Visit the COVID-19 Corona Virus South African Resource Portal on https://sacoronavirus.co.za/
The development of the political party system in the Ciskei
- Authors: Ka Tywakadi, Gordon Renton
- Date: 1978 , 2013-10-17
- Subjects: Political parties -- South Africa -- Ciskei , Elections -- South Africa -- Ciskei
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2853 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1006868 , Political parties -- South Africa -- Ciskei , Elections -- South Africa -- Ciskei
- Description: (p. 1) The Ciskei homeland, which is a 'sub-state' of the Republic of South Africa, attained a semi-autonomous status as a result of the implementation of the Bantustan policy of the Government of the Republic of South Africa. This semi-autonomous status introduced a Westminster type of parliamentary system which in turn brought into being a political party system. The purpose of this thesis is to investigate, amongst other things, the roles played by these political parties:- i) What role would the political parties play in the struggle of the Ciskeians for equal political rights vis - a-vis white South Africa? ii) Whose interests would those political parties serve? iii) This semi-autonomous status has resulted in the juxtaposing of traditional and modern political institutions. The political institutions that have emerged, include inter alia, legislative assemblies and political parties. These modern political institutions have been superimposed on traditional political institutions. What effect(s) would the one have on the other? iv) Would the development of political parties lead to the establishment of a one, two or dominant party system? In order that the above questions may be answered, i) An attempt will be made to define a political system, illustrating the concept with examples taken from the Republic of South Africa political scene and at the same time, attention will be directed to the relationship between the Republic of South Africa and the Ciskei. ii) When investigating the political party and the political party system, the role played by the political parties and the political party system in the relationship between the Republic of South Africa and the Ciskei will be defined. , Ciskei (South Africa) -- Politics and government , KMBT_363 , Adobe Acrobat 9.54 Paper Capture Plug-in
- Full Text:
- Authors: Ka Tywakadi, Gordon Renton
- Date: 1978 , 2013-10-17
- Subjects: Political parties -- South Africa -- Ciskei , Elections -- South Africa -- Ciskei
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2853 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1006868 , Political parties -- South Africa -- Ciskei , Elections -- South Africa -- Ciskei
- Description: (p. 1) The Ciskei homeland, which is a 'sub-state' of the Republic of South Africa, attained a semi-autonomous status as a result of the implementation of the Bantustan policy of the Government of the Republic of South Africa. This semi-autonomous status introduced a Westminster type of parliamentary system which in turn brought into being a political party system. The purpose of this thesis is to investigate, amongst other things, the roles played by these political parties:- i) What role would the political parties play in the struggle of the Ciskeians for equal political rights vis - a-vis white South Africa? ii) Whose interests would those political parties serve? iii) This semi-autonomous status has resulted in the juxtaposing of traditional and modern political institutions. The political institutions that have emerged, include inter alia, legislative assemblies and political parties. These modern political institutions have been superimposed on traditional political institutions. What effect(s) would the one have on the other? iv) Would the development of political parties lead to the establishment of a one, two or dominant party system? In order that the above questions may be answered, i) An attempt will be made to define a political system, illustrating the concept with examples taken from the Republic of South Africa political scene and at the same time, attention will be directed to the relationship between the Republic of South Africa and the Ciskei. ii) When investigating the political party and the political party system, the role played by the political parties and the political party system in the relationship between the Republic of South Africa and the Ciskei will be defined. , Ciskei (South Africa) -- Politics and government , KMBT_363 , Adobe Acrobat 9.54 Paper Capture Plug-in
- Full Text:
Social structure and rural economic development
- Authors: Berger, Guy
- Date: 1989
- Subjects: Social structure -- Developing countries , Rural development-- Developing countries
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: vital:2864 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1007643
- Description: New concepts and a synthesis of existing theories may assist in studying the relationship between social structure, development and rural development. The concept of social structure encompasses the concept of economic structure which may be analysed in terms of three "Moments" of production. On this basis, one can distinguish between heterogeneous and homogeneous relations of production structures. "Homogeneous relations" together with "system dynamics" and ''reproduction", define the concept of a mode of production. "Development" refers to the expansion of total productive capacity, premissed on advanced means of production, and corresponding to the particular relations and forces of production in an economic system. The capitalist mode of production has both tendencies and countertendencies to development. The latter prevail in the Third World due to the admixture and heterogeneity of production relations there, and to their subordinate articulation within an international capitalist economic system. In this context, underdevelopment is the result of the specific factors of monopoly competition, dependence-extraversion, disarticulation-unevenness, the three-tier structure of the peripheral economy, surplus transfer, and class structures and struggles. Rural development can be understood in terms of the specific contribution of agriculture to development, theorized as the "Agrarian Question". Agrarian capitalism has been slow to develop in the Third World, and the state of agriculture remains a problem there. "Rural development" has emerged as a deliberate and interventionist state strategy designed to restructure agrarian relations for development. This has contributed to the formation of particular heterogeneous relations of production articulated to the capitalist mode. In this context, the character of the associated classes has left the Agrarian Question unresolved. "Rural development" continues because it has an important~ and even primary, political significance - although this is not without contradictions.
- Full Text:
- Authors: Berger, Guy
- Date: 1989
- Subjects: Social structure -- Developing countries , Rural development-- Developing countries
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: vital:2864 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1007643
- Description: New concepts and a synthesis of existing theories may assist in studying the relationship between social structure, development and rural development. The concept of social structure encompasses the concept of economic structure which may be analysed in terms of three "Moments" of production. On this basis, one can distinguish between heterogeneous and homogeneous relations of production structures. "Homogeneous relations" together with "system dynamics" and ''reproduction", define the concept of a mode of production. "Development" refers to the expansion of total productive capacity, premissed on advanced means of production, and corresponding to the particular relations and forces of production in an economic system. The capitalist mode of production has both tendencies and countertendencies to development. The latter prevail in the Third World due to the admixture and heterogeneity of production relations there, and to their subordinate articulation within an international capitalist economic system. In this context, underdevelopment is the result of the specific factors of monopoly competition, dependence-extraversion, disarticulation-unevenness, the three-tier structure of the peripheral economy, surplus transfer, and class structures and struggles. Rural development can be understood in terms of the specific contribution of agriculture to development, theorized as the "Agrarian Question". Agrarian capitalism has been slow to develop in the Third World, and the state of agriculture remains a problem there. "Rural development" has emerged as a deliberate and interventionist state strategy designed to restructure agrarian relations for development. This has contributed to the formation of particular heterogeneous relations of production articulated to the capitalist mode. In this context, the character of the associated classes has left the Agrarian Question unresolved. "Rural development" continues because it has an important~ and even primary, political significance - although this is not without contradictions.
- Full Text:
National liberation movement in the international political arena: a case study of the African National Congress at the United Nations (1960 to February 1990)
- Authors: Mopp, Adrian Carl
- Date: 1996
- Subjects: United Nations -- South Africa , African National Congress -- History , Economic sanctions -- South Africa , Boycotts -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2808 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003018 , United Nations -- South Africa , African National Congress -- History , Economic sanctions -- South Africa , Boycotts -- South Africa
- Description: The African National Congress (ANC) was the leading opponent of the South African Government's Apartheid policies. It was engaged in an Anti-Apartheid struggle and as part thereof called for South Africa's diplomatic isolation. In the course of its struggle, the ANC sought international support. Given the stature of the United Nations (UN) as the foremost international organisation, the ANC campaigned at the UN for South Africa's diplomatic isolation. This thesis focuses on the activities of African National Co~gress at the United Nations. It firstly outlines a brief history of the ANC and the UN and examines the relationship which developed between the two organisations. It then focuses on the activities of the ANC at the UN which were aimed at isolating South Africa diplomatically from the international community. Finally a brief assessment of the extent of South Africa's diplomatic isolation is provided.
- Full Text:
- Authors: Mopp, Adrian Carl
- Date: 1996
- Subjects: United Nations -- South Africa , African National Congress -- History , Economic sanctions -- South Africa , Boycotts -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2808 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003018 , United Nations -- South Africa , African National Congress -- History , Economic sanctions -- South Africa , Boycotts -- South Africa
- Description: The African National Congress (ANC) was the leading opponent of the South African Government's Apartheid policies. It was engaged in an Anti-Apartheid struggle and as part thereof called for South Africa's diplomatic isolation. In the course of its struggle, the ANC sought international support. Given the stature of the United Nations (UN) as the foremost international organisation, the ANC campaigned at the UN for South Africa's diplomatic isolation. This thesis focuses on the activities of African National Co~gress at the United Nations. It firstly outlines a brief history of the ANC and the UN and examines the relationship which developed between the two organisations. It then focuses on the activities of the ANC at the UN which were aimed at isolating South Africa diplomatically from the international community. Finally a brief assessment of the extent of South Africa's diplomatic isolation is provided.
