Shabaab al-Mujahidin, commonly known as al-Shabaab – which emerged in 2006 as the militant wing of Somalia’s Islamic Courts Union and became an independent group in 2007. The group has survived in spite of the fact that it has endured significant losses of personnel, resources and territory in Somalia. The study examines al-Shabaab’s sources of resilience, resurgence and diversity. To achieve this, the study focused on the narratives of nine Somali nationals living and working in Durban, Grahamstown and Port Elizabeth, who fled their home country as a result of the ongoing violence and instability. Through understanding war as experience and placing the individual and community at the center of analysis, a people-centered approach is developed in understanding the organisation. This allows the study to challenge the state centered approaches to security and International Relations (IR) theory, which is important in the case of an armed, transnational, non-state actor such as al-Shabaab, whose operation and mobilisation requires no territorial base. The study makes use of social constructivism as a theoretical lens, as it provides an alternative way of analysing a non-state actor, specifically within an African context. The study argues that al-Shabaab's war within Somalia and East Africa is a territorial manifestation of a global phenomenon which highlights the importance of understanding its unique history within Somalia and East Africa. Importantly, the study also shows that veterans of the Afghan-Soviet war brought back ideas and tactics which have played a central part in shaping al-Shabaab's ideology and tactics. It is argued that al-Shabaab's process of decentralisation has ensured their survival but also alienated them from the Somali population. It is demonstrated that their insurgent tactics and process of intelligence gathering means that they operate in the shadows, making it difficult to locate them. Furthermore, the study shows that the role of regional actors and the presence of African Union peacekeepers have ensured that they have a constant enemy which provides a sense of cohesion and drive. The study concludes that al-Shabaab exists at a nexus of factors; its survival has and will depend on both domestic and transnational factors. Without the transnational nature of the organisation, al-Shabaab would not have become the organisation it is today. However, the future of al-Shabaab is heavily dependent on the security situation within Somalia. The immediate objectives of the group are focused within Somalia. Therefore, if the state institutions are consolidated within the country and human security levels improve, the organisation will struggle to operate with the same freedom it currently enjoys.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2018
An analysis of South Africa’s food security policy frameworks from a food sovereignty perspective: challenges and implications for genuine long-term food security
- Authors: Hoepfl, Jason
- Date: 2020
- Subjects: Food sovereignty -- South Africa , Food security -- South Africa , Food security -- Government policy -- South Africa , Food security -- Climatic factors -- South Africa , Food policy -- Government policy -- South Africa , Agriculture and state -- South Africa , Food industry and trade -- Government policy -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Masters , MSocSci
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/162851 , vital:40990
- Description: Food price volatility, ecological shocks and unprecedented levels of hunger and obesity are increasing concerns within food security governance, as is the emergence of food sovereignty in broadening critical discussions around food, water, energy and environmental crises. This thesis analyses this changing terrain in the context of South African policy. It analyses shifts in policymaking and the capability of South Africa’s food security policy frameworks to include food sovereignty principles and in so doing support genuine long-term food security. A shift in policy priorities from household production, trade and income opportunities towards social safety nets and nutritional interventions is identified. This focus is constrained by an inability to affect structural changes within a deeply inequitable food landscape. An emphasis on commercial farming and unwillingness to challenge large agribusiness, value chains and corporate retail has enabled social differentiation in access to food and the country’s colonial land dispensation to continue. Consequently, markets have continued to be antipathetic to the needs of poor producers and consumers in South Africa. To overcome these structural constraints, food security policy needs to be framed within a more radical normative agenda. This is important for challenging inequitable power relations and asserting the social and ecological imperatives of healthy food systems. Food sovereignty has significant potential to support a normative agenda by supporting the multiple farming practices, enterprises and livelihood strategies pursued by poor farmers, the unemployed and working poor whilst preserving sensitive environments for future generations. Determining the future of food security is not the privilege of the few with economic clout or power to govern but the right of all. The incorporation of food sovereignty principles in policymaking is therefore paramount for achieving genuine long-term food security.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2020
- Authors: Hoepfl, Jason
- Date: 2020
- Subjects: Food sovereignty -- South Africa , Food security -- South Africa , Food security -- Government policy -- South Africa , Food security -- Climatic factors -- South Africa , Food policy -- Government policy -- South Africa , Agriculture and state -- South Africa , Food industry and trade -- Government policy -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Masters , MSocSci
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/162851 , vital:40990
- Description: Food price volatility, ecological shocks and unprecedented levels of hunger and obesity are increasing concerns within food security governance, as is the emergence of food sovereignty in broadening critical discussions around food, water, energy and environmental crises. This thesis analyses this changing terrain in the context of South African policy. It analyses shifts in policymaking and the capability of South Africa’s food security policy frameworks to include food sovereignty principles and in so doing support genuine long-term food security. A shift in policy priorities from household production, trade and income opportunities towards social safety nets and nutritional interventions is identified. This focus is constrained by an inability to affect structural changes within a deeply inequitable food landscape. An emphasis on commercial farming and unwillingness to challenge large agribusiness, value chains and corporate retail has enabled social differentiation in access to food and the country’s colonial land dispensation to continue. Consequently, markets have continued to be antipathetic to the needs of poor producers and consumers in South Africa. To overcome these structural constraints, food security policy needs to be framed within a more radical normative agenda. This is important for challenging inequitable power relations and asserting the social and ecological imperatives of healthy food systems. Food sovereignty has significant potential to support a normative agenda by supporting the multiple farming practices, enterprises and livelihood strategies pursued by poor farmers, the unemployed and working poor whilst preserving sensitive environments for future generations. Determining the future of food security is not the privilege of the few with economic clout or power to govern but the right of all. The incorporation of food sovereignty principles in policymaking is therefore paramount for achieving genuine long-term food security.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2020
Between drones and al-Shabaab: United States extra-judicial killings in Somalia, sovereignty and the future of liberal intervention
- Authors: Koloko, Mojalefa
- Date: 2019
- Subjects: Somalia -- Politics and government -- 1991- , Somalia -- History -- 1991- , Somalia -- Foreign relations -- United States , Somalia -- Foreign relations -- 1991- , Military assistance, American -- Somalia , Extrajudicial exeutions -- Somalia , Shabaab (Organization)
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/67657 , vital:29125
- Description: This study examines the nature of the United States intervention in Somalia, specifically the use of drone strikes that first targeted the militant Sunni Islamist transnational group, al-Qaeda, which claimed responsibility for the 11 September 2001 attacks on the United States, and now target the Somali organisation, Harakat al-Shabaab al-Mujahidin, commonly known as al-Shabaab. The use of drone strikes in the US led war on terror has raised concerns about sovereignty as the extra-judicial killings are conducted without the consent of the concerned states. Furthermore, drone strikes also raise questions about the processes of liberal intervention as the US conducts them without the approval of the United Nations Security Council. It is argued in this study that what is understood to be the “golden era” of liberal interventionism is a legacy of the post-Cold War unipolar dominance of the United States in global governance and security. It is argued that US unipolarity was accompanied by a shifting perception regarding the security position of weak states, whose weakness becomes understood as a source of global insecurity. This perception that so called “weak” and “fragile” states are sources of threats is a departure in International Relations theory, because the discipline is historically preoccupied with studying the actions of powerful states and their consequence for the global order. It is argued that the discourse on the war on terror, and its focus on “failed states” as breeding grounds for alleged terrorists, represents the height of the repositioning of less powerful states from a peripheral status in IR analysis and practice, to their current position that are now being represented as core sources of threat to international peace and security. Through life history interviews with Somali nationals in Grahamstown, Port Elizabeth and Uitenhage, South Africa, the study examines the consequences of US actions from the eyes of Somali people. The findings of this study show that despite all the controversy surrounding the legitimacy of the war on terror, the manner in which it is conducted, as well as the tactics that it employs, the majority of Somali participants showed an overwhelming support for the US intervention. Participants expressed support for the US extra-judicial killings because they are understood to undermine al-Shabaab strength which is a major source of insecurity. The study also shows that the lack of necessary collaboration between the US intelligence and the Somali ground forces has resulted in high numbers of civilian deaths, which participants fear can be used by al-Shabaab to recruit and radicalise more Somalis. The study also shows that most Somalis resent the presence of the African Union Mission in Somalia because Kenya and Ethiopia are seen as 10 pursuing national interests that are not invested in Somali peace and stability. The study concludes that US extra-judicial killings have failed to constrain the actions of al-Shabaab. Somalis expressed that the leadership of current president, Mohamed Abdullahi Mohamed Farmaajo, holds the unique possibilities of creating national unity that rises above clan divisions and the radical Jihadist ideology of al-Shabaab.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2019