- Full Text:
Negotiating a comprehensive long-term relationship between South Africa and the European Union: from free trade to trade and development
- Authors: Cross, Peter John
- Date: 1997
- Subjects: Economic development -- South Africa -- 1994- , European Economic Community , European Economic Community countries -- Foreign economic relations -- South Africa , South Africa -- Foreign relations -- European Economic Community countries
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2768 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002978 , Economic development -- South Africa -- 1994- , European Economic Community , European Economic Community countries -- Foreign economic relations -- South Africa , South Africa -- Foreign relations -- European Economic Community countries
- Description: On 10 May 1994 the European Union offeredSouth Africa a package of measures to ... send a strong political signal to the incoming govemment and to the South African population, thus proving its firm determination to support the transition towards democracy and its willingness to contribute to the reconstruction and economic development of South Africa after the elections. This package consisted of two parts: 1. A series of short term implementations to take place with immediate effect to help South Africa's development and transition, and 2. An offer to negotiate a comprehensive long-term relationship with South Africa should the new government so request. South Africa accepted the European Union's offer to negotiate a long-term relationship, and in response requested membership of the structure governing the Union's relations with the rest of the countries in Sub-Saharan Africa and some countries in the Caribbean and Pacific, namely the Lomé Convention. Due to various incompatibilities South Africa was not allowed to join this organisation. In its place the European Union offered to negotiate an agreement with South Africa that would lead to a Free Trade Area. This agreement was in keeping with the rules as laid down by the World Trade Organisation. It envisaged the lowering of tariffs and trade barriers between the Union and South Africa over a period not exceeding 12 years, allowing for asymmetry in terms of time constraints in implementation only. South Africa saw this type of agreement as inconsistent with the desire expressed by the European Union to support the countries development and the integration of the Southern African region. In its place South Africa proposed a new concept in trade agreement, this concept, known as the Trade and Development Agreement, embodied both trade liberalisation and support for development. This agreement would introduce a new paradigm of thought to govern trade between developed countries and developing countries within the World Trade Organisation's rules. This paper explores the events that unfolded in these negotiations. It attempts to discover whether, in the current global environment, it is possible, or beneficial, for the developed world to act in an altruistic manner towards another state in order to assist its development.
- Full Text:
- Authors: Cross, Peter John
- Date: 1997
- Subjects: Economic development -- South Africa -- 1994- , European Economic Community , European Economic Community countries -- Foreign economic relations -- South Africa , South Africa -- Foreign relations -- European Economic Community countries
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2768 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002978 , Economic development -- South Africa -- 1994- , European Economic Community , European Economic Community countries -- Foreign economic relations -- South Africa , South Africa -- Foreign relations -- European Economic Community countries
- Description: On 10 May 1994 the European Union offeredSouth Africa a package of measures to ... send a strong political signal to the incoming govemment and to the South African population, thus proving its firm determination to support the transition towards democracy and its willingness to contribute to the reconstruction and economic development of South Africa after the elections. This package consisted of two parts: 1. A series of short term implementations to take place with immediate effect to help South Africa's development and transition, and 2. An offer to negotiate a comprehensive long-term relationship with South Africa should the new government so request. South Africa accepted the European Union's offer to negotiate a long-term relationship, and in response requested membership of the structure governing the Union's relations with the rest of the countries in Sub-Saharan Africa and some countries in the Caribbean and Pacific, namely the Lomé Convention. Due to various incompatibilities South Africa was not allowed to join this organisation. In its place the European Union offered to negotiate an agreement with South Africa that would lead to a Free Trade Area. This agreement was in keeping with the rules as laid down by the World Trade Organisation. It envisaged the lowering of tariffs and trade barriers between the Union and South Africa over a period not exceeding 12 years, allowing for asymmetry in terms of time constraints in implementation only. South Africa saw this type of agreement as inconsistent with the desire expressed by the European Union to support the countries development and the integration of the Southern African region. In its place South Africa proposed a new concept in trade agreement, this concept, known as the Trade and Development Agreement, embodied both trade liberalisation and support for development. This agreement would introduce a new paradigm of thought to govern trade between developed countries and developing countries within the World Trade Organisation's rules. This paper explores the events that unfolded in these negotiations. It attempts to discover whether, in the current global environment, it is possible, or beneficial, for the developed world to act in an altruistic manner towards another state in order to assist its development.
- Full Text:
Cuba's revolutionist and anti-imperialist foreign policy in Southern Africa: the case of Angola and Namibia
- Authors: Othieno, Timothy
- Date: 2000
- Subjects: Cuba -- Foreign Relations -- Africa, Southern , Cuba -- Dependency on foreign countries -- History , Cuba -- Foreign relations -- Angola , Cuba -- Foreign relations -- Namibia , Cuba -- Politics and government
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2819 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003029 , Cuba -- Foreign Relations -- Africa, Southern , Cuba -- Dependency on foreign countries -- History , Cuba -- Foreign relations -- Angola , Cuba -- Foreign relations -- Namibia , Cuba -- Politics and government
- Description: This study examines Cuba’s role in the two southern African countries of Angola and Namibia during the Cold War period. It argues that Cuba’s ideological motivations have been embodied in the mutually reinforcing concepts of proletarian internationalism and anti-imperialism. These conceptual perspectives constitute some of the central variables that influence Cuba’s foreign policy behaviour in international relations. It is within this context that one can understand Cuba’s involvement in Southern Africa. This study also attempts to explain that Cuban foreign policy towards Africa was based on two complementary and contextual objectives namely, promoting nationalism at home and nurturing revolutionary Marxist-Leninist governments, as well as supporting anti-colonial and anti-imperialist movements abroad. For the purpose of achieving these foreign policy objectives, Cuba not only engaged in state-to-state relations with Angola and Namibia; but had cordial relations with the rest of the continent and in particular Southern Africa, which also became a direct military testing ground for Cuba’s commitment to an anti-colonial and anti-imperialist revolutionary stance. Furthermore, the thesis shows that Cuba’s relentless hatred of imperialism is rooted in its historical relationship with the United States because from the turn of the century till 1958, the Americans interfered in Cuba’s internal affairs by supporting corrupt administrations and exploited the country. These practices by the United States laid the foundation for Cuba’s anti-colonialism and antiimperialism abroad. Ultimately, this thesis shows that Cuban involvement in Angola and Namibia can be conceptualised within these contexts (anti-imperialism, anti-colonialism, proletarian internationalism and revolutionary Marxism-Leninism). The role of Cuban nationalism in the realisation of these objectives and ideals, as well as its role in perpetuating and consolidating her foreign policy is assessed in this study. This nationalism and ideals of internationalism constitutes the central idea in the Cuban revolution. Finally, this thesis asserts that Cuban motives for getting involved in the politics of Southern Africa were not motivated by economic or imperialistic reasons. Rather, the historical similarity and colonial experiences between Africa and Cuba were some of the central causal factors.
- Full Text:
- Authors: Othieno, Timothy
- Date: 2000
- Subjects: Cuba -- Foreign Relations -- Africa, Southern , Cuba -- Dependency on foreign countries -- History , Cuba -- Foreign relations -- Angola , Cuba -- Foreign relations -- Namibia , Cuba -- Politics and government
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2819 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003029 , Cuba -- Foreign Relations -- Africa, Southern , Cuba -- Dependency on foreign countries -- History , Cuba -- Foreign relations -- Angola , Cuba -- Foreign relations -- Namibia , Cuba -- Politics and government
- Description: This study examines Cuba’s role in the two southern African countries of Angola and Namibia during the Cold War period. It argues that Cuba’s ideological motivations have been embodied in the mutually reinforcing concepts of proletarian internationalism and anti-imperialism. These conceptual perspectives constitute some of the central variables that influence Cuba’s foreign policy behaviour in international relations. It is within this context that one can understand Cuba’s involvement in Southern Africa. This study also attempts to explain that Cuban foreign policy towards Africa was based on two complementary and contextual objectives namely, promoting nationalism at home and nurturing revolutionary Marxist-Leninist governments, as well as supporting anti-colonial and anti-imperialist movements abroad. For the purpose of achieving these foreign policy objectives, Cuba not only engaged in state-to-state relations with Angola and Namibia; but had cordial relations with the rest of the continent and in particular Southern Africa, which also became a direct military testing ground for Cuba’s commitment to an anti-colonial and anti-imperialist revolutionary stance. Furthermore, the thesis shows that Cuba’s relentless hatred of imperialism is rooted in its historical relationship with the United States because from the turn of the century till 1958, the Americans interfered in Cuba’s internal affairs by supporting corrupt administrations and exploited the country. These practices by the United States laid the foundation for Cuba’s anti-colonialism and antiimperialism abroad. Ultimately, this thesis shows that Cuban involvement in Angola and Namibia can be conceptualised within these contexts (anti-imperialism, anti-colonialism, proletarian internationalism and revolutionary Marxism-Leninism). The role of Cuban nationalism in the realisation of these objectives and ideals, as well as its role in perpetuating and consolidating her foreign policy is assessed in this study. This nationalism and ideals of internationalism constitutes the central idea in the Cuban revolution. Finally, this thesis asserts that Cuban motives for getting involved in the politics of Southern Africa were not motivated by economic or imperialistic reasons. Rather, the historical similarity and colonial experiences between Africa and Cuba were some of the central causal factors.
- Full Text:
Ethnic nationalism and democratisation in South Africa : political implications for the rainbow nation
- Authors: Naidoo, Vinothan
- Date: 2000
- Subjects: Nationalism -- South Africa , Ethnicity -- South Africa , Democracy -- South Africa , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1994-
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2815 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003025 , Nationalism -- South Africa , Ethnicity -- South Africa , Democracy -- South Africa , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1994-
- Description: Ethnic identities in South Africa have had a particularly contrived history, set within the constraints and motivations of population classification by race. A more democratic political environment emerged with the dismantling of apartheid, bringing with it a multitude of issues including the design and character of the country’s political institutions and framework. This thesis will address two principal questions. The first and primary one investigates what lies behind the initiation and development of ethnic bonds. The second concerns the political implications and management of ethnic expressions in a democratic South Africa. An analysis of Zulu ethnic nationalism will be undertaken, because it constituted the most prominent case of assertive communal interests during democratic transitional negotiations. This thesis argues that circumstantial and instrumental factors (based on conditions, and the actions of individuals and organizations respectively), have been predominately responsible for the initiation and formation of ethnic bonds, especially amongst those who identify with a Zulu identity. The “conditions” describe the increasingly segregationist direction in which successive South African government authorities were moving, especially after the 1948 election victory of the National Party and the subsequent introduction of apartheid. Secondly, the “actions” denote the motivations of both Zulu actors and governments in generating and elaborating an ethnic discourse where their desired interests could be more effectively supported and assured. It will also be argued that because of the instrumental and selective use of ethnicity, as well as the narrow interests being served by its popular and community-centred expressions, a developing South African democratic culture should seek to protect ethnic diversity rather than promote ethnic interests. To do so would be to deny the perpetuation of ethnic cleavages and the violence and instability perpetrated in its name in recent years. The “protection” of cultural diversity is consistent with a constitution that seeks non-discrimination among all South African identities. Finally, it is believed that an emphasis on the individual as individual, as well as member of a cultural group, will break from subordinating the individual to an ascribed racial and ethnic identity as in the past, and assist in reconstituting the state as equally reflective of all South Africans.
- Full Text:
- Authors: Naidoo, Vinothan
- Date: 2000
- Subjects: Nationalism -- South Africa , Ethnicity -- South Africa , Democracy -- South Africa , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1994-
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2815 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003025 , Nationalism -- South Africa , Ethnicity -- South Africa , Democracy -- South Africa , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1994-
- Description: Ethnic identities in South Africa have had a particularly contrived history, set within the constraints and motivations of population classification by race. A more democratic political environment emerged with the dismantling of apartheid, bringing with it a multitude of issues including the design and character of the country’s political institutions and framework. This thesis will address two principal questions. The first and primary one investigates what lies behind the initiation and development of ethnic bonds. The second concerns the political implications and management of ethnic expressions in a democratic South Africa. An analysis of Zulu ethnic nationalism will be undertaken, because it constituted the most prominent case of assertive communal interests during democratic transitional negotiations. This thesis argues that circumstantial and instrumental factors (based on conditions, and the actions of individuals and organizations respectively), have been predominately responsible for the initiation and formation of ethnic bonds, especially amongst those who identify with a Zulu identity. The “conditions” describe the increasingly segregationist direction in which successive South African government authorities were moving, especially after the 1948 election victory of the National Party and the subsequent introduction of apartheid. Secondly, the “actions” denote the motivations of both Zulu actors and governments in generating and elaborating an ethnic discourse where their desired interests could be more effectively supported and assured. It will also be argued that because of the instrumental and selective use of ethnicity, as well as the narrow interests being served by its popular and community-centred expressions, a developing South African democratic culture should seek to protect ethnic diversity rather than promote ethnic interests. To do so would be to deny the perpetuation of ethnic cleavages and the violence and instability perpetrated in its name in recent years. The “protection” of cultural diversity is consistent with a constitution that seeks non-discrimination among all South African identities. Finally, it is believed that an emphasis on the individual as individual, as well as member of a cultural group, will break from subordinating the individual to an ascribed racial and ethnic identity as in the past, and assist in reconstituting the state as equally reflective of all South Africans.
- Full Text:
Southern African Development Community foreign policy behaviour: the case of trade with external actors
- Authors: Tebu, Perminus Waithaka
- Date: 2000
- Subjects: Southern African Development Community , International trade , Africa, Southern -- Foreign relations
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2834 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003044 , Southern African Development Community , International trade , Africa, Southern -- Foreign relations
- Description: This thesis is structured around two main and interwoven assumptions operating at two levels. On the one level the external dimension of security threat in Southern Africa is assumed to be the most critical factor for regional renewal and stability. It hinges on pertinent regional issues such as negative trade balances, economic dependence, poverty, unemployment, poor economic growth rates and so forth. The corollary of this assumption is that within the operative framework of SADC, Southern African states are assumed capable of effectively integrating their economies through trade and related arrangements with dominant external actors in the highly competitive global economy. The European Union (EU) and the United States (US) are used as the focal points for illumination. A structured interaction between SADC and the EU within a revised North-South framework of interaction is hypothesized and critically examined. On the other hand, SADC-US interactions are assessed within the context of the new US Africa policy. At another level, the assumption is also made that the post-apartheid democratic state possesses both the political will and the wherewithal to provide regiol].al Leadership. This latter assumption is put to test within the framework of South Africa's regional foreign policy. Adopting an explicit regional unit of analysis, the study utilizes international regime theory as the theoretical and conceptual point of departure. The realist conception of the international system and the underlying assumptions usually considered as obstacles to international cooperation are critically examined in the context of the post-Cold War expanded security agenda. Regime theory is used to provide insight on the motivations that lead states to cooperate in situations of mutual dilemma by institutionalizing patterns of interaction at the regional and international systemic levels. Interstate economic relations at these levels are explained as state actions that are influenced by certain norms and that such norm-governed behaviour is wholly consistent with the pursuit of national interest. Application of the theory explains why such foreign policy behaviour of states is particularly relevant in the post-Cold War era. The thesis has argued that SADC states are capable of conducting a coordinated trade foreign policy in which regional positions are elaborated and adopted. It is argued further that a regional capacity to institute trade and economic policies that reflect local circumstances (necessary for effective integration with the world economy) calls for strong regional developmental democracies in the tradition of social market economy. Regional leadership by South Africa is considered indispensable where Sbuth Africa must find a sustainable balance between its national and regional interests.
- Full Text:
- Authors: Tebu, Perminus Waithaka
- Date: 2000
- Subjects: Southern African Development Community , International trade , Africa, Southern -- Foreign relations
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2834 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003044 , Southern African Development Community , International trade , Africa, Southern -- Foreign relations
- Description: This thesis is structured around two main and interwoven assumptions operating at two levels. On the one level the external dimension of security threat in Southern Africa is assumed to be the most critical factor for regional renewal and stability. It hinges on pertinent regional issues such as negative trade balances, economic dependence, poverty, unemployment, poor economic growth rates and so forth. The corollary of this assumption is that within the operative framework of SADC, Southern African states are assumed capable of effectively integrating their economies through trade and related arrangements with dominant external actors in the highly competitive global economy. The European Union (EU) and the United States (US) are used as the focal points for illumination. A structured interaction between SADC and the EU within a revised North-South framework of interaction is hypothesized and critically examined. On the other hand, SADC-US interactions are assessed within the context of the new US Africa policy. At another level, the assumption is also made that the post-apartheid democratic state possesses both the political will and the wherewithal to provide regiol].al Leadership. This latter assumption is put to test within the framework of South Africa's regional foreign policy. Adopting an explicit regional unit of analysis, the study utilizes international regime theory as the theoretical and conceptual point of departure. The realist conception of the international system and the underlying assumptions usually considered as obstacles to international cooperation are critically examined in the context of the post-Cold War expanded security agenda. Regime theory is used to provide insight on the motivations that lead states to cooperate in situations of mutual dilemma by institutionalizing patterns of interaction at the regional and international systemic levels. Interstate economic relations at these levels are explained as state actions that are influenced by certain norms and that such norm-governed behaviour is wholly consistent with the pursuit of national interest. Application of the theory explains why such foreign policy behaviour of states is particularly relevant in the post-Cold War era. The thesis has argued that SADC states are capable of conducting a coordinated trade foreign policy in which regional positions are elaborated and adopted. It is argued further that a regional capacity to institute trade and economic policies that reflect local circumstances (necessary for effective integration with the world economy) calls for strong regional developmental democracies in the tradition of social market economy. Regional leadership by South Africa is considered indispensable where Sbuth Africa must find a sustainable balance between its national and regional interests.