- Authors: Koloko, Mojalefa
- Date: 2019
- Subjects: Somalia -- Politics and government -- 1991- , Somalia -- History -- 1991- , Somalia -- Foreign relations -- United States , Somalia -- Foreign relations -- 1991- , Military assistance, American -- Somalia , Extrajudicial exeutions -- Somalia , Shabaab (Organization)
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/67657 , vital:29125
- Description: This study examines the nature of the United States intervention in Somalia, specifically the use of drone strikes that first targeted the militant Sunni Islamist transnational group, al-Qaeda, which claimed responsibility for the 11 September 2001 attacks on the United States, and now target the Somali organisation, Harakat al-Shabaab al-Mujahidin, commonly known as al-Shabaab. The use of drone strikes in the US led war on terror has raised concerns about sovereignty as the extra-judicial killings are conducted without the consent of the concerned states. Furthermore, drone strikes also raise questions about the processes of liberal intervention as the US conducts them without the approval of the United Nations Security Council. It is argued in this study that what is understood to be the “golden era” of liberal interventionism is a legacy of the post-Cold War unipolar dominance of the United States in global governance and security. It is argued that US unipolarity was accompanied by a shifting perception regarding the security position of weak states, whose weakness becomes understood as a source of global insecurity. This perception that so called “weak” and “fragile” states are sources of threats is a departure in International Relations theory, because the discipline is historically preoccupied with studying the actions of powerful states and their consequence for the global order. It is argued that the discourse on the war on terror, and its focus on “failed states” as breeding grounds for alleged terrorists, represents the height of the repositioning of less powerful states from a peripheral status in IR analysis and practice, to their current position that are now being represented as core sources of threat to international peace and security. Through life history interviews with Somali nationals in Grahamstown, Port Elizabeth and Uitenhage, South Africa, the study examines the consequences of US actions from the eyes of Somali people. The findings of this study show that despite all the controversy surrounding the legitimacy of the war on terror, the manner in which it is conducted, as well as the tactics that it employs, the majority of Somali participants showed an overwhelming support for the US intervention. Participants expressed support for the US extra-judicial killings because they are understood to undermine al-Shabaab strength which is a major source of insecurity. The study also shows that the lack of necessary collaboration between the US intelligence and the Somali ground forces has resulted in high numbers of civilian deaths, which participants fear can be used by al-Shabaab to recruit and radicalise more Somalis. The study also shows that most Somalis resent the presence of the African Union Mission in Somalia because Kenya and Ethiopia are seen as 10 pursuing national interests that are not invested in Somali peace and stability. The study concludes that US extra-judicial killings have failed to constrain the actions of al-Shabaab. Somalis expressed that the leadership of current president, Mohamed Abdullahi Mohamed Farmaajo, holds the unique possibilities of creating national unity that rises above clan divisions and the radical Jihadist ideology of al-Shabaab.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2019
Changing lenses: the problems and potential of liberalism in South Africa
- Authors: Songelwa, Chuma
- Date: 2023-10-13
- Subjects: Uncatalogued
- Language: English
- Type: Academic theses , Master's theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/425283 , vital:72226
- Description: This thesis explores liberal and hybrid approaches to peacebuilding and their decisiveness in building sustainable peace in Sierra Leone. Contemporary peacebuilding interventions have been dominated by liberal peacebuilding, also known as liberal state-building. Post-conflict states have been transforming to replicate liberal states due to assumptions of liberal states being more peaceful and less likely to fall into conflict again than non-liberal states. There is growing criticism regarding the effectiveness of this approach as its initiatives have not always translated to sustainable peace. This failure is attributed to its minimal inclusion or exclusion of local actors in the peacebuilding process as well as its application of standardised approaches in complex contexts. In response to these shortfalls, international peacebuilding scholars propose an alternative approach that would combine the liberal and the local to produce a hybrid peace, which is inclusive and context-specific. This thesis tests the decisiveness of these approaches by examining the successful peacebuilding process in Sierra Leone. It then concludes that the peacebuilding interventions of Sierra Leone demonstrate how liberal peacebuilding initiatives have little or limited success when conducted without the inclusion of local actors. However, when local actors are included in the peace-building process to make meaningful contributions (hybrid peacebuilding), peacebuilding initiatives can have a much larger impact on society. , Thesis (MA) -- Faculty of Humanities, Political and International Studies, 2023
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2023-10-13
- Authors: Songelwa, Chuma
- Date: 2023-10-13
- Subjects: Uncatalogued
- Language: English
- Type: Academic theses , Master's theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/425283 , vital:72226
- Description: This thesis explores liberal and hybrid approaches to peacebuilding and their decisiveness in building sustainable peace in Sierra Leone. Contemporary peacebuilding interventions have been dominated by liberal peacebuilding, also known as liberal state-building. Post-conflict states have been transforming to replicate liberal states due to assumptions of liberal states being more peaceful and less likely to fall into conflict again than non-liberal states. There is growing criticism regarding the effectiveness of this approach as its initiatives have not always translated to sustainable peace. This failure is attributed to its minimal inclusion or exclusion of local actors in the peacebuilding process as well as its application of standardised approaches in complex contexts. In response to these shortfalls, international peacebuilding scholars propose an alternative approach that would combine the liberal and the local to produce a hybrid peace, which is inclusive and context-specific. This thesis tests the decisiveness of these approaches by examining the successful peacebuilding process in Sierra Leone. It then concludes that the peacebuilding interventions of Sierra Leone demonstrate how liberal peacebuilding initiatives have little or limited success when conducted without the inclusion of local actors. However, when local actors are included in the peace-building process to make meaningful contributions (hybrid peacebuilding), peacebuilding initiatives can have a much larger impact on society. , Thesis (MA) -- Faculty of Humanities, Political and International Studies, 2023
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2023-10-13
Chinese aid and African agency since 2000: examining the cases of Zimbabwe, Angola and Ghana
- Authors: Chipaike, Ronald
- Date: 2017
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/59151 , vital:27442
- Description: Restricted access-thesis embargoed for 2 years
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2017
- Authors: Chipaike, Ronald
- Date: 2017
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/59151 , vital:27442
- Description: Restricted access-thesis embargoed for 2 years
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2017
Choreographies of protest performance as recruitment to activism and the movement of perception during the 2015 re-emergence of student activism at Rhodes University
- Authors: Qoza, Phiwokazi
- Date: 2020
- Subjects: College students -- Political activity -- South Africa , Student protesters -- South Africa , Student movements -- South Africa , Higher education and state -- South Africa , Performance art -- Political aspects -- South Africa , Protest songs -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/141692 , vital:37997
- Description: It has been argued that individuals participate in activism due to an identification with the preferences and interests of an emerging group of actors or in solidarity with a pre-existing network that has resorted to a number of protest repertoires in order to make claims or demands. Additionally, an emerging instance of protest is often linked to an image of previous protest events through the employment of a combination of master frames which function as discursive articulation of the encounter in familiar terms, creating a frame resonance which recruits adherents and constituents. To understand why some bystanders to protest transcended to actors in protest and the development of frames within a protest cycle, a performance ethnography is employed to observe and analyse choreographies of protest which took place at an institution of higher education in South Africa during the 2015 re-emergence of wide-spread student activism. It is found that in encountering an atmosphere of protest there emerged a relation of feeling, referred to as “feeling the vibe or atmosphere”, which those who became protest performers resolved in ways which increased their capacity to act in favour of co-constituting that atmosphere. During the encounter between the bystander body and the atmosphere of protest, non-linear somatic communication, characterised by active and passive gestures and postures, occurred through which protest performers developed contact and connection with other bodies as a result of the displacement of space. This thesis suggests that participation in activism can be about going with the flow of movement in an uncertain and ambiguous moment and is not limited to an identification with the pre-existing organization of preferences and interests as a frame of resonance emerges to signify somatic communication which differentiated bodies in the duration of protest performance. Therefore, this thesis uses the theory of affect to situate student activism in-between the politics of performance and the performance of politics whereupon the rhythm of song creates an opening for the kinaesthetic to create form from spontaneous movement of the body as an event of the movement of perception and the perception of movement.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2020