- Full Text:
Non-governmental organizations, the state and the politics of rural development in Kenya with particular reference to Western Province
- Authors: Matanga, Frank Khachina
- Date: 2002
- Subjects: Non-governmental organizations -- Kenya , Rural development -- Kenya
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: vital:2803 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003013 , Non-governmental organizations -- Kenya , Rural development -- Kenya
- Description: In recent decades, Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs) have increasingly taken on development and political roles in Africa. This has partly been attributed to the New Policy Agenda (NPA) mounted by the international donors. The NPA is predicated on neo-liberal thinking advocating for an enlarged development role for the private sector and a minimalist state. This relatively new shift in development thought has been motivated by the declining capacity of the African state to deliver development and guarantee a liberal political system. This study, therefore, set out to empirically examine whether NGOs are capable of effectively playing their new-found development and political roles. The study was based on Kenya with the Western Province constituting the core research area. The fact that the Kenyan state has been gradually disengaging from the development process has created a vacuum of which the NGOs have attempted to fill. Equally important has been the observation that, for the greater part of the post-colonial period, the state has been largely authoritarian and therefore prompting a segment of civil society to take on political roles in an effort to force it to liberalize and democratize. Urban NGOs in particular, have been the most confrontational to the state with some remarkable success. Unlike their urban counterparts, rural-based NGOs have tended to be more developmental and play a politics of collaboration with the state. Many of the latter NGOs, although playing a significant role in rural development, have been co-opted into patron-client networks. Factors that influence NGOs= posture towards the state include the nature of their leadership, the extent of their nternational connections, and the level of resources at their disposal. The study=s principal conclusion, is that, in as much as NGOs and overall civil society have provided a basis for development and opposition to the state, there is an urgent and growing need for them to shift from a position of dependency, whether domestic or international, to relative autonomy. Only then, will their contributions be sustainable in society.
- Full Text:
- Authors: Matanga, Frank Khachina
- Date: 2002
- Subjects: Non-governmental organizations -- Kenya , Rural development -- Kenya
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: vital:2803 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003013 , Non-governmental organizations -- Kenya , Rural development -- Kenya
- Description: In recent decades, Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs) have increasingly taken on development and political roles in Africa. This has partly been attributed to the New Policy Agenda (NPA) mounted by the international donors. The NPA is predicated on neo-liberal thinking advocating for an enlarged development role for the private sector and a minimalist state. This relatively new shift in development thought has been motivated by the declining capacity of the African state to deliver development and guarantee a liberal political system. This study, therefore, set out to empirically examine whether NGOs are capable of effectively playing their new-found development and political roles. The study was based on Kenya with the Western Province constituting the core research area. The fact that the Kenyan state has been gradually disengaging from the development process has created a vacuum of which the NGOs have attempted to fill. Equally important has been the observation that, for the greater part of the post-colonial period, the state has been largely authoritarian and therefore prompting a segment of civil society to take on political roles in an effort to force it to liberalize and democratize. Urban NGOs in particular, have been the most confrontational to the state with some remarkable success. Unlike their urban counterparts, rural-based NGOs have tended to be more developmental and play a politics of collaboration with the state. Many of the latter NGOs, although playing a significant role in rural development, have been co-opted into patron-client networks. Factors that influence NGOs= posture towards the state include the nature of their leadership, the extent of their nternational connections, and the level of resources at their disposal. The study=s principal conclusion, is that, in as much as NGOs and overall civil society have provided a basis for development and opposition to the state, there is an urgent and growing need for them to shift from a position of dependency, whether domestic or international, to relative autonomy. Only then, will their contributions be sustainable in society.
- Full Text:
The negotiation process of the EU-SA Trade, Development and Co-operation Agreement: a case of reference for the south?
- Authors: Pillay, Morgenie
- Date: 2003
- Subjects: South Africa -- Foreign economic relations -- European Union countries , European Union countries -- Foreign economic relations -- South Africa , South Africa -- Commerce -- European Union countries , European Union countries -- Commerce -- South Africa , Free trade -- South Africa , Trade regulation -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2821 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003031 , South Africa -- Foreign economic relations -- European Union countries , European Union countries -- Foreign economic relations -- South Africa , South Africa -- Commerce -- European Union countries , European Union countries -- Commerce -- South Africa , Free trade -- South Africa , Trade regulation -- South Africa
- Description: Overall the conclusions drawn about South Africa’s negotiating style and tactics were arrived at by analysing a number of reports (that closely followed the evolution of the negotiations) and then paralleling this case study’s findings with the conjectures made by the theoretical frameworks (i.e. works by Putnam, Zartmann and Churchmann) about how negotiations proceed. In the final analysis, the findings of this case are intended to provide insight for the south about how to approach any future trade negotiations with the North (or more specifically with the EU).
- Full Text:
- Authors: Pillay, Morgenie
- Date: 2003
- Subjects: South Africa -- Foreign economic relations -- European Union countries , European Union countries -- Foreign economic relations -- South Africa , South Africa -- Commerce -- European Union countries , European Union countries -- Commerce -- South Africa , Free trade -- South Africa , Trade regulation -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2821 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003031 , South Africa -- Foreign economic relations -- European Union countries , European Union countries -- Foreign economic relations -- South Africa , South Africa -- Commerce -- European Union countries , European Union countries -- Commerce -- South Africa , Free trade -- South Africa , Trade regulation -- South Africa
- Description: Overall the conclusions drawn about South Africa’s negotiating style and tactics were arrived at by analysing a number of reports (that closely followed the evolution of the negotiations) and then paralleling this case study’s findings with the conjectures made by the theoretical frameworks (i.e. works by Putnam, Zartmann and Churchmann) about how negotiations proceed. In the final analysis, the findings of this case are intended to provide insight for the south about how to approach any future trade negotiations with the North (or more specifically with the EU).
- Full Text:
A democratising South Africa?: an analysis of the 2004 national election
- Authors: Prudhomme, Leah Shianne
- Date: 2004
- Subjects: African National Congress , Elections -- South Africa , Voting -- South Africa , Democracy -- South Africa , Political parties -- South Africa , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1994-
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2823 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003033 , African National Congress , Elections -- South Africa , Voting -- South Africa , Democracy -- South Africa , Political parties -- South Africa , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1994-
- Description: Two of the post apartheid elections held in South Africa (1994, 1999) have been used as mechanisms to analyse and assess the extent to which the country’s transition from apartheid to a democratic dispensation is succeeding or not. The primary analytical focus of the 1994 and 1999 elections has revolved around the nature of the party system and voting behaviour. Basically, contestation has arisen over two primary and related issues: the dominance of the African National Congress (ANC) weighed against the weakness of opposition parties and the implications that this development has for effective democratic consolidation. Also, whether voting decisions based on divisive racial and ethnic identities that underlie electoral contests are pervasive enough to derail the process of democratisation. Generally, the primary conclusion has been that the unfolding pattern of South African electoral politics indicates sufficient grounds on which to doubt the prospects for effective democratic consolidation. This dissertation engages these debates with particular reference to the 2004 elections. In contrast to this pessimistic view of the prospects of successful democratisation in South Africa it upholds through an analysis of the 2004 elections the view that there is insufficient empirical evidence, to conclude that South Africa’s democratisation process is imperiled. It maintains that although there are problems related to the to the nature of the party system and some elements of voting behaviour there is enough countervailing evidence revealed by the 2004 election results that this does not present a substantially serious threat to the prospects of South Africa attaining a democratic society.
- Full Text:
- Authors: Prudhomme, Leah Shianne
- Date: 2004
- Subjects: African National Congress , Elections -- South Africa , Voting -- South Africa , Democracy -- South Africa , Political parties -- South Africa , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1994-
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2823 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003033 , African National Congress , Elections -- South Africa , Voting -- South Africa , Democracy -- South Africa , Political parties -- South Africa , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1994-
- Description: Two of the post apartheid elections held in South Africa (1994, 1999) have been used as mechanisms to analyse and assess the extent to which the country’s transition from apartheid to a democratic dispensation is succeeding or not. The primary analytical focus of the 1994 and 1999 elections has revolved around the nature of the party system and voting behaviour. Basically, contestation has arisen over two primary and related issues: the dominance of the African National Congress (ANC) weighed against the weakness of opposition parties and the implications that this development has for effective democratic consolidation. Also, whether voting decisions based on divisive racial and ethnic identities that underlie electoral contests are pervasive enough to derail the process of democratisation. Generally, the primary conclusion has been that the unfolding pattern of South African electoral politics indicates sufficient grounds on which to doubt the prospects for effective democratic consolidation. This dissertation engages these debates with particular reference to the 2004 elections. In contrast to this pessimistic view of the prospects of successful democratisation in South Africa it upholds through an analysis of the 2004 elections the view that there is insufficient empirical evidence, to conclude that South Africa’s democratisation process is imperiled. It maintains that although there are problems related to the to the nature of the party system and some elements of voting behaviour there is enough countervailing evidence revealed by the 2004 election results that this does not present a substantially serious threat to the prospects of South Africa attaining a democratic society.
- Full Text:
Apartheid South Africa's foreign relations with African states, 1961-1994
- Authors: Pfister, Roger
- Date: 2004
- Subjects: Apartheid -- South Africa -- History -- 20th century , Government, Resistance to -- South Africa , Democracy -- South Africa , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 20th century , South Africa -- History -- 1961-1994 , South Africa -- Foreign relations -- Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: vital:2863 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1007632
- Description: This thesis examines South Africa's foreign relations, viewed from a South African perspective, with the black African countries beyond southern Africa from 1961 to 1994. These relations were determined by the conflict between Pretoria's apartheid ideology on the one hand, and African continental rejection of South Africa's race discrimination policies and its exclusion from the community of African states on the other. The documentary material used primarily stems from the Department of Foreign Affairs archive in Pretoria, supplemented by research conducted in other archives. Furthermore, we conducted interviews and correspondence, and consulted the relevant primary and secondary literature. Given the main source of information, we chose to make this work a case study in Diplomatic History. In consequence, and constituting the core of the study, Chapters 3 to 6 explore the interaction between South Africa and the black African states in a chronological order. At the same time, we draw on the analytical concepts from the academic disciplines of Political Science and its derivative, International Relations, to comprehend developments more fully. We discuss the significance of the approaches from these two disciplines in both the Introduction and Chapter 2. In particular, we emphasise that this study is about Pretoria's foreign policy, involving state and non-state actors, and we suggest that the unequal status between South Africa and the other African states constitutes an inherent factor in the relationship between them. The Conclusion examines the role of the state and non-state actors in determining Pretoria's foreign relations and the relevance of the structural imbalance between South Africa and the black African states in this context.
- Full Text:
- Authors: Pfister, Roger
- Date: 2004
- Subjects: Apartheid -- South Africa -- History -- 20th century , Government, Resistance to -- South Africa , Democracy -- South Africa , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 20th century , South Africa -- History -- 1961-1994 , South Africa -- Foreign relations -- Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: vital:2863 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1007632
- Description: This thesis examines South Africa's foreign relations, viewed from a South African perspective, with the black African countries beyond southern Africa from 1961 to 1994. These relations were determined by the conflict between Pretoria's apartheid ideology on the one hand, and African continental rejection of South Africa's race discrimination policies and its exclusion from the community of African states on the other. The documentary material used primarily stems from the Department of Foreign Affairs archive in Pretoria, supplemented by research conducted in other archives. Furthermore, we conducted interviews and correspondence, and consulted the relevant primary and secondary literature. Given the main source of information, we chose to make this work a case study in Diplomatic History. In consequence, and constituting the core of the study, Chapters 3 to 6 explore the interaction between South Africa and the black African states in a chronological order. At the same time, we draw on the analytical concepts from the academic disciplines of Political Science and its derivative, International Relations, to comprehend developments more fully. We discuss the significance of the approaches from these two disciplines in both the Introduction and Chapter 2. In particular, we emphasise that this study is about Pretoria's foreign policy, involving state and non-state actors, and we suggest that the unequal status between South Africa and the other African states constitutes an inherent factor in the relationship between them. The Conclusion examines the role of the state and non-state actors in determining Pretoria's foreign relations and the relevance of the structural imbalance between South Africa and the black African states in this context.
- Full Text:
Religious nationalism and negotiation : Islamic identity and the resolution of the Israel/Palestine conflic
- Authors: De Villiers, Shirley
- Date: 2004
- Subjects: Arab-Israeli conflict , Palestinian Arabs -- Civil rights -- Israel , Nationalism -- Middle East , Religion and politics -- Middle East , Jewish-Arab relations , Nationalism -- Religious aspects -- Islam -- History -- 20th century
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2873 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1007815
- Description: The use of violence in the Israel/Palestine conflict has been justified and legitimised by an appeal to religion. Militant Islamist organisations like Ramas have become central players in the Palestinian political landscape as a result of the popular support that they enjoy. This thesis aims to investigate the reasons for this support by analysing the Israel/Palestine conflict in terms of Ruman Needs Theory. According to this Theory, humans have essential needs that need to be fulfilled in order to ensure survival and development. Among these needs, the need for identity and recognition of identity is of vital importance. This thesis thus explores the concept of identity as a need, and investigates this need as it relates to inter-group conflict. In situating this theory in the Israel/Palestine conflict, the study exammes how organisations like Ramas have Islamised Palestinian national identity in order to garner political support. The central contention, then, is that the primary identity group of the Palestinian population is no longer nationalist, but Islamic/nationalist. In Islamising the conflict with Israel as well as Palestinian identity, Ramas has been able to justify its often indiscriminate use of violence by appealing to religion. The conflict is thus perceived to be one between two absolutes - that of Islam versus Judaism. In considering the conflict as one of identities struggling for survival in a climate of perceived threat, any attempt at resolution of the conflict needs to include a focus on needs-based issues. The problem-solving approach to negotiation allows for parties to consider issues of identity, recognition and security needs, and thus ensures that the root causes of conflicts are addressed, The contention is that this approach is vital to any conflict resolution strategy where identity needs are at stake, and it provides the grounding for the success of more traditional zero-sum bargaining methods. A recognition of Islamic identity in negotiation processes in Israel/Palestine may thus make for a more comprehensive conflict resolution strategy, and make the outcomes of negotiations more acceptable to the people of Palestine, thus undermining the acceptance of violence that exists at present.
- Full Text:
- Authors: De Villiers, Shirley
- Date: 2004
- Subjects: Arab-Israeli conflict , Palestinian Arabs -- Civil rights -- Israel , Nationalism -- Middle East , Religion and politics -- Middle East , Jewish-Arab relations , Nationalism -- Religious aspects -- Islam -- History -- 20th century
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2873 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1007815
- Description: The use of violence in the Israel/Palestine conflict has been justified and legitimised by an appeal to religion. Militant Islamist organisations like Ramas have become central players in the Palestinian political landscape as a result of the popular support that they enjoy. This thesis aims to investigate the reasons for this support by analysing the Israel/Palestine conflict in terms of Ruman Needs Theory. According to this Theory, humans have essential needs that need to be fulfilled in order to ensure survival and development. Among these needs, the need for identity and recognition of identity is of vital importance. This thesis thus explores the concept of identity as a need, and investigates this need as it relates to inter-group conflict. In situating this theory in the Israel/Palestine conflict, the study exammes how organisations like Ramas have Islamised Palestinian national identity in order to garner political support. The central contention, then, is that the primary identity group of the Palestinian population is no longer nationalist, but Islamic/nationalist. In Islamising the conflict with Israel as well as Palestinian identity, Ramas has been able to justify its often indiscriminate use of violence by appealing to religion. The conflict is thus perceived to be one between two absolutes - that of Islam versus Judaism. In considering the conflict as one of identities struggling for survival in a climate of perceived threat, any attempt at resolution of the conflict needs to include a focus on needs-based issues. The problem-solving approach to negotiation allows for parties to consider issues of identity, recognition and security needs, and thus ensures that the root causes of conflicts are addressed, The contention is that this approach is vital to any conflict resolution strategy where identity needs are at stake, and it provides the grounding for the success of more traditional zero-sum bargaining methods. A recognition of Islamic identity in negotiation processes in Israel/Palestine may thus make for a more comprehensive conflict resolution strategy, and make the outcomes of negotiations more acceptable to the people of Palestine, thus undermining the acceptance of violence that exists at present.
- Full Text:
A just culture : restoring justice towards a culture of human rights
- Authors: McConnell, Jesse
- Date: 2005
- Subjects: South Africa. Truth and Reconciliation Commission , Reconciliation , Restorative justice , Justice , Human rights , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 20th century
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2860 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1007594 , South Africa. Truth and Reconciliation Commission , Reconciliation , Restorative justice , Justice , Human rights , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 20th century
- Description: This thesis seeks to investigate the possibility that the binary opposition between retributive and restorative forms of justice that structures the discourse on justice is unhelpful and unnecessary, particularly for societies seeking to extricate themselves from violent conflict and towards building peace and democracy. I shall argue for the importance of considering restorative justice as conceptually and historically prior to the possibility of retributive justice rather than the negation of one or the other, as well as advocate the potentially greater transformative power of the values of restorative justice which may provide a constructive alternative to retributive justice in the context of post-conflict peacebuilding.