- Authors: Qoza, Phiwokazi
- Date: 2020
- Subjects: College students -- Political activity -- South Africa , Student protesters -- South Africa , Student movements -- South Africa , Higher education and state -- South Africa , Performance art -- Political aspects -- South Africa , Protest songs -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/141692 , vital:37997
- Description: It has been argued that individuals participate in activism due to an identification with the preferences and interests of an emerging group of actors or in solidarity with a pre-existing network that has resorted to a number of protest repertoires in order to make claims or demands. Additionally, an emerging instance of protest is often linked to an image of previous protest events through the employment of a combination of master frames which function as discursive articulation of the encounter in familiar terms, creating a frame resonance which recruits adherents and constituents. To understand why some bystanders to protest transcended to actors in protest and the development of frames within a protest cycle, a performance ethnography is employed to observe and analyse choreographies of protest which took place at an institution of higher education in South Africa during the 2015 re-emergence of wide-spread student activism. It is found that in encountering an atmosphere of protest there emerged a relation of feeling, referred to as “feeling the vibe or atmosphere”, which those who became protest performers resolved in ways which increased their capacity to act in favour of co-constituting that atmosphere. During the encounter between the bystander body and the atmosphere of protest, non-linear somatic communication, characterised by active and passive gestures and postures, occurred through which protest performers developed contact and connection with other bodies as a result of the displacement of space. This thesis suggests that participation in activism can be about going with the flow of movement in an uncertain and ambiguous moment and is not limited to an identification with the pre-existing organization of preferences and interests as a frame of resonance emerges to signify somatic communication which differentiated bodies in the duration of protest performance. Therefore, this thesis uses the theory of affect to situate student activism in-between the politics of performance and the performance of politics whereupon the rhythm of song creates an opening for the kinaesthetic to create form from spontaneous movement of the body as an event of the movement of perception and the perception of movement.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2020
Dangerous liaisons or critical alliances: student perceptions of community engagement at Rhodes University, South Africa
- Authors: Levy, Simone Arielle
- Date: 2018
- Subjects: Rhodes University -- Students -- Public services , Community and college -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , Education, Higher -- Social aspects -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/57411 , vital:26907
- Description: Community Engagement (CE) in South Africa is an increasingly important feature of the relationship between the university and a broader community, and may aid in bridging the entrenched social divisions of this nation. This will only be possible if CE succeeds in uniting the knowledge production interests of the university and the broader community. Through CE, knowledge production and dissemination from within the university should be made more relevant and applicable because it is based on a relationship or engagement with a community. Based on the perceptions of student volunteers in a CE programme at a South African university, this thesis set out to ask whether or not students are transformed through university-community collaboration. This research examines the perceptions and motivations of student volunteers entering community partnership programmes. More importantly, it asks whether these engagements are merely a “weekend special” consisting of shallow engagements, which last only a few hours a week that provide institutional window dressing; or well-intended engagements through which students build meaningful relationships and experience learning opportunities that prepare them for real world civic participation. As this thesis focuses on the student perspective, it explores whether or not CE has an impact, both personally and educationally or academically, on the lives of individual student volunteers. The literature on CE argues that students’ participation in CE opportunities should enhance academic learning, personal growth and promote a sense of citizenship or civic responsibility. Based on the perceptions of a small group of student volunteers at one university, this thesis identifies possible successes and limitations of CE volunteering programmes in order to see if what is promoted in the literature or institutional policies is being experienced or achieved in practice at universities. I argue that students are indeed transformed through processes of CE, often in unexpected ways, and despite many difficulties. Therefore, if CE provides students with more holistic learning opportunities while attending universities for academic ends, it is important to look at in what ways this is achieved.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2018
- Authors: Levy, Simone Arielle
- Date: 2018
- Subjects: Rhodes University -- Students -- Public services , Community and college -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , Education, Higher -- Social aspects -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/57411 , vital:26907
- Description: Community Engagement (CE) in South Africa is an increasingly important feature of the relationship between the university and a broader community, and may aid in bridging the entrenched social divisions of this nation. This will only be possible if CE succeeds in uniting the knowledge production interests of the university and the broader community. Through CE, knowledge production and dissemination from within the university should be made more relevant and applicable because it is based on a relationship or engagement with a community. Based on the perceptions of student volunteers in a CE programme at a South African university, this thesis set out to ask whether or not students are transformed through university-community collaboration. This research examines the perceptions and motivations of student volunteers entering community partnership programmes. More importantly, it asks whether these engagements are merely a “weekend special” consisting of shallow engagements, which last only a few hours a week that provide institutional window dressing; or well-intended engagements through which students build meaningful relationships and experience learning opportunities that prepare them for real world civic participation. As this thesis focuses on the student perspective, it explores whether or not CE has an impact, both personally and educationally or academically, on the lives of individual student volunteers. The literature on CE argues that students’ participation in CE opportunities should enhance academic learning, personal growth and promote a sense of citizenship or civic responsibility. Based on the perceptions of a small group of student volunteers at one university, this thesis identifies possible successes and limitations of CE volunteering programmes in order to see if what is promoted in the literature or institutional policies is being experienced or achieved in practice at universities. I argue that students are indeed transformed through processes of CE, often in unexpected ways, and despite many difficulties. Therefore, if CE provides students with more holistic learning opportunities while attending universities for academic ends, it is important to look at in what ways this is achieved.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2018
Evaluating liberal and hybrid approaches to peacebuilding : the case of Sierra Leone
- Authors: Sitole, Sivuyile
- Date: 2023-10-13
- Subjects: Uncatalogued
- Language: English
- Type: Academic theses , Master's theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/425278 , vital:72225
- Description: This thesis explores liberal and hybrid approaches to peacebuilding and their decisiveness in building sustainable peace in Sierra Leone. Contemporary peacebuilding interventions have been dominated by liberal peacebuilding, also known as liberal state-building. Post-conflict states have been transforming to replicate liberal states due to assumptions of liberal states being more peaceful and less likely to fall into conflict again than non-liberal states. There is growing criticism regarding the effectiveness of this approach as its initiatives have not always translated to sustainable peace. This failure is attributed to its minimal inclusion or exclusion of local actors in the peacebuilding process as well as its application of standardised approaches in complex contexts. In response to these shortfalls, international peacebuilding scholars propose an alternative approach that would combine the liberal and the local to produce a hybrid peace, which is inclusive and context-specific. This thesis tests the decisiveness of these approaches by examining the successful peacebuilding process in Sierra Leone. It then concludes that the peacebuilding interventions of Sierra Leone demonstrate how liberal peacebuilding initiatives have little or limited success when conducted without the inclusion of local actors. However, when local actors are included in the peace-building process to make meaningful contributions (hybrid peacebuilding), peacebuilding initiatives can have a much larger impact on society. , Thesis (MA) -- Faculty of Humanities, Political and International Studies, 2023
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2023-10-13
- Authors: Sitole, Sivuyile
- Date: 2023-10-13
- Subjects: Uncatalogued
- Language: English
- Type: Academic theses , Master's theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/425278 , vital:72225