- Full Text:
- Authors: McConnell, Jesse
- Date: 2005
- Subjects: South Africa. Truth and Reconciliation Commission , Reconciliation , Restorative justice , Justice , Human rights , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 20th century
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2860 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1007594 , South Africa. Truth and Reconciliation Commission , Reconciliation , Restorative justice , Justice , Human rights , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 20th century
- Description: This thesis seeks to investigate the possibility that the binary opposition between retributive and restorative forms of justice that structures the discourse on justice is unhelpful and unnecessary, particularly for societies seeking to extricate themselves from violent conflict and towards building peace and democracy. I shall argue for the importance of considering restorative justice as conceptually and historically prior to the possibility of retributive justice rather than the negation of one or the other, as well as advocate the potentially greater transformative power of the values of restorative justice which may provide a constructive alternative to retributive justice in the context of post-conflict peacebuilding.
- Full Text:
Conceptualizing and implementing the meaning of Africa's new partnership with the industrialized north : implications and possibilities for the renaissance
- Authors: Somhlaba, Zamokwakhe Ludidi
- Date: 2005
- Subjects: New Partnership for Africa's Development , Sustainable development -- Africa , Economic development -- Africa , Africa -- Foreign economic relations , Africa -- Economic conditions -- 1960-
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2841 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1004655 , New Partnership for Africa's Development , Sustainable development -- Africa , Economic development -- Africa , Africa -- Foreign economic relations , Africa -- Economic conditions -- 1960-
- Description: This study is a contribution to the on-going debate about the path that Africa has taken in realising the vision of its renewal. The central theme of the study is the idea of Africa's 'new partnership' with the industrialised North, which is envisaged under the New Partnership for Africa's Development (NEPAD). Acknowledging that asymmetrical partnerships have existed between Africa and the North, particularly in the last century, the question this study poses is: to what extent does the idea of the 'new partnership' represent something new? The study argues two points. Firstly, it argues that the idea of the new partnership has become a terrain of contestation between the Africanist and the post-modernist social forces. Secondly, the study argues that it is unlikely that conceptualising the idea of the new partnership in post-modernist terms will result in sustainable development and rebirth of Africa. That is particularly the case, because post-modernity suggests a certain degree of loyalty to the prevailing and asymmetrical global order. Against this background, the study concludes that the extent to which Africa will enjoy the benefits of a truly revised partnership with the North, and thus fulfil the vision of its rebirth, will be determined, by and large, by the modalities of accommodation and struggle between these social forces.
- Full Text:
- Authors: Somhlaba, Zamokwakhe Ludidi
- Date: 2005
- Subjects: New Partnership for Africa's Development , Sustainable development -- Africa , Economic development -- Africa , Africa -- Foreign economic relations , Africa -- Economic conditions -- 1960-
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2841 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1004655 , New Partnership for Africa's Development , Sustainable development -- Africa , Economic development -- Africa , Africa -- Foreign economic relations , Africa -- Economic conditions -- 1960-
- Description: This study is a contribution to the on-going debate about the path that Africa has taken in realising the vision of its renewal. The central theme of the study is the idea of Africa's 'new partnership' with the industrialised North, which is envisaged under the New Partnership for Africa's Development (NEPAD). Acknowledging that asymmetrical partnerships have existed between Africa and the North, particularly in the last century, the question this study poses is: to what extent does the idea of the 'new partnership' represent something new? The study argues two points. Firstly, it argues that the idea of the new partnership has become a terrain of contestation between the Africanist and the post-modernist social forces. Secondly, the study argues that it is unlikely that conceptualising the idea of the new partnership in post-modernist terms will result in sustainable development and rebirth of Africa. That is particularly the case, because post-modernity suggests a certain degree of loyalty to the prevailing and asymmetrical global order. Against this background, the study concludes that the extent to which Africa will enjoy the benefits of a truly revised partnership with the North, and thus fulfil the vision of its rebirth, will be determined, by and large, by the modalities of accommodation and struggle between these social forces.
- Full Text:
Consolidating democracy, building civil society : the South African Council of Churches in post-apartheid South Africa and its policy of critical solidarity with the state
- Authors: Joseph, Stacey-Leigh
- Date: 2005
- Subjects: South African Council of Churches , Church and state -- South Africa , Christianity and politics -- South Africa , Apartheid -- Religious aspects -- South Africa , AIDS (Disease) -- Government policy -- South Africa , Debts, External -- South Africa , South Africa -- Foreign relations -- Zimbabwe , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1994
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MSocSc
- Identifier: vital:2874 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1007957
- Description: The South African Council of Churches (SACC) played an extremely crucial role during the struggle against apartheid. The role of the SACC was first and foremost to provide a voice for the voiceless. It managed, among other tasks, to actively fill the void left by movements banned by the illegitimate apartheid government. As a result of its fight against the inequalities that existed in South Africa, its work adopted a political character. In the aftermath of post-apartheid South Africa, the SACC was left with the task of redefining its role within South African society and civil society, specifically. The euphoric sentiment in the mid-1990s was in part reflected in the SACC. However, the conclusion reached by the Council in 1995 was that it would also play a role of 'critical solidarity' which essentially meant that it would not shy away from attacking the government when the need arose. Since 1994, the South African government has implemented a number of policies that do not appear to be in the immediate interest of the majority of South African citizens atld have brought church and state into conflict. This thesis attempts to tackle three issues which are pertinent to the South African situation and which shed light on state-civil society interactions. These issues are HIV I Aids, the question of odious debt and the Zimbabwe crisis. By using both primary and secondary sources, the SACC's responses to government's handling of these matters will be compared with the responses of the South African Catholic Bishops Conference in order to determine their relationships with government. The conclusion of this investigation is that the SACC has in fact managed to maintain a position of critical solidarity. It has been faced with numerous challenges with regard to maintaining the fragile boundary of alliance with government on the one hand, and becoming anti-government on the other. However, by forming alliances with other civil society actors as well as fostering a relationship with government in order to facilitate mediation this dissertation argues that the SACC has become an essential member of South Africa's vibrant civil society.
- Full Text:
- Authors: Joseph, Stacey-Leigh
- Date: 2005
- Subjects: South African Council of Churches , Church and state -- South Africa , Christianity and politics -- South Africa , Apartheid -- Religious aspects -- South Africa , AIDS (Disease) -- Government policy -- South Africa , Debts, External -- South Africa , South Africa -- Foreign relations -- Zimbabwe , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1994
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MSocSc
- Identifier: vital:2874 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1007957
- Description: The South African Council of Churches (SACC) played an extremely crucial role during the struggle against apartheid. The role of the SACC was first and foremost to provide a voice for the voiceless. It managed, among other tasks, to actively fill the void left by movements banned by the illegitimate apartheid government. As a result of its fight against the inequalities that existed in South Africa, its work adopted a political character. In the aftermath of post-apartheid South Africa, the SACC was left with the task of redefining its role within South African society and civil society, specifically. The euphoric sentiment in the mid-1990s was in part reflected in the SACC. However, the conclusion reached by the Council in 1995 was that it would also play a role of 'critical solidarity' which essentially meant that it would not shy away from attacking the government when the need arose. Since 1994, the South African government has implemented a number of policies that do not appear to be in the immediate interest of the majority of South African citizens atld have brought church and state into conflict. This thesis attempts to tackle three issues which are pertinent to the South African situation and which shed light on state-civil society interactions. These issues are HIV I Aids, the question of odious debt and the Zimbabwe crisis. By using both primary and secondary sources, the SACC's responses to government's handling of these matters will be compared with the responses of the South African Catholic Bishops Conference in order to determine their relationships with government. The conclusion of this investigation is that the SACC has in fact managed to maintain a position of critical solidarity. It has been faced with numerous challenges with regard to maintaining the fragile boundary of alliance with government on the one hand, and becoming anti-government on the other. However, by forming alliances with other civil society actors as well as fostering a relationship with government in order to facilitate mediation this dissertation argues that the SACC has become an essential member of South Africa's vibrant civil society.
- Full Text:
Contending issues in South Africa's foreign policy : universalism versus economic national interest : the case of South Africa's arms sales to 'pariah states' 1994-1999
- Authors: Othieno, Timothy
- Date: 2005
- Subjects: South Africa -- Foreign relations -- 1994- , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1994- , South Africa -- Foreign economic relations , Arms transfers -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: vital:2868 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1007712
- Description: This study examines post-apartheid South African foreign policy under former President Nelson Mandela, and the apparent ambiguities that were its recurrent feature in the period from 1994 to 1999. Its focus is on the inherent irreconcilability of the economic national interests and the foreign policy principles which included the promotion of and respect for universalist principles and interests such as human rights, democracy, international peace and security. In examining South African foreign policy during this period, it would appear that the country was trapped between two competing priorities: the need to promote "universalist" principles and the need to satisfy its national economic interests. The main aim of the study is to explain how this "irreconcilability" between universalist principles and national economic interests would later create ambiguities and contradictions in South Africa's foreign policy, weaken respect for its foreign policy principles, and ultimately lead to ideological failure among politicians who employed 'short-term gain' policy decision-making in dealing with 'pariah states'. The study further demonstrates that "realist" national interests are frequently short-term, realizable and vital for a country, while universalist interests are long-term, idealistic and usually not easily realizable. It will be argued, therefore, that a country faced with making decisions about its vital national interests, will not make efforts to pursue long-term universalist interests if that choice would in any way endanger its fundamental national interests. In order to better assess this ambiguity, this thesis will provide a case study of Pretoria's arms sales to 'pariah states' during the period. The purpose of this study is not to attempt to explain all of the issues around post-apartheid foreign policymaking, or even to argue whether the sale of arms to 'pariah states' was 'politically incorrect', but to provide a 'piece of the puzzle' which might explain how the social and economic situation may have compelled Pretoria to sell arms when these actions disregarded universalist principles of foreign policy. The conclusion seems to confirm the realist view that universal values and principles can be regarded only when they are in harmony with a state's perceived self-interests.