- Description: This thesis explores liberal and hybrid approaches to peacebuilding and their decisiveness in building sustainable peace in Sierra Leone. Contemporary peacebuilding interventions have been dominated by liberal peacebuilding, also known as liberal state-building. Post-conflict states have been transforming to replicate liberal states due to assumptions of liberal states being more peaceful and less likely to fall into conflict again than non-liberal states. There is growing criticism regarding the effectiveness of this approach as its initiatives have not always translated to sustainable peace. This failure is attributed to its minimal inclusion or exclusion of local actors in the peacebuilding process as well as its application of standardised approaches in complex contexts. In response to these shortfalls, international peacebuilding scholars propose an alternative approach that would combine the liberal and the local to produce a hybrid peace, which is inclusive and context-specific. This thesis tests the decisiveness of these approaches by examining the successful peacebuilding process in Sierra Leone. It then concludes that the peacebuilding interventions of Sierra Leone demonstrate how liberal peacebuilding initiatives have little or limited success when conducted without the inclusion of local actors. However, when local actors are included in the peace-building process to make meaningful contributions (hybrid peacebuilding), peacebuilding initiatives can have a much larger impact on society. , Thesis (MA) -- Faculty of Humanities, Political and International Studies, 2023
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2023-10-13
Explaining the endurance of poverty and inequality : social policy and the social division of welfare in the South African health system
- Authors: Du Plessis, Ulandi
- Date: 2013
- Subjects: Health system , Private health , Public health , Poor , Subsidies , Profit motive , Quality , Efficiency , Public health -- Finance -- Research -- South Africa , Medical care -- Research -- South Africa , Poverty -- Research -- South Africa , Equality -- Research -- South Africa , South Africa -- Social conditions
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2755 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002002
- Description: This thesis examines the structure and flow of public funding between the public and private sectors in the South African health system and the consequences thereof for the achievement of equity. The conceptual framework used to undertake the analysis derives from Richard Titmuss’ core theoretical framework, the Social Division of Welfare. The application of the Social Division of Welfare applied to the South African health care context demonstrates how state resources end up benefitting the non-poor and, as a result, reproduce inequality. Those who access public institutions such as public health care are assumed to be ‘dependent’ on the state, whilst those who access private health facilities claim to be ‘independent’ of the state. However, this thesis shows that these assumptions are flawed. Access to the formal labour market, and subsequently the paying of taxes, authorises one to access state subsidies not available to those who do not. The application of the Social Division of Welfare shows that tax-paying private health care patients benefit considerably from state resources. This thesis argues that due to cost escalation in the private health sector, a consequence of the commodification of health care, these private health care ‘consumers’ as well as the private health industry in general are dependent upon state resources. This thesis analyses the role played by the profit motive present in the private health industry and the consequences for equity, quality, access and efficiency in health care provision
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2013
- Authors: Du Plessis, Ulandi
- Date: 2013
- Subjects: Health system , Private health , Public health , Poor , Subsidies , Profit motive , Quality , Efficiency , Public health -- Finance -- Research -- South Africa , Medical care -- Research -- South Africa , Poverty -- Research -- South Africa , Equality -- Research -- South Africa , South Africa -- Social conditions
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2755 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002002
- Description: This thesis examines the structure and flow of public funding between the public and private sectors in the South African health system and the consequences thereof for the achievement of equity. The conceptual framework used to undertake the analysis derives from Richard Titmuss’ core theoretical framework, the Social Division of Welfare. The application of the Social Division of Welfare applied to the South African health care context demonstrates how state resources end up benefitting the non-poor and, as a result, reproduce inequality. Those who access public institutions such as public health care are assumed to be ‘dependent’ on the state, whilst those who access private health facilities claim to be ‘independent’ of the state. However, this thesis shows that these assumptions are flawed. Access to the formal labour market, and subsequently the paying of taxes, authorises one to access state subsidies not available to those who do not. The application of the Social Division of Welfare shows that tax-paying private health care patients benefit considerably from state resources. This thesis argues that due to cost escalation in the private health sector, a consequence of the commodification of health care, these private health care ‘consumers’ as well as the private health industry in general are dependent upon state resources. This thesis analyses the role played by the profit motive present in the private health industry and the consequences for equity, quality, access and efficiency in health care provision
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2013
Exploring the possibility of an Ubuntu-based political philosophy
- Authors: Furman, Katherine Elizabeth
- Date: 2013
- Subjects: Ubuntu , Political philosophy , Ethical theories , Law , South Africa , Ubuntu (Philosophy) -- Research -- South Africa , Political science -- Philosophy -- Research , Philosophy, African -- Research , Social values -- Research South Africa , Ethics -- Research -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2756 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002003
- Description: It is typically said that there are two questions that political philosophy seeks to address: ‘who gets what?’ and ‘who decides on who gets what?’ South Africa, along with much of the rest of the world, has answered the second question badly and currently ranks as one of the world’s most unequal societies. Counter-intuitively, South Africa maintains a social-political order that (re)produces this inequality along with great enthusiasm for ubuntu, an African ethic that at a minimum requires that we treat each other humanely. However, due to the view that ubuntu has been co-opted in support of South Africa’s unjust system, ubuntu has largely been ignored by radical thinkers. The aim of this thesis is therefore to explore the possibility of an ubuntu-based political philosophy, with the core assumption that political philosophy is rooted in ethical theory. Three tasks are therefore undertaken in this thesis. Firstly, ubuntu is articulated as an ethic. Secondly, it is compared to similar Western ethical theories in order to determine if there are distinguishing characteristics that make ubuntu a more appropriate founding ethic for South African political philosophy. Finally, whether ubuntu can find real-world applicability will be assessed by looking at the way ubuntu has been used in the law
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2013
- Authors: Furman, Katherine Elizabeth
- Date: 2013
- Subjects: Ubuntu , Political philosophy , Ethical theories , Law , South Africa , Ubuntu (Philosophy) -- Research -- South Africa , Political science -- Philosophy -- Research , Philosophy, African -- Research , Social values -- Research South Africa , Ethics -- Research -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2756 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002003
- Description: It is typically said that there are two questions that political philosophy seeks to address: ‘who gets what?’ and ‘who decides on who gets what?’ South Africa, along with much of the rest of the world, has answered the second question badly and currently ranks as one of the world’s most unequal societies. Counter-intuitively, South Africa maintains a social-political order that (re)produces this inequality along with great enthusiasm for ubuntu, an African ethic that at a minimum requires that we treat each other humanely. However, due to the view that ubuntu has been co-opted in support of South Africa’s unjust system, ubuntu has largely been ignored by radical thinkers. The aim of this thesis is therefore to explore the possibility of an ubuntu-based political philosophy, with the core assumption that political philosophy is rooted in ethical theory. Three tasks are therefore undertaken in this thesis. Firstly, ubuntu is articulated as an ethic. Secondly, it is compared to similar Western ethical theories in order to determine if there are distinguishing characteristics that make ubuntu a more appropriate founding ethic for South African political philosophy. Finally, whether ubuntu can find real-world applicability will be assessed by looking at the way ubuntu has been used in the law
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2013
Inadequate menstrual health management and human rights
- Authors: Hartley, Gemma-Maé
- Date: 2022-10-14
- Subjects: Uncatalogued
- Language: English
- Type: Academic theses , Master's theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/422506 , vital:71953
- Description: Various human rights bodies have suggested that Inadequate Menstrual Health Management (MHM) could contribute to violations of human rights or, at the very least, is connected to the fulfilment of human rights. Despite recognition of this, there has not been thorough analysis of whether inadequate MHM is a violation of human rights, particularly in political discussions on the philosophy of human rights. Using a liberal cosmopolitan framework, this thesis attempts to bridge this gap and, ultimately, to argue that inadequate MHM constitutes a violation of human rights. This assertion brings with it various complications due to the heavily contested nature of human rights, their correlative duties, and the requirements for a lack of fulfilment to be considered a violation. I address each complication in turn. I argue that the traditional approach to human rights violations fails to consider the various ways that human rights are violated in our contemporary, globalised world. I suggest that structural violations of human rights should not be ruled out, particularly when we consider severe poverty and its by-products. Ultimately, the question of inadequate MHM is concerned with the content of human rights. If inadequate MHM were a violation, it would be a violation of women’s socio-economic rights. However, both group rights and socio-economic rights are contested. This thesis therefore justifies these rights. Group-differentiated rights are argued to be necessary for substantive equality. This is particularly the case when we consider the various risks women face simply because they are women. Women therefore need special protections and provisions for their human rights to be fulfilled. Socio-economic rights are necessary for the well-being and dignity of individuals everywhere. We can justify them even if they are costly, vague, and demanding on states, as critics argue they are. Therefore, if we can accept socio-economic rights and women’s rights, we can argue that inadequate MHM is a structural violation of human rights. Thinking about inadequate MHM in this way means we can respond to it with a level of urgency. This has the potential to improve the well-being, development, and dignity of women. , Thesis (MA) -- Faculty of Humanities, Political and International Studies, 2023
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2022-10-14
- Authors: Hartley, Gemma-Maé
- Date: 2022-10-14
- Subjects: Uncatalogued
- Language: English
- Type: Academic theses , Master's theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/422506 , vital:71953
- Description: Various human rights bodies have suggested that Inadequate Menstrual Health Management (MHM) could contribute to violations of human rights or, at the very least, is connected to the fulfilment of human rights. Despite recognition of this, there has not been thorough analysis of whether inadequate MHM is a violation of human rights, particularly in political discussions on the philosophy of human rights. Using a liberal cosmopolitan framework, this thesis attempts to bridge this gap and, ultimately, to argue that inadequate MHM constitutes a violation of human rights. This assertion brings with it various complications due to the heavily contested nature of human rights, their correlative duties, and the requirements for a lack of fulfilment to be considered a violation. I address each complication in turn. I argue that the traditional approach to human rights violations fails to consider the various ways that human rights are violated in our contemporary, globalised world. I suggest that structural violations of human rights should not be ruled out, particularly when we consider severe poverty and its by-products. Ultimately, the question of inadequate MHM is concerned with the content of human rights. If inadequate MHM were a violation, it would be a violation of women’s socio-economic rights. However, both group rights and socio-economic rights are contested. This thesis therefore justifies these rights. Group-differentiated rights are argued to be necessary for substantive equality. This is particularly the case when we consider the various risks women face simply because they are women. Women therefore need special protections and provisions for their human rights to be fulfilled. Socio-economic rights are necessary for the well-being and dignity of individuals everywhere. We can justify them even if they are costly, vague, and demanding on states, as critics argue they are. Therefore, if we can accept socio-economic rights and women’s rights, we can argue that inadequate MHM is a structural violation of human rights. Thinking about inadequate MHM in this way means we can respond to it with a level of urgency. This has the potential to improve the well-being, development, and dignity of women. , Thesis (MA) -- Faculty of Humanities, Political and International Studies, 2023
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2022-10-14
Inkcitha nzila nobomi obutsha (The release of the widow and life after mourning): Xhosa widows and citizenship
- Jimlongo, Gcotyelwa Nomxolisi
- Authors: Jimlongo, Gcotyelwa Nomxolisi
- Date: 2021-10-29
- Subjects: Widows South Africa Eastern Cape , Women, Black South Africa Eastern Cape , Xhosa (African people) South Africa Eastern Cape , Widows Social conditions , Widowhood Psychological aspects South Africa Eastern Cape , Widowhood Economic aspects South Africa Eastern Cape , Widowhood Social aspects South Africa Eastern Cape , Mourning customs South Africa Eastern Cape , Feminist economics South Africa Eastern Cape
- Language: English
- Type: Master's theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/192220 , vital:45206
- Description: This study examines the everyday conceptions and navigations of citizenship by Xhosa widows. It examines widows’ own understandings and experiences of citizenship once the official mourning period, known amongst amaXhosa as ukuzila, has ended. The study draws from 14 interviews with Xhosa widows from the Amalinda, Tsholomnqa, Mdantsane, Magcumeni, KwaNonkcampa, and Dimbaza areas in the Eastern Cape, South Africa. This thesis contextualises claims to widowhood in the context of democratic South Africa, and the various ways in which widowed women conceptualise their lives after ukuzila. While ukuzila itself is written about in the literature, the contentious claims to widowhood and the ways in which women come to make sense of their lives in the post-mourning period remains largely unexplored. Interviews were conducted with women who had undertaken customary and/or civil marriages, had divorced or separated from their partners, or had cohabited. They reveal that widowhood is tenuous and as such, remains contested and contestable. The study demonstrates that much of the claims to widowhood are made because of the undeniable labour that women perform during the partnerships, where they are the primary economic providers. The study shows that whether in the formal and informal sector, women have been central in building the economic livelihoods of their families. In the post-mourning period, the theme of ukuhlala (to stay) that is articulated by widows, shows that they choose to remain in their marital homes to protect what they have laboured for. The findings demonstrate that the key to ‘good’ widowhood is intricately linked to ‘good’ motherhood. For Xhosa widows, much of their decision-making, and livelihood strategies, rests on how they craft good livelihoods for their families. These include a negotiation of feminist economies with woman-centred networks, a reliance on spirituality, as well as negotiations for dignity and respect within the homestead through the protection and maintenance of what they have built over the years. , Thesis (MA) -- Faculty of Humanities, Political and International Studies, 2021
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2021-10-29
- Authors: Jimlongo, Gcotyelwa Nomxolisi
- Date: 2021-10-29
- Subjects: Widows South Africa Eastern Cape , Women, Black South Africa Eastern Cape , Xhosa (African people) South Africa Eastern Cape , Widows Social conditions , Widowhood Psychological aspects South Africa Eastern Cape , Widowhood Economic aspects South Africa Eastern Cape , Widowhood Social aspects South Africa Eastern Cape , Mourning customs South Africa Eastern Cape , Feminist economics South Africa Eastern Cape
- Language: English
- Type: Master's theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/192220 , vital:45206
- Description: This study examines the everyday conceptions and navigations of citizenship by Xhosa widows. It examines widows’ own understandings and experiences of citizenship once the official mourning period, known amongst amaXhosa as ukuzila, has ended. The study draws from 14 interviews with Xhosa widows from the Amalinda, Tsholomnqa, Mdantsane, Magcumeni, KwaNonkcampa, and Dimbaza areas in the Eastern Cape, South Africa. This thesis contextualises claims to widowhood in the context of democratic South Africa, and the various ways in which widowed women conceptualise their lives after ukuzila. While ukuzila itself is written about in the literature, the contentious claims to widowhood and the ways in which women come to make sense of their lives in the post-mourning period remains largely unexplored. Interviews were conducted with women who had undertaken customary and/or civil marriages, had divorced or separated from their partners, or had cohabited. They reveal that widowhood is tenuous and as such, remains contested and contestable. The study demonstrates that much of the claims to widowhood are made because of the undeniable labour that women perform during the partnerships, where they are the primary economic providers. The study shows that whether in the formal and informal sector, women have been central in building the economic livelihoods of their families. In the post-mourning period, the theme of ukuhlala (to stay) that is articulated by widows, shows that they choose to remain in their marital homes to protect what they have laboured for. The findings demonstrate that the key to ‘good’ widowhood is intricately linked to ‘good’ motherhood. For Xhosa widows, much of their decision-making, and livelihood strategies, rests on how they craft good livelihoods for their families. These include a negotiation of feminist economies with woman-centred networks, a reliance on spirituality, as well as negotiations for dignity and respect within the homestead through the protection and maintenance of what they have built over the years. , Thesis (MA) -- Faculty of Humanities, Political and International Studies, 2021
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2021-10-29
Joice Mujuru and the Zanu-PF Women’s League 1973-2014: opportunities and limits of maternal dignity (musha mukadzi) and self-preservation
- Authors: Mataruse, Sisasenkosi
- Date: 2022-04-07
- Subjects: Mujuru, Amai Joice T R (Amai Joice Teurai Ropa) , ZANU Women's League , Women and democracy Zimbabwe , Women Political activity Zimbabwe , Political leadership Zimbabwe , Sexism in political culture Zimbabwe , Patriarchy Zimbabwe , Women Zimbabwe Social conditions , Maternal dignity (musha mukadzi)
- Language: English
- Type: Academic theses , Master's theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/292748 , vital:57012