- Full Text:
- Authors: Othieno, Timothy
- Date: 2005
- Subjects: South Africa -- Foreign relations -- 1994- , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1994- , South Africa -- Foreign economic relations , Arms transfers -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: vital:2868 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1007712
- Description: This study examines post-apartheid South African foreign policy under former President Nelson Mandela, and the apparent ambiguities that were its recurrent feature in the period from 1994 to 1999. Its focus is on the inherent irreconcilability of the economic national interests and the foreign policy principles which included the promotion of and respect for universalist principles and interests such as human rights, democracy, international peace and security. In examining South African foreign policy during this period, it would appear that the country was trapped between two competing priorities: the need to promote "universalist" principles and the need to satisfy its national economic interests. The main aim of the study is to explain how this "irreconcilability" between universalist principles and national economic interests would later create ambiguities and contradictions in South Africa's foreign policy, weaken respect for its foreign policy principles, and ultimately lead to ideological failure among politicians who employed 'short-term gain' policy decision-making in dealing with 'pariah states'. The study further demonstrates that "realist" national interests are frequently short-term, realizable and vital for a country, while universalist interests are long-term, idealistic and usually not easily realizable. It will be argued, therefore, that a country faced with making decisions about its vital national interests, will not make efforts to pursue long-term universalist interests if that choice would in any way endanger its fundamental national interests. In order to better assess this ambiguity, this thesis will provide a case study of Pretoria's arms sales to 'pariah states' during the period. The purpose of this study is not to attempt to explain all of the issues around post-apartheid foreign policymaking, or even to argue whether the sale of arms to 'pariah states' was 'politically incorrect', but to provide a 'piece of the puzzle' which might explain how the social and economic situation may have compelled Pretoria to sell arms when these actions disregarded universalist principles of foreign policy. The conclusion seems to confirm the realist view that universal values and principles can be regarded only when they are in harmony with a state's perceived self-interests.
- Full Text:
International relations and change: a Kuhnian interpretation
- Authors: Schoeman, Jacobus
- Date: 2005
- Subjects: Kuhn, Thomas S , Kuhn, Thomas S -- Criticism and interpretation , International relations , International relations -- Philosophy , Knowledge, Theory of
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: vital:2830 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003040
- Description: Using notions of change developed by Thomas Kuhn, the thesis argues that the rise of globalisation and the end of the Cold War presented the Westphalian or state-centric paradigm of international relations with a Kuhnian paradigm “crisis”. As a result, both the theory and the practice of international relations are in the midst of (what Kuhn calls) a “paradigm shift”. Emerging from this shift is (what is described in this work as) “Access World” and “Denial World” – a particular global configuration of the practice of international relations. Kuhn’s idea of “incommensurability” seems to typify the relationship between the two components of this bifurcated configuration of the international. Both intellectual risk-taking and political courage are required if the ontological struggle raging between “Access World” and “Denial World” is to be settled. This will pave the way for a new paradigm to emerge. Kuhn provides us with the insight that, to achieve this ontological breakthrough, a fundamental change in our vision of the discipline of International Relations, but also of the world of everyday international relations, is required. This entails recasting the study of International Relations as an emancipatory project and by recognising the centrality of human beings in the practice of international relations. Only if this is done, will we be able to arrive at a cosmopolitan political bargain that is appropriate for the 21st century.
- Full Text:
- Authors: Schoeman, Jacobus
- Date: 2005
- Subjects: Kuhn, Thomas S , Kuhn, Thomas S -- Criticism and interpretation , International relations , International relations -- Philosophy , Knowledge, Theory of
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: vital:2830 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003040
- Description: Using notions of change developed by Thomas Kuhn, the thesis argues that the rise of globalisation and the end of the Cold War presented the Westphalian or state-centric paradigm of international relations with a Kuhnian paradigm “crisis”. As a result, both the theory and the practice of international relations are in the midst of (what Kuhn calls) a “paradigm shift”. Emerging from this shift is (what is described in this work as) “Access World” and “Denial World” – a particular global configuration of the practice of international relations. Kuhn’s idea of “incommensurability” seems to typify the relationship between the two components of this bifurcated configuration of the international. Both intellectual risk-taking and political courage are required if the ontological struggle raging between “Access World” and “Denial World” is to be settled. This will pave the way for a new paradigm to emerge. Kuhn provides us with the insight that, to achieve this ontological breakthrough, a fundamental change in our vision of the discipline of International Relations, but also of the world of everyday international relations, is required. This entails recasting the study of International Relations as an emancipatory project and by recognising the centrality of human beings in the practice of international relations. Only if this is done, will we be able to arrive at a cosmopolitan political bargain that is appropriate for the 21st century.
- Full Text:
September 11 : catalyst for structural-genealogical narrative of a new world (Dis)order
- Authors: Buijs, Lorena Maria Elisa
- Date: 2005
- Subjects: September 11 Terrorist Attacks, 2001 , United States -- Politics and government -- 2001- , Terrorism -- Government policy -- United States , United States -- Foreign relations -- Middle East , Middle East -- Foreign relations -- United States , Islam and world politics , Terrorism -- Religious aspects -- Islam , Jihad
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2852 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1006463 , September 11 Terrorist Attacks, 2001 , United States -- Politics and government -- 2001- , Terrorism -- Government policy -- United States , United States -- Foreign relations -- Middle East , Middle East -- Foreign relations -- United States , Islam and world politics , Terrorism -- Religious aspects -- Islam , Jihad
- Description: The attacks of September 11, 2001, have changed America forever. In a horrific manner the vulnerability of the highly developed states was demonstrated and exposed in world politics. The event is ushering a new political era where far reaching shifts in international relations are under way. In the post Cold-War international world it appears that the ideological conflict between capitalism and socialism has been replaced by a new world order. One that has retained the binary conflict structure of the Cold War, except that this binary is now presented by political Islam and consumerist's capitalism (Martin, 2000:155). Indeed, in the previous bipolar world order, the acute distinction between capitalism and communism served to attenuate the discord in and between religions. This complex blurring of distinctions has been systematically heightened since the end of the Cold War, as it has allowed Western governments to maintain controlling interests outside of their dominions (Gupta, 2002:6) . This struggle has since been conceived in a variety of different, but related ways: A 'Clash of Civilizations' (Huntington 1996), or as an inescapable dialectic typical of the process of globalization itself (Barber, 1996:245). In the case of Huntington's (1996:19-20) genealogical narrative, he refers to global politics and the way in which the future will be reconfigured according to cultural identities. The division along these cultural lines, will furthermore "shape" the patterns of cohesion, disintegration, and conflict in the Post-Cold War world" (Huntington, 1996:20). Huntington's thesis is rather overriding in explaining the clash between the supposedly 'West' vs. 'Rest', whose interaction is historically determined. Yet, the genealogical narrative is not sufficient in taking into account the dynamics of globalization. Benjamin Barber's structural narrative, on the other hand, goes to great lengths to illustrate the paradoxical relationship between Jihad and McWorld, and how both forces tend to survive in a world that they inevitably create. By' acknowledging the relevance of both binaries (East/West), it is hoped to transcend them by presenting a structural-genealogical grand narrative, which will essentially allow one to understand Jihad as being a structural moment of the genealogical narrative. Given this general strategy, it will become perceptible that Jihad is one form of anti-globalization as the structural narratives become part of the genealogical and the genealogical part of the structural. In essence, then, this thesis is attempting to come to grips with the phenomenon of September 11, from a political-philosophical perspective. More specifically, this study will firstly be looking at two different, but related narratives that have emerged post-September 11, to make sense of the event. Given the structural-genealogical approach, the central concern in this study is consequently to look at two separate but related interests. The one pertains to history and the other to historiography.