- Description: The foundations of African feminisms are intertwined with the historical liberation of the African continent. Joice Mujuru’s five decades in Zimbabwean political parties are no different in showing the gendered nature of the fight against the intersectional oppressions of nation, race, class and gender. The research aimed to examine the political life of Joice Mujuru between 1973 and 2018 in various political roles and what this might mean for how women political leaders participate and make decisions as autonomous individuals within political parties in Zimbabwe. This study is a political biography of Joice Mujuru’s ideas and leadership in political parties in Zimbabwe since 1973, when she joined the Zimbabwe African National Union – Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF) as a guerilla of its military wing, the Zimbabwe African National Liberation Army (ZANLA). Mujuru was the only woman in the first ZANU-PF cabinet in 1980. She served the Zimbabwean government in different cabinet positions and became the first female vice-president in 2004, until her ousting in 2014. This study is based on an interview with Mujuru, and nine interviews with one Member of Parliament, two independent political party candidates, three academics, two CSO activists, the leader of LEAD political party in Zimbabwe and personal communication with a celebrated Zimbabwean writer. The study uses the concept of “patriarchal bargain” (Kandiyoti, 1988; Makhunga, 2016) and “femocracy” (Mama, 1995b) to show that Mujuru’s participation in political parties has been shaped by compromising and negotiating a complex web of patriarchal constraints for acceptance and respect. This study shows that wifehood and motherhood, the idea of musha mukadzi (‘woman as home’), stands out as a defining factor for Mujuru in her identity formation as a political party leader and how she views the roles of other women in Zimbabwean political parties and politics. I term this political identity maternal dignity, which is a collective set of ideas of maternal respect determining women’s participation in political parties. The study shows that Mujuru uses dominant ideas of maternal dignity as a tool of self-presentation and self-preservation to survive as a political leader. Mujuru’s expulsion from ZANU-PF and her subsequent leadership in other political parties demonstrates the ways in which maternal dignity limits women from shaping alternative ideas of leadership outside of respectable womanhood. Through a political biography of Mujuru, the study reaches the conclusion that post-independence Zimbabwe offers limited space for women’s leadership, whether those women have liberation history credentials or not. The strategy of maternal dignity that Mujuru has used to navigate her political career is a “patriarchal bargain” with limited possibilities for women’s meaningful participation, and the transformation of political parties and governance in Zimbabwe. , Thesis (MA) -- Faculty of Humanities, Political and International Studies, 2022
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2022-04-07
- Authors: Mataruse, Sisasenkosi
- Date: 2022-04-07
- Subjects: Mujuru, Amai Joice T R (Amai Joice Teurai Ropa) , ZANU Women's League , Women and democracy Zimbabwe , Women Political activity Zimbabwe , Political leadership Zimbabwe , Sexism in political culture Zimbabwe , Patriarchy Zimbabwe , Women Zimbabwe Social conditions , Maternal dignity (musha mukadzi)
- Language: English
- Type: Academic theses , Master's theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/292748 , vital:57012
- Description: The foundations of African feminisms are intertwined with the historical liberation of the African continent. Joice Mujuru’s five decades in Zimbabwean political parties are no different in showing the gendered nature of the fight against the intersectional oppressions of nation, race, class and gender. The research aimed to examine the political life of Joice Mujuru between 1973 and 2018 in various political roles and what this might mean for how women political leaders participate and make decisions as autonomous individuals within political parties in Zimbabwe. This study is a political biography of Joice Mujuru’s ideas and leadership in political parties in Zimbabwe since 1973, when she joined the Zimbabwe African National Union – Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF) as a guerilla of its military wing, the Zimbabwe African National Liberation Army (ZANLA). Mujuru was the only woman in the first ZANU-PF cabinet in 1980. She served the Zimbabwean government in different cabinet positions and became the first female vice-president in 2004, until her ousting in 2014. This study is based on an interview with Mujuru, and nine interviews with one Member of Parliament, two independent political party candidates, three academics, two CSO activists, the leader of LEAD political party in Zimbabwe and personal communication with a celebrated Zimbabwean writer. The study uses the concept of “patriarchal bargain” (Kandiyoti, 1988; Makhunga, 2016) and “femocracy” (Mama, 1995b) to show that Mujuru’s participation in political parties has been shaped by compromising and negotiating a complex web of patriarchal constraints for acceptance and respect. This study shows that wifehood and motherhood, the idea of musha mukadzi (‘woman as home’), stands out as a defining factor for Mujuru in her identity formation as a political party leader and how she views the roles of other women in Zimbabwean political parties and politics. I term this political identity maternal dignity, which is a collective set of ideas of maternal respect determining women’s participation in political parties. The study shows that Mujuru uses dominant ideas of maternal dignity as a tool of self-presentation and self-preservation to survive as a political leader. Mujuru’s expulsion from ZANU-PF and her subsequent leadership in other political parties demonstrates the ways in which maternal dignity limits women from shaping alternative ideas of leadership outside of respectable womanhood. Through a political biography of Mujuru, the study reaches the conclusion that post-independence Zimbabwe offers limited space for women’s leadership, whether those women have liberation history credentials or not. The strategy of maternal dignity that Mujuru has used to navigate her political career is a “patriarchal bargain” with limited possibilities for women’s meaningful participation, and the transformation of political parties and governance in Zimbabwe. , Thesis (MA) -- Faculty of Humanities, Political and International Studies, 2022
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2022-04-07
Malawi’s foreign policy decision-making: the 2012 Malawi-Tanzania boundary dispute
- Kaunda, Mapopa Charles Martin Sazamleke
- Authors: Kaunda, Mapopa Charles Martin Sazamleke
- Date: 2017
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/59225 , vital:27484
- Description: Expected release date-April 2019
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2017
- Authors: Kaunda, Mapopa Charles Martin Sazamleke
- Date: 2017
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/59225 , vital:27484
- Description: Expected release date-April 2019
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2017
New ways of understanding: a governmentality analysis of basic education policy in post-apartheid South Africa
- Authors: Prinsloo, Estelle Helena
- Date: 2013
- Subjects: South Africa -- Department of Basic Education , Basic education -- Government policy -- Research -- South Africa , Post-apartheid era -- Education -- South Africa , Educational change -- Research -- South Africa , South Africa -- Social conditions
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2751 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1001384
- Description: Social problems that are identified by government policy are articulated in ways that confer the responsibility of their management onto the state. In this way, policy reform serves as a means to justify political rule, as the ‘answers’ to policy failures are located within the realm of state intervention. This role of policy is maintained by the traditional definition of policy as it enables policies to be presented as the outcome of ‘necessary’ actions taken by state institutions to better the wellbeing of citizens. Since 1994, mainstream research on basic education policy in South Africa has employed traditional understandings of policy and its function. In doing so, these inquiries have failed to question the very idea of policy itself. They have also neglected to identify the productive role played by policy in the practice of power. To illuminate the necessary limits of policy reform, an alternative approach to analyse basic education policy is necessary. This thesis premises policy as discourse and advances a governmentality analysis of basic education policy during the first fifteen years of democracy (1994-2009) in South Africa. By drawing on the work of Michel Foucault, the study argues that government – ‘those actions upon the actions of others’ – during this period in South Africa was informed by both a liberal and a neo-liberal mentality of rule. The tensions between these two rationalities contributed to the continuation of apartheid’s socio-economic inequalities in the postapartheid era; an outcome buttressed by the contradictory impulses within basic education policy. By considering policy as a productive translation of governmental reasoning, the boundaries of intervention for future policy reforms are highlighted. These show that the inequalities that were perpetuated during the first fifteen years of democracy justify policy responses similar to those responsible for their production
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2013
- Authors: Prinsloo, Estelle Helena
- Date: 2013
- Subjects: South Africa -- Department of Basic Education , Basic education -- Government policy -- Research -- South Africa , Post-apartheid era -- Education -- South Africa , Educational change -- Research -- South Africa , South Africa -- Social conditions
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2751 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1001384
- Description: Social problems that are identified by government policy are articulated in ways that confer the responsibility of their management onto the state. In this way, policy reform serves as a means to justify political rule, as the ‘answers’ to policy failures are located within the realm of state intervention. This role of policy is maintained by the traditional definition of policy as it enables policies to be presented as the outcome of ‘necessary’ actions taken by state institutions to better the wellbeing of citizens. Since 1994, mainstream research on basic education policy in South Africa has employed traditional understandings of policy and its function. In doing so, these inquiries have failed to question the very idea of policy itself. They have also neglected to identify the productive role played by policy in the practice of power. To illuminate the necessary limits of policy reform, an alternative approach to analyse basic education policy is necessary. This thesis premises policy as discourse and advances a governmentality analysis of basic education policy during the first fifteen years of democracy (1994-2009) in South Africa. By drawing on the work of Michel Foucault, the study argues that government – ‘those actions upon the actions of others’ – during this period in South Africa was informed by both a liberal and a neo-liberal mentality of rule. The tensions between these two rationalities contributed to the continuation of apartheid’s socio-economic inequalities in the postapartheid era; an outcome buttressed by the contradictory impulses within basic education policy. By considering policy as a productive translation of governmental reasoning, the boundaries of intervention for future policy reforms are highlighted. These show that the inequalities that were perpetuated during the first fifteen years of democracy justify policy responses similar to those responsible for their production
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2013
Perceptions of Ulwaluko in a Liberal Democratic State: is multiculturalism beneficial to AmaXhosa women in the Eastern Cape province of South Africa?
- Authors: Gogela, Kholisa B
- Date: 2018
- Subjects: Initiation rites -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , Circumcision -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , Stigma (Social psychology) -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , Xhosa (African people) -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , Women -- Attitudes , Multiculturalism -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , Women's rights -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , Male domination (Social structure) -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , Sex discrimination against women -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , Ulwaluko
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/61780 , vital:28059
- Description: This exploratory qualitative study sought to investigate the views and perceptions of women on their experiences of ulwaluko, a traditional rite practised by amaXhosa in the Eastern Cape province of South Africa. Ulwaluko is also known as isiko lokwaluka or ukoluka in isiXhosa. The concept refers not only to the act of circumcision that occurs during the initiation ritual but the entire process a boy goes through in observing this practice. Ulwaluko is performed in the belief that it will transform boys into accountable and responsible citizens of the society who are fully committed and dedicated to the tenets and standards of nation building. All amaXhosa boys are expected to undergo this tradition to be considered men. Failure to go to the initiation school usually results in social stigma and complete banishment by the society. There is an abundance of literature on studies that have been conducted on male circumcision (and not ulwaluko) which is performed for hygiene and religious purposes worldwide. With regards to ulwaluko of amaXhosa, research studies that have been conducted appear to lean mainly towards biomedical and public health aspects of the ritual. There seems to be an even bigger proportion of studies whose objective was to examine the relationship between circumcision and HIV/AIDS. From the literature review, it was not difficult to observe the pervasive paucity of research studies on women in relation to initiation (and that of amaXhosa in particular), with regards to their inclusion or exclusion in the practice, their feelings, perceptions, experiences and attitudes towards the custom. It is for this reason that I found it crucial to conduct this study. The main research question I sought to answer in this investigation was: are the human rights and gender equality rights of women, as entrenched in the multicultural principles that underpin South Africa’s liberal, democratic order, adequately protected? In other words, could the individual rights of women (or gender rights) that are endorsed by liberalism, be deferred in the interest of respecting traditions and cultural values associated with ulwaluko? And if they are, I further ask: could the deferral of such rights be legitimate in the face of South Africa’s legal framework? The nature of this study places it in the qualitative paradigm, and interpretive phenomenology was the most appropriate research design to carry out the investigation. Multiculturalism is a principle at the centre of liberalism, and as a framework for this study, I contrast and reconcile it with feminism. While multiculturalism is concerned with protecting traditions and cultures of minority groups, feminism is concerned about women’s emancipation. I used the non-probability purposive sampling to select participants who were rich in information; and I made use of community structures to gain entry into research sites and to seek permission to carry out the investigation. I conducted the pilot study in Mdantsane, a township in the Buffalo City Municipality; and I gathered data in two research sites, namely: Flagstaff in Mpondondoland and Grahamstown in the Makana Local Municipality. I employed two qualitative methods to collect information, namely: focus group discussions (FGDs) and semi-structured in-depth interviews. A total of 70 participants took part in the study. 60 women participated in 8 focus groups and 10 participated in-depth interviews. Their ages ranged between 31 and 82 years. I recorded all the FGDs and semi-structured in-depth interviews that I conducted, for ease of transcription and translation. To interprete and analyze data, I applied the general inductive approach which I later substantiated with the use of NVivo 8, a computer assisted qualitative data analysis (CAQDAS). This resulted in the identification of four themes and their related sub-themes which I compared and contrasted with literature review and the theoretical framework, so as to make sense of the information I generated from the data collection process. I also discussed the results in line with the four goals of the study. The findings of this inquiry suggest a number of factors about ulwaluko, the following being the most significant: that firstly, although the rite is espoused and celebrated by some women as a significant cultural practice among amaXhosa, for others it is synonymous with patriarchy and hegemony. Secondly, women felt largely excluded, claiming that they were relegated to a subordinate position in society. For this reason, as well as because of the biomedical and other socio-political concerns associated with the practice, some women resented the custom. Thirdly, participants were divided about whether the practice should be continued or abolished; and these differences manifested within and between different regions. Fourthly, the results also demonstrated that the norms and values applied in ulwaluko are in contravention of the fundamental principles of a liberal state in that universal human rights are infringed upon through exclusionary practices. In this case the woman’s voice is muted; and this results in the denial of human agency. The study however, also revealed the emergence of shifting patterns in some parts of the province where an effort to include women appears to be taking place. Fifth and last, the enquiry demonstrated that ulwaluko is deeply entrenched among amaXhosa; that it has stood the test of time and is unlikely to be discontinued. Based on the results, I recommend that creative and transformative ways of addressing the evident clash between the provision of individual rights by the state and the recognition of ulwaluko as a cultural practice (which is perceived by some as harmful to women) be sought. To achieve this objective I make the following recommendations: 1) establishment and utilization of gender equality programmes; 2) modification of values and norms of the custom; 3) representation of women in decision-making structures; 4) establishment of collaborative networks; 5) widening of access to services (such as chapter nine institutions and national gender machinery); 6) documentation and sharing of effective and inclusive practices as well as; 7) creating awareness on initiation legislation.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2018
- Authors: Gogela, Kholisa B
- Date: 2018
- Subjects: Initiation rites -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , Circumcision -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , Stigma (Social psychology) -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , Xhosa (African people) -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , Women -- Attitudes , Multiculturalism -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , Women's rights -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , Male domination (Social structure) -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , Sex discrimination against women -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , Ulwaluko
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/61780 , vital:28059
- Description: This exploratory qualitative study sought to investigate the views and perceptions of women on their experiences of ulwaluko, a traditional rite practised by amaXhosa in the Eastern Cape province of South Africa. Ulwaluko is also known as isiko lokwaluka or ukoluka in isiXhosa. The concept refers not only to the act of circumcision that occurs during the initiation ritual but the entire process a boy goes through in observing this practice. Ulwaluko is performed in the belief that it will transform boys into accountable and responsible citizens of the society who are fully committed and dedicated to the tenets and standards of nation building. All amaXhosa boys are expected to undergo this tradition to be considered men. Failure to go to the initiation school usually results in social stigma and complete banishment by the society. There is an abundance of literature on studies that have been conducted on male circumcision (and not ulwaluko) which is performed for hygiene and religious purposes worldwide. With regards to ulwaluko of amaXhosa, research studies that have been conducted appear to lean mainly towards biomedical and public health aspects of the ritual. There seems to be an even bigger proportion of studies whose objective was to examine the relationship between circumcision and HIV/AIDS. From the literature review, it was not difficult to observe the pervasive paucity of research studies on women in relation to initiation (and that of amaXhosa in particular), with regards to their inclusion or exclusion in the practice, their feelings, perceptions, experiences and attitudes towards the custom. It is for this reason that I found it crucial to conduct this study. The main research question I sought to answer in this investigation was: are the human rights and gender equality rights of women, as entrenched in the multicultural principles that underpin South Africa’s liberal, democratic order, adequately protected? In other words, could the individual rights of women (or gender rights) that are endorsed by liberalism, be deferred in the interest of respecting traditions and cultural values associated with ulwaluko? And if they are, I further ask: could the deferral of such rights be legitimate in the face of South Africa’s legal framework? The nature of this study places it in the qualitative paradigm, and interpretive phenomenology was the most appropriate research design to carry out the investigation. Multiculturalism is a principle at the centre of liberalism, and as a framework for this study, I contrast and reconcile it with feminism. While multiculturalism is concerned with protecting traditions and cultures of minority groups, feminism is concerned about women’s emancipation. I used the non-probability purposive sampling to select participants who were rich in information; and I made use of community structures to gain entry into research sites and to seek permission to carry out the investigation. I conducted the pilot study in Mdantsane, a township in the Buffalo City Municipality; and I gathered data in two research sites, namely: Flagstaff in Mpondondoland and Grahamstown in the Makana Local Municipality. I employed two qualitative methods to collect information, namely: focus group discussions (FGDs) and semi-structured in-depth interviews. A total of 70 participants took part in the study. 60 women participated in 8 focus groups and 10 participated in-depth interviews. Their ages ranged between 31 and 82 years. I recorded all the FGDs and semi-structured in-depth interviews that I conducted, for ease of transcription and translation. To interprete and analyze data, I applied the general inductive approach which I later substantiated with the use of NVivo 8, a computer assisted qualitative data analysis (CAQDAS). This resulted in the identification of four themes and their related sub-themes which I compared and contrasted with literature review and the theoretical framework, so as to make sense of the information I generated from the data collection process. I also discussed the results in line with the four goals of the study. The findings of this inquiry suggest a number of factors about ulwaluko, the following being the most significant: that firstly, although the rite is espoused and celebrated by some women as a significant cultural practice among amaXhosa, for others it is synonymous with patriarchy and hegemony. Secondly, women felt largely excluded, claiming that they were relegated to a subordinate position in society. For this reason, as well as because of the biomedical and other socio-political concerns associated with the practice, some women resented the custom. Thirdly, participants were divided about whether the practice should be continued or abolished; and these differences manifested within and between different regions. Fourthly, the results also demonstrated that the norms and values applied in ulwaluko are in contravention of the fundamental principles of a liberal state in that universal human rights are infringed upon through exclusionary practices. In this case the woman’s voice is muted; and this results in the denial of human agency. The study however, also revealed the emergence of shifting patterns in some parts of the province where an effort to include women appears to be taking place. Fifth and last, the enquiry demonstrated that ulwaluko is deeply entrenched among amaXhosa; that it has stood the test of time and is unlikely to be discontinued. Based on the results, I recommend that creative and transformative ways of addressing the evident clash between the provision of individual rights by the state and the recognition of ulwaluko as a cultural practice (which is perceived by some as harmful to women) be sought. To achieve this objective I make the following recommendations: 1) establishment and utilization of gender equality programmes; 2) modification of values and norms of the custom; 3) representation of women in decision-making structures; 4) establishment of collaborative networks; 5) widening of access to services (such as chapter nine institutions and national gender machinery); 6) documentation and sharing of effective and inclusive practices as well as; 7) creating awareness on initiation legislation.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2018
Pyramidal deliberative democracy
- Authors: Danielsen, James
- Date: 2019
- Subjects: Democracy , Information technology -- Political aspects , Internet in public administration , Political participation -- Computer network resources , World politics
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/74502 , vital:30309
- Description: This dissertation has two main objectives. First, to outline an ICT-facilitated model of democracy called ‘pyramidal democracy’ that reconciles deliberative democracy with mass engagement. Second, to suggest how this model of democracy might engender the democratisation of the global economy and thus the provision of a basic level of economic security for all global citizens. At the core of the model is the pyramidal deliberative network, a means of organising citizens into small online deliberative groups and linking these groups together by means of an iterative process of delegate-selection and group-formation. The pyramidal network enables citizens to aggregate their preferences in a deliberative manner, and then project social power by authorizing the delegates at the top-tier of the pyramidal network to communicate their social demands to elected officials or to other points of authority. The envisioned outcome is the democratisation of the public sphere by means of the proliferation of deliberative networks in the government, market, and civil society spheres. Transnational pyramidal networks may make it feasible to instantiate a new citizen-based schema of global governance and, thereby, facilitate the reform of the United Nations and enable a transition towards global peace, sustainability, and distributive justice. Distributive justice might be achieved by means of implementing the six components of a democratised economy: participatory budgeting, fee-and-dividend taxes, a basic income, monetary reform, workplace democracy, and the sharing economy. Taken together, these components might enable the universal provision of a social minimum – a universal basic income sufficient for basic security and real freedom. Taken to its logical conclusion, a democratised economy may also enable a transition towards a post-scarcity economic order characterised by a maximal stock of humanmade and natural capital that would not exceed the sustainable carrying capacity of the earth.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2019
- Authors: Danielsen, James
- Date: 2019
- Subjects: Democracy , Information technology -- Political aspects , Internet in public administration , Political participation -- Computer network resources , World politics
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/74502 , vital:30309
- Description: This dissertation has two main objectives. First, to outline an ICT-facilitated model of democracy called ‘pyramidal democracy’ that reconciles deliberative democracy with mass engagement. Second, to suggest how this model of democracy might engender the democratisation of the global economy and thus the provision of a basic level of economic security for all global citizens. At the core of the model is the pyramidal deliberative network, a means of organising citizens into small online deliberative groups and linking these groups together by means of an iterative process of delegate-selection and group-formation. The pyramidal network enables citizens to aggregate their preferences in a deliberative manner, and then project social power by authorizing the delegates at the top-tier of the pyramidal network to communicate their social demands to elected officials or to other points of authority. The envisioned outcome is the democratisation of the public sphere by means of the proliferation of deliberative networks in the government, market, and civil society spheres. Transnational pyramidal networks may make it feasible to instantiate a new citizen-based schema of global governance and, thereby, facilitate the reform of the United Nations and enable a transition towards global peace, sustainability, and distributive justice. Distributive justice might be achieved by means of implementing the six components of a democratised economy: participatory budgeting, fee-and-dividend taxes, a basic income, monetary reform, workplace democracy, and the sharing economy. Taken together, these components might enable the universal provision of a social minimum – a universal basic income sufficient for basic security and real freedom. Taken to its logical conclusion, a democratised economy may also enable a transition towards a post-scarcity economic order characterised by a maximal stock of humanmade and natural capital that would not exceed the sustainable carrying capacity of the earth.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2019