- Full Text:
- Authors: Buijs, Lorena Maria Elisa
- Date: 2005
- Subjects: September 11 Terrorist Attacks, 2001 , United States -- Politics and government -- 2001- , Terrorism -- Government policy -- United States , United States -- Foreign relations -- Middle East , Middle East -- Foreign relations -- United States , Islam and world politics , Terrorism -- Religious aspects -- Islam , Jihad
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2852 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1006463 , September 11 Terrorist Attacks, 2001 , United States -- Politics and government -- 2001- , Terrorism -- Government policy -- United States , United States -- Foreign relations -- Middle East , Middle East -- Foreign relations -- United States , Islam and world politics , Terrorism -- Religious aspects -- Islam , Jihad
- Description: The attacks of September 11, 2001, have changed America forever. In a horrific manner the vulnerability of the highly developed states was demonstrated and exposed in world politics. The event is ushering a new political era where far reaching shifts in international relations are under way. In the post Cold-War international world it appears that the ideological conflict between capitalism and socialism has been replaced by a new world order. One that has retained the binary conflict structure of the Cold War, except that this binary is now presented by political Islam and consumerist's capitalism (Martin, 2000:155). Indeed, in the previous bipolar world order, the acute distinction between capitalism and communism served to attenuate the discord in and between religions. This complex blurring of distinctions has been systematically heightened since the end of the Cold War, as it has allowed Western governments to maintain controlling interests outside of their dominions (Gupta, 2002:6) . This struggle has since been conceived in a variety of different, but related ways: A 'Clash of Civilizations' (Huntington 1996), or as an inescapable dialectic typical of the process of globalization itself (Barber, 1996:245). In the case of Huntington's (1996:19-20) genealogical narrative, he refers to global politics and the way in which the future will be reconfigured according to cultural identities. The division along these cultural lines, will furthermore "shape" the patterns of cohesion, disintegration, and conflict in the Post-Cold War world" (Huntington, 1996:20). Huntington's thesis is rather overriding in explaining the clash between the supposedly 'West' vs. 'Rest', whose interaction is historically determined. Yet, the genealogical narrative is not sufficient in taking into account the dynamics of globalization. Benjamin Barber's structural narrative, on the other hand, goes to great lengths to illustrate the paradoxical relationship between Jihad and McWorld, and how both forces tend to survive in a world that they inevitably create. By' acknowledging the relevance of both binaries (East/West), it is hoped to transcend them by presenting a structural-genealogical grand narrative, which will essentially allow one to understand Jihad as being a structural moment of the genealogical narrative. Given this general strategy, it will become perceptible that Jihad is one form of anti-globalization as the structural narratives become part of the genealogical and the genealogical part of the structural. In essence, then, this thesis is attempting to come to grips with the phenomenon of September 11, from a political-philosophical perspective. More specifically, this study will firstly be looking at two different, but related narratives that have emerged post-September 11, to make sense of the event. Given the structural-genealogical approach, the central concern in this study is consequently to look at two separate but related interests. The one pertains to history and the other to historiography.
- Full Text:
The politics of humanitarian organizations neutrality and solidarity: the case of the ICRC and MSF during the 1994 Rwandan genocide
- Authors: Delvaux, Denise
- Date: 2005
- Subjects: International Committee of the Red Cross -- History , Médecins sans frontières (Association) , Humanitarian intervention , Neutrality -- Rwanda , Solidarity -- Rwanda , Genocide -- Rwanda -- History -- 20th century , Genocide -- Rwanda , Rwanda -- History -- Civil War, 1994 , Rwanda -- Politics and government
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2769 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002979 , International Committee of the Red Cross -- History , Médecins sans frontières (Association) , Humanitarian intervention , Neutrality -- Rwanda , Solidarity -- Rwanda , Genocide -- Rwanda -- History -- 20th century , Genocide -- Rwanda , Rwanda -- History -- Civil War, 1994 , Rwanda -- Politics and government
- Description: With the seemingly infinite existence of complex emergencies and the overwhelming presence of humanitarian organizations responding to such crises, it is essential that the assumptions, precepts, and actions of humanitarian organizations be critically examined and understood. The aim of this thesis is to explore differing traditions within humanitarian thought: neutrality and solidarity. In the process, this thesis will determine whether it is possible to maintain clear ideologies in the context of a complex emergency and whether the existence of different humanitarian ideologies results in a dichotomy or polarization of humanitarian action. This study is of great import as it delves into the contemporary literature claiming that humanitarianism is currently in a state of crisis – the unsustainability of competing humanitarian ideologies operating together in a complex emergency. Primary documents from both the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) and Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) regarding their operations in the 1994 Rwandan complex emergency were examined in order to provide a foundation for the theoretical investigation. Although the ICRC and MSF occupy seemingly polarized positions in the neutrality – solidarity debate, the investigation into their humanitarian activities during the 1994 genocide and the resulting refugee crisis reflected the difficulties of providing relief based upon humanitarian ideals. Due to the complex realities of the 1994 Rwandan crisis, the ideological notions dividing the ICRC and MSF were overshadowed by the simple humanitarian desire to aid those in need.
- Full Text:
- Authors: Delvaux, Denise
- Date: 2005
- Subjects: International Committee of the Red Cross -- History , Médecins sans frontières (Association) , Humanitarian intervention , Neutrality -- Rwanda , Solidarity -- Rwanda , Genocide -- Rwanda -- History -- 20th century , Genocide -- Rwanda , Rwanda -- History -- Civil War, 1994 , Rwanda -- Politics and government
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2769 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002979 , International Committee of the Red Cross -- History , Médecins sans frontières (Association) , Humanitarian intervention , Neutrality -- Rwanda , Solidarity -- Rwanda , Genocide -- Rwanda -- History -- 20th century , Genocide -- Rwanda , Rwanda -- History -- Civil War, 1994 , Rwanda -- Politics and government
- Description: With the seemingly infinite existence of complex emergencies and the overwhelming presence of humanitarian organizations responding to such crises, it is essential that the assumptions, precepts, and actions of humanitarian organizations be critically examined and understood. The aim of this thesis is to explore differing traditions within humanitarian thought: neutrality and solidarity. In the process, this thesis will determine whether it is possible to maintain clear ideologies in the context of a complex emergency and whether the existence of different humanitarian ideologies results in a dichotomy or polarization of humanitarian action. This study is of great import as it delves into the contemporary literature claiming that humanitarianism is currently in a state of crisis – the unsustainability of competing humanitarian ideologies operating together in a complex emergency. Primary documents from both the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) and Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) regarding their operations in the 1994 Rwandan complex emergency were examined in order to provide a foundation for the theoretical investigation. Although the ICRC and MSF occupy seemingly polarized positions in the neutrality – solidarity debate, the investigation into their humanitarian activities during the 1994 genocide and the resulting refugee crisis reflected the difficulties of providing relief based upon humanitarian ideals. Due to the complex realities of the 1994 Rwandan crisis, the ideological notions dividing the ICRC and MSF were overshadowed by the simple humanitarian desire to aid those in need.
- Full Text:
"How did I get this lucky?" : issues of power, intimacy and sexuality in the construction of young women's identities within their heterosexual relationships
- Authors: McEwen, Caryn
- Date: 2006
- Subjects: Foucault, Michel, 1926-1984 -- Criticism and interpretation , Heterosexuality , Heterosexual women , Women -- Sexual behavior , Feminism -- Political aspects , Sex role -- Political aspects , Feminist psychology , Sex (Psychology)
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2861 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1007595
- Description: This thesis seeks to explore how young, educated and seemingly liberated women construct their identities and make sense of their futures around their heterosexual relationships. Using the experiences of eight women participants engaged in long-term heterosexual relationships, combined with relevant secondary literature, issues of sexuality, identity, power and intimacy are discussed. Emphasis is placed on the implications of their identity construction and how they 'perform' their roles as women in society. How their sexual stories reflect their positioning in society is premised by the phrase, 'the personal is political' . Through analysis of the participants' experiences mixed with theoretical arguments, this thesis finds that young women are apparently sexually, economically and intellectually liberated but locked into discourses that provide highly unequal, limiting, disempowering and oppressive understandings of masculinity, femininity and sexuality. They live and experience a reality which is far from liberated.
- Full Text:
- Authors: McEwen, Caryn
- Date: 2006
- Subjects: Foucault, Michel, 1926-1984 -- Criticism and interpretation , Heterosexuality , Heterosexual women , Women -- Sexual behavior , Feminism -- Political aspects , Sex role -- Political aspects , Feminist psychology , Sex (Psychology)
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2861 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1007595
- Description: This thesis seeks to explore how young, educated and seemingly liberated women construct their identities and make sense of their futures around their heterosexual relationships. Using the experiences of eight women participants engaged in long-term heterosexual relationships, combined with relevant secondary literature, issues of sexuality, identity, power and intimacy are discussed. Emphasis is placed on the implications of their identity construction and how they 'perform' their roles as women in society. How their sexual stories reflect their positioning in society is premised by the phrase, 'the personal is political' . Through analysis of the participants' experiences mixed with theoretical arguments, this thesis finds that young women are apparently sexually, economically and intellectually liberated but locked into discourses that provide highly unequal, limiting, disempowering and oppressive understandings of masculinity, femininity and sexuality. They live and experience a reality which is far from liberated.
- Full Text: