A critical analysis of A2 Fast Track Lowveld sugar cane farms in Zimbabwe in global value chains: interrogating the lives of farmers and farm labourers
- Chingono, Kudakwashe Rejoice
- Authors: Chingono, Kudakwashe Rejoice
- Date: 2019
- Subjects: International trade , Sugar trade -- Zimbabwe , Sugar growing -- Zimbabwe -- Social aspects , Agriculture -- Zimbabwe -- Social aspects
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Masters , MSocSci
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/93933 , vital:30972
- Description: The sugar cane industry has for many years been a lucrative business with a booming global market. In Zimbabwe, the sugar cane industry is no exception, as it has been regarded as one of the most efficient in the region and even in the world. The sugar cane farms and mills in Zimbabwe are located in Triangle and Chiredzi, in the south-eastern part of the country and they are under the ownership of Tongaat Hullet and the Zimbabwean A2 farmers. The focus of this is on the A2 fast track farms in Hippo Valley, which are now owned by black farmers but as out-growers for Tongaat Hullet. The crucial question addressed in the thesis is whether the A2 sugar cane farmers and their workers, located at the production end of the sugar cane global value chain, are benefitting from their involvement in this value chain. A number of scholars argue that global value chains lead to economic and social upgrading at the production end of the chain, based on thoughts contained in modernisation and trickledown theory. There is an assumption, then, that integration into the global economy leads to economic upgrading which translates into social upgrading. In drawing upon critical global value theorists, bolstered by the Marxist perspective, considers the importance of a more critical view of global value chains in relation to the sugar cane industry in Zimbabwe, with the particular focus on A2 farms. Thus, the main objective of the thesis is to consider the lives and livelihoods of A2 sugar cane farmers and sugar cane workers through a case study, in the context of global value chains and arguments around economic and social upgrading. This is pursued through a case study of six A2 farms, which involved interviewing farmers, supervisors, and both permanent and temporary workers. The thesis concludes that there is no significant evidence of social upgrading amongst the labour force, and that the A2 farmers are in constant tension with Tongaat Hullet in seeking to engage in economic upgrading of their status as commercial farmers.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2019
- Authors: Chingono, Kudakwashe Rejoice
- Date: 2019
- Subjects: International trade , Sugar trade -- Zimbabwe , Sugar growing -- Zimbabwe -- Social aspects , Agriculture -- Zimbabwe -- Social aspects
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Masters , MSocSci
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/93933 , vital:30972
- Description: The sugar cane industry has for many years been a lucrative business with a booming global market. In Zimbabwe, the sugar cane industry is no exception, as it has been regarded as one of the most efficient in the region and even in the world. The sugar cane farms and mills in Zimbabwe are located in Triangle and Chiredzi, in the south-eastern part of the country and they are under the ownership of Tongaat Hullet and the Zimbabwean A2 farmers. The focus of this is on the A2 fast track farms in Hippo Valley, which are now owned by black farmers but as out-growers for Tongaat Hullet. The crucial question addressed in the thesis is whether the A2 sugar cane farmers and their workers, located at the production end of the sugar cane global value chain, are benefitting from their involvement in this value chain. A number of scholars argue that global value chains lead to economic and social upgrading at the production end of the chain, based on thoughts contained in modernisation and trickledown theory. There is an assumption, then, that integration into the global economy leads to economic upgrading which translates into social upgrading. In drawing upon critical global value theorists, bolstered by the Marxist perspective, considers the importance of a more critical view of global value chains in relation to the sugar cane industry in Zimbabwe, with the particular focus on A2 farms. Thus, the main objective of the thesis is to consider the lives and livelihoods of A2 sugar cane farmers and sugar cane workers through a case study, in the context of global value chains and arguments around economic and social upgrading. This is pursued through a case study of six A2 farms, which involved interviewing farmers, supervisors, and both permanent and temporary workers. The thesis concludes that there is no significant evidence of social upgrading amongst the labour force, and that the A2 farmers are in constant tension with Tongaat Hullet in seeking to engage in economic upgrading of their status as commercial farmers.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2019
A critical analysis of development NGO programmes in rural areas: a case study of East Cape Agricultural Research Project in South Africa
- Authors: Sanyangore, Agnes
- Date: 2019
- Subjects: East Cape Agricultural Research Project , Non-governmental organization -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , Rural development -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , Agricultural development projects -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , Land reform -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , Land tenure -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Masters , MSocSc
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/96187 , vital:31248
- Description: For a number of decades now, development non-governmental organisations (DNGOs) have been central to the world-wide development system which involves funding from international donors. Overall, DNGOs rely quite fundamentally on their donors for organisational sustainability, such that upward accountability to donors is inevitable. At the same time, as development agents, DNGOs are often celebrated for the deep participatory methodologies used when engaging with the beneficiaries of their programmes, leading to significant downward accountability – as least potentially. Often, for DNGOs, an awkward tension between upward and downward accountability exists. This thesis considers this tension by examining a DNGO in South Africa, namely, the East Cape Agricultural Research Project (ECARP), which focuses on questions around land redistribution. ECARP works with farm labourers and dwellers on commercial farms and small-scale farmers on redistributed farms. In the context of a broader understanding of ECARP’s mission, capacities and programmes, the thesis looks specifically at ECARP’s food security and sovereignty programme amongst small-scale farmers on redistributed farms. By drawing upon Interface theory, the thesis discusses in detail the diverse manner in which ECARP uses participatory methodologies in this particular programme. The thesis concludes that there is a reasonable degree of downward accountability in this programme, but that this does not distract from the fact that ECARP remains within the tension-riddled space marked by dual demands for accountability.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2019
- Authors: Sanyangore, Agnes
- Date: 2019
- Subjects: East Cape Agricultural Research Project , Non-governmental organization -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , Rural development -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , Agricultural development projects -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , Land reform -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , Land tenure -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Masters , MSocSc
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/96187 , vital:31248
- Description: For a number of decades now, development non-governmental organisations (DNGOs) have been central to the world-wide development system which involves funding from international donors. Overall, DNGOs rely quite fundamentally on their donors for organisational sustainability, such that upward accountability to donors is inevitable. At the same time, as development agents, DNGOs are often celebrated for the deep participatory methodologies used when engaging with the beneficiaries of their programmes, leading to significant downward accountability – as least potentially. Often, for DNGOs, an awkward tension between upward and downward accountability exists. This thesis considers this tension by examining a DNGO in South Africa, namely, the East Cape Agricultural Research Project (ECARP), which focuses on questions around land redistribution. ECARP works with farm labourers and dwellers on commercial farms and small-scale farmers on redistributed farms. In the context of a broader understanding of ECARP’s mission, capacities and programmes, the thesis looks specifically at ECARP’s food security and sovereignty programme amongst small-scale farmers on redistributed farms. By drawing upon Interface theory, the thesis discusses in detail the diverse manner in which ECARP uses participatory methodologies in this particular programme. The thesis concludes that there is a reasonable degree of downward accountability in this programme, but that this does not distract from the fact that ECARP remains within the tension-riddled space marked by dual demands for accountability.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2019
A platform for women’s experiences? a case of the hip hop scene in Grahamstown, Eastern Cape
- Authors: Kabwato, Sasha Nyasha
- Date: 2019
- Subjects: Hip-hop -- South Africa -- Makhanda , Popular culture -- South Africa -- Makhanda , Rap musicians -- South Africa -- Makhanda , Musicians, Black -- South Africa -- Makhanda , Women musicians, Black -- South Africa -- Makhanda , Women, Black -- South Africa -- Makhanda -- Psychology
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Masters , MSocSc
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/96503 , vital:31287
- Description: The main aim of this research is to examine the hip hop scene in Grahamstown, Eastern Cape and whether hip hop can serve as a significant platform to discuss women’s lived experiences. This study also places focus on how female rappers construct their rap personas, as well as how they are perceived by their male counterparts. In order to understand the multifaceted viewpoints, it was necessary to interview both male and female hip hop artists. Eight interviews were conducted with eight young black rappers who are actively involved in the Grahamstown hip hop scene. It was found that hip hop, like any other art form, is a significant platform for women to express themselves, however gender constraints limit who is willing to listen to and promote their music. Male rappers advocate for women to talk about their stories, yet are more unlikely to listen because it does not relate to their struggles. In addition, there seem to be four specific tropes that female rappers choose to construct their identities from. Female rappers tend to create their personas around: Queen Mother, Fly Sista, Bitch with Attitude, and Lesbian. However, these categories are fluid and it was found that women navigate these categories depending on their audience and message they want to convey at a particular moment. Lastly, there is a split between Grahamstown West (Rhodes University) and Grahamstown East (township). University students are unlikely to perform in the township, and township residents rarely perform at organised events in Grahamstown West. In addition, Rhodes University students are more likely to feature on the university run radio station, rather than Radio Grahamstown, the local community radio.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2019
- Authors: Kabwato, Sasha Nyasha
- Date: 2019
- Subjects: Hip-hop -- South Africa -- Makhanda , Popular culture -- South Africa -- Makhanda , Rap musicians -- South Africa -- Makhanda , Musicians, Black -- South Africa -- Makhanda , Women musicians, Black -- South Africa -- Makhanda , Women, Black -- South Africa -- Makhanda -- Psychology
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Masters , MSocSc
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/96503 , vital:31287
- Description: The main aim of this research is to examine the hip hop scene in Grahamstown, Eastern Cape and whether hip hop can serve as a significant platform to discuss women’s lived experiences. This study also places focus on how female rappers construct their rap personas, as well as how they are perceived by their male counterparts. In order to understand the multifaceted viewpoints, it was necessary to interview both male and female hip hop artists. Eight interviews were conducted with eight young black rappers who are actively involved in the Grahamstown hip hop scene. It was found that hip hop, like any other art form, is a significant platform for women to express themselves, however gender constraints limit who is willing to listen to and promote their music. Male rappers advocate for women to talk about their stories, yet are more unlikely to listen because it does not relate to their struggles. In addition, there seem to be four specific tropes that female rappers choose to construct their identities from. Female rappers tend to create their personas around: Queen Mother, Fly Sista, Bitch with Attitude, and Lesbian. However, these categories are fluid and it was found that women navigate these categories depending on their audience and message they want to convey at a particular moment. Lastly, there is a split between Grahamstown West (Rhodes University) and Grahamstown East (township). University students are unlikely to perform in the township, and township residents rarely perform at organised events in Grahamstown West. In addition, Rhodes University students are more likely to feature on the university run radio station, rather than Radio Grahamstown, the local community radio.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2019
A social capital analysis of citizen participation and service delivery in metropolitan government in Zimbabwe: the case of Glenview, Harare since 2013
- Authors: Sachikonye, Tafadzwa I
- Date: 2019
- Subjects: Social capital (Sociology) -- Zimbabwe -- Harare , Municipal services -- Zimbabwe -- Harare , Local government -- Zimbabwe -- Harare , Public administration -- Zimbabwe -- Harare , Citizen particpation -- Zimbabwe -- Harare , Local government --Citizen participation -- Zimbabwe -- Harare , Harare (Zimbabwe). City Council
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/96236 , vital:31253
- Description: Significant challenges exist in contemporary Zimbabwe with regard to urban government, including with specific reference to citizenship participation and service delivery capacities. One of the crucial factors considered in the existing literature when examining urban government is the extent to which the central government intrudes in the affairs of urban government. This is particularly important given that, in recent years, many urban governments have been controlled by the main opposition party in the country. In this context, the thesis offers a critical examination of urban government in contemporary Zimbabwe by focusing on urban government in Harare (the capital) and, even more specifically, on the high-density, low-income area of Glenview. Harare is one of two metropolitan urban areas in Zimbabwe, along with Bulawayo, and is governed by the Harare City Council. While the central state’s relationship with urban governments (including Harare) in Zimbabwe is important, and is examined in this thesis, the primary concern is how this and other factors affect citizenship participation and service delivery in Harare. In pursuing this, the thesis draws upon social capital theory (including questions around trust and networks) to facilitate a critical analysis of urban government, citizenship participation and service delivery in Harare and Glenview specifically. The fieldwork for this thesis involved a qualitative research methodology, including informal interviews with relevant local stakeholders in Harare and associated documents. The thesis concludes that localised political, social and other contextual factors in Harare undercut the prospects for meaningful citizenship participation (with forms of social exclusion existing) and that this has negative implications for effective and efficient service delivery mechanisms.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2019
- Authors: Sachikonye, Tafadzwa I
- Date: 2019
- Subjects: Social capital (Sociology) -- Zimbabwe -- Harare , Municipal services -- Zimbabwe -- Harare , Local government -- Zimbabwe -- Harare , Public administration -- Zimbabwe -- Harare , Citizen particpation -- Zimbabwe -- Harare , Local government --Citizen participation -- Zimbabwe -- Harare , Harare (Zimbabwe). City Council
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/96236 , vital:31253
- Description: Significant challenges exist in contemporary Zimbabwe with regard to urban government, including with specific reference to citizenship participation and service delivery capacities. One of the crucial factors considered in the existing literature when examining urban government is the extent to which the central government intrudes in the affairs of urban government. This is particularly important given that, in recent years, many urban governments have been controlled by the main opposition party in the country. In this context, the thesis offers a critical examination of urban government in contemporary Zimbabwe by focusing on urban government in Harare (the capital) and, even more specifically, on the high-density, low-income area of Glenview. Harare is one of two metropolitan urban areas in Zimbabwe, along with Bulawayo, and is governed by the Harare City Council. While the central state’s relationship with urban governments (including Harare) in Zimbabwe is important, and is examined in this thesis, the primary concern is how this and other factors affect citizenship participation and service delivery in Harare. In pursuing this, the thesis draws upon social capital theory (including questions around trust and networks) to facilitate a critical analysis of urban government, citizenship participation and service delivery in Harare and Glenview specifically. The fieldwork for this thesis involved a qualitative research methodology, including informal interviews with relevant local stakeholders in Harare and associated documents. The thesis concludes that localised political, social and other contextual factors in Harare undercut the prospects for meaningful citizenship participation (with forms of social exclusion existing) and that this has negative implications for effective and efficient service delivery mechanisms.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2019
A sociological analysis of Rhodes University students’ understanding of depression
- Authors: Kadula, Tadala
- Date: 2019
- Subjects: College students -- South Africa -- Mental health , College students -- South Africa -- Mental health -- Case studies , Depression, Mental , Rhodes University -- Students -- Attitudes
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Masters , MSocSc
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/96258 , vital:31255
- Description: Using the theoretical framework of symbolic interactionism, this research sought to analyse and explore how Rhodes University students, both depressed and not depressed, understand depression, and how their understanding influences their interaction with people who do suffer from depression. For the purposes of this paper, eight participants were involved in an in-depth interview process. Out of the eight participants, six of them suffered from depression while the other remaining two participants had never suffered from depression, but they were close to someone who had depression. The findings of this research varied, some understood depression as a mental disturbance, others understood it as a condition that affects your emotions, and others understood it as a multifaceted condition that is highly subjective and cannot be understood using standardized measures. The participants’ personal experience and introduction into a new environment, in this context, university, changed their understanding of depression. The change in how they understood depression correlated with the change in how they interacted with depressed people.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2019
- Authors: Kadula, Tadala
- Date: 2019
- Subjects: College students -- South Africa -- Mental health , College students -- South Africa -- Mental health -- Case studies , Depression, Mental , Rhodes University -- Students -- Attitudes
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Masters , MSocSc
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/96258 , vital:31255
- Description: Using the theoretical framework of symbolic interactionism, this research sought to analyse and explore how Rhodes University students, both depressed and not depressed, understand depression, and how their understanding influences their interaction with people who do suffer from depression. For the purposes of this paper, eight participants were involved in an in-depth interview process. Out of the eight participants, six of them suffered from depression while the other remaining two participants had never suffered from depression, but they were close to someone who had depression. The findings of this research varied, some understood depression as a mental disturbance, others understood it as a condition that affects your emotions, and others understood it as a multifaceted condition that is highly subjective and cannot be understood using standardized measures. The participants’ personal experience and introduction into a new environment, in this context, university, changed their understanding of depression. The change in how they understood depression correlated with the change in how they interacted with depressed people.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2019
A sociological analysis of the Rhodes University Students and staff members’ perceptions on the use of traditional medicine and biomedicine
- Authors: Mankantshu, Buncwanekazi
- Date: 2019
- Subjects: Traditional medicine -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , Ethnopharmacology -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , College students -- Attitudes -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , College students -- Medical care -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , Social medicine -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , Rhodes University -- Students -- Attitudes , Rhodes University -- Employees -- Medical care , Rhodes University -- Employees -- Attitudes
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Masters , MSocSc
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/96280 , vital:31257
- Description: The primary objective of this study was to understand to the role that discourse on traditional medicine plays in the choices that Rhodes University students and staff make regarding who they consult when they are sick. A secondary objective was to explore the participants’ views on the Department of Health’s draft policy on the institutionalisation of African traditional medicine and potential collaboration with the biomedical health care system. This was a qualitative study that used in-depth interviews and questionnaires to collect data, which was interpreted using thematic data analysis. A key finding was that participants were mostly influenced by their families with regard to the health care choices – either biomedical or traditional medicine. And that affordability, accessibility and availability are not important factors in health care choices as suggested by literature. Participants also based their decisions on what they believed would help them, either biomedicine or traditional medicine.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2019
- Authors: Mankantshu, Buncwanekazi
- Date: 2019
- Subjects: Traditional medicine -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , Ethnopharmacology -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , College students -- Attitudes -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , College students -- Medical care -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , Social medicine -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , Rhodes University -- Students -- Attitudes , Rhodes University -- Employees -- Medical care , Rhodes University -- Employees -- Attitudes
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Masters , MSocSc
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/96280 , vital:31257
- Description: The primary objective of this study was to understand to the role that discourse on traditional medicine plays in the choices that Rhodes University students and staff make regarding who they consult when they are sick. A secondary objective was to explore the participants’ views on the Department of Health’s draft policy on the institutionalisation of African traditional medicine and potential collaboration with the biomedical health care system. This was a qualitative study that used in-depth interviews and questionnaires to collect data, which was interpreted using thematic data analysis. A key finding was that participants were mostly influenced by their families with regard to the health care choices – either biomedical or traditional medicine. And that affordability, accessibility and availability are not important factors in health care choices as suggested by literature. Participants also based their decisions on what they believed would help them, either biomedicine or traditional medicine.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2019
A sociological study to explore the knowledge of Pre-Exposure Prophylaxis at Rhodes University
- Authors: Ntshinga, Throny
- Date: 2019
- Subjects: Pre-exposure prophylaxis -- South Africa , HIV infections -- Prevention -- South Africa , AIDS (Disease) -- Prevention -- South Africa , AIDS (Disease) -- Government policy -- South Africa , AIDS (Disease) -- Study and teaching -- South Africa , Health education (Higher) -- South Africa , Rhodes University -- Students -- Health and hygiene
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/96247 , vital:31254
- Description: South Africa has a very high prevalence rate of HIV infections, this is why this exploratory qualitative study examines the Rhodes University’s HIV policy and its awareness programmes, with a specific focus on Pre-Exposure Prophylaxis (PrEP). The World Health Organisation’s (2016-2017) recommendations for Pre-exposure Prophylaxis has been accepted and rolled-out nationwide by the South African Department of Health. This is to maintain the HIV-negative status of not only the general public, but specifically students at higher institutions of learning. PrEP has been integrated with other HIV prevention methods through the Higher Education and Training HIV/AIDS programme. Semi-structured in-depth interviews were conducted with five female and four male students, and six health care staff members at Rhodes University. Data was thematically analysed, and the findings show that there is a lack of knowledge of both the HIV policy and Pre-Exposure Prophylaxis among the participating students. However, the staff members are knowledgeable due to the fact that they work in health care.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2019
- Authors: Ntshinga, Throny
- Date: 2019
- Subjects: Pre-exposure prophylaxis -- South Africa , HIV infections -- Prevention -- South Africa , AIDS (Disease) -- Prevention -- South Africa , AIDS (Disease) -- Government policy -- South Africa , AIDS (Disease) -- Study and teaching -- South Africa , Health education (Higher) -- South Africa , Rhodes University -- Students -- Health and hygiene
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/96247 , vital:31254
- Description: South Africa has a very high prevalence rate of HIV infections, this is why this exploratory qualitative study examines the Rhodes University’s HIV policy and its awareness programmes, with a specific focus on Pre-Exposure Prophylaxis (PrEP). The World Health Organisation’s (2016-2017) recommendations for Pre-exposure Prophylaxis has been accepted and rolled-out nationwide by the South African Department of Health. This is to maintain the HIV-negative status of not only the general public, but specifically students at higher institutions of learning. PrEP has been integrated with other HIV prevention methods through the Higher Education and Training HIV/AIDS programme. Semi-structured in-depth interviews were conducted with five female and four male students, and six health care staff members at Rhodes University. Data was thematically analysed, and the findings show that there is a lack of knowledge of both the HIV policy and Pre-Exposure Prophylaxis among the participating students. However, the staff members are knowledgeable due to the fact that they work in health care.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2019
A sociological understanding of urban governance and social accountability: the case of Bulawayo, Zimbabwe
- Authors: Sivalo, Delta Mbonisi
- Date: 2019
- Subjects: Zimbabwe -- Politics and government -- 1980- , Municipal government -- Zimbabwe -- Harare , Municipal government -- Sociological aspects-- Zimbabwe -- Harare , Municipal government -- Citizen participation -- Zimbabwe -- Harare
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/71515 , vital:29860
- Description: This thesis seeks to understand the ways in which urban governance and urban-based civic participation interact with each other in contemporary Zimbabwe, with a particular focus on the factors influencing and shaping social accountability and effective citizen involvement in urban governance processes. This main objective is pursued with specific reference to Bulawayo, which is one of two metropolitan centres in Zimbabwe. The focus is specifically on questions around social accountability, citizen participation and centralised urban governance. In this regard, it is important to recognise that social accountability and urban governance need to be understood in the context of their inherent relationship and how these both shape and determine each other. In this respect, there is need to probe the foundations that shape the lived experiences of communities, through social accountability and urban governance, and how these pattern development and social change. Zimbabwe for over a decade now has gone through a series of economic and political crises which have impacted detrimentally on urban governance. With the economy in free-fall, local authorities have had to pursue a range of strategies to sustain themselves. These socio-economic conditions have forced a change in relations between the state, cities and citizens. Many studies have examined this regarding the politics of contestation between the ruling party (ZANU-PF), the state, and the main opposition party (MDC) in urban governance in Zimbabwe. However, this study zeros in on social accountability and how it is shaped by the prevailing socio-economic and political environment in Zimbabwe. At the same time, the lived experiences of communities vary and this variance influences and affects social accountability interventions and outcomes in cities like Bulawayo. Importantly, the thesis offers a longitudinal study which can map the contextual factors affecting and influencing social accountability in Bulawayo over time. Though recognising the debilitating effects of centralised urban governance on social accountability, the thesis also raises questions about the shifting, and often tenuous, relationship between the city and the central state, on one hand, and the city and its citizens on the other. In doing so, it considers the role of citizens, institutions and actors in responding to the impacts of urban governance and social accountability. In pursuing this thesis, a range of mainly qualitative research methods were used, including key informant interviews, focus group discussions, observation and use of documents. In the end, the thesis offers a nuanced analysis of the everyday complexities and challenges for social accountability in urban Bulawayo, Zimbabwe and thereby contributes to theorising social accountability and urban governance in Africa more broadly.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2019
- Authors: Sivalo, Delta Mbonisi
- Date: 2019
- Subjects: Zimbabwe -- Politics and government -- 1980- , Municipal government -- Zimbabwe -- Harare , Municipal government -- Sociological aspects-- Zimbabwe -- Harare , Municipal government -- Citizen participation -- Zimbabwe -- Harare
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/71515 , vital:29860
- Description: This thesis seeks to understand the ways in which urban governance and urban-based civic participation interact with each other in contemporary Zimbabwe, with a particular focus on the factors influencing and shaping social accountability and effective citizen involvement in urban governance processes. This main objective is pursued with specific reference to Bulawayo, which is one of two metropolitan centres in Zimbabwe. The focus is specifically on questions around social accountability, citizen participation and centralised urban governance. In this regard, it is important to recognise that social accountability and urban governance need to be understood in the context of their inherent relationship and how these both shape and determine each other. In this respect, there is need to probe the foundations that shape the lived experiences of communities, through social accountability and urban governance, and how these pattern development and social change. Zimbabwe for over a decade now has gone through a series of economic and political crises which have impacted detrimentally on urban governance. With the economy in free-fall, local authorities have had to pursue a range of strategies to sustain themselves. These socio-economic conditions have forced a change in relations between the state, cities and citizens. Many studies have examined this regarding the politics of contestation between the ruling party (ZANU-PF), the state, and the main opposition party (MDC) in urban governance in Zimbabwe. However, this study zeros in on social accountability and how it is shaped by the prevailing socio-economic and political environment in Zimbabwe. At the same time, the lived experiences of communities vary and this variance influences and affects social accountability interventions and outcomes in cities like Bulawayo. Importantly, the thesis offers a longitudinal study which can map the contextual factors affecting and influencing social accountability in Bulawayo over time. Though recognising the debilitating effects of centralised urban governance on social accountability, the thesis also raises questions about the shifting, and often tenuous, relationship between the city and the central state, on one hand, and the city and its citizens on the other. In doing so, it considers the role of citizens, institutions and actors in responding to the impacts of urban governance and social accountability. In pursuing this thesis, a range of mainly qualitative research methods were used, including key informant interviews, focus group discussions, observation and use of documents. In the end, the thesis offers a nuanced analysis of the everyday complexities and challenges for social accountability in urban Bulawayo, Zimbabwe and thereby contributes to theorising social accountability and urban governance in Africa more broadly.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2019
Access and control of biodiversity in the context of biopiracy: the case of pelargonium sidoides in the Raymond Mhlaba Local Municipality
- Authors: Doyle, Anastasia Roxane
- Date: 2019
- Subjects: Biopiracy -- South Africa , Traditional ecological knowledge -- South Africa , Plants, Cultivated -- Patents , Biodiversity -- Conservation -- South Africa , Pelargoniums -- Harvesting -- South Africa , Pelargonium sidoides -- Harvesting -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Masters , MSocSc
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/76321 , vital:30547
- Description: The purpose of this research is to explore access and control of biodiversity in the context of biopiracy with specific reference to the case of pelargonium sidoides in the Raymond Mhlaba Local Municipality. The research is informed by the increased appropriation of local biodiversity and indigenous knowledge by industry as well as global debates on promoting sustainable resource utilisation and sustainable rural livelihoods. This study adopts a two-pronged conceptual approach mainly, Marx’s Ecology and the Sustainable Rural Livelihoods Framework (SRLF). The former provides useful insights into the processes and dynamics of power asymmetries between developed and developing countries, capital accumulation, inherent displacement and the predatory nature of capitalism. Whilst the latter addresses how livelihoods are fashioned in a holistic way. As a significant starting point the South African political economy is examined through the lens of the two economies debate. This research is primarily qualitative using in-depth interviews, observations and archival research as the primary data collection techniques. Preliminary site visits were conducted to negotiate access. Key informants of the study were representatives of the core groups (interested and affected stakeholders) involved in the case of pelargonium sidoides. Specifically, participants included representatives from the Imingcangathelo Community Development Trust and the Masakhane Community Property Association, local harvesters, local community members, monitoring and enforcement environmental officers, plant breeders (cultivators), scientists, local businessmen involved in natural resource trade, academics, legal representatives and non-governmental organisations. The Rhodes University research ethical guidelines were followed accordingly. The findings of the study suggest that trade in pelargonium sidoides is influenced by a complex and dynamic interplay between the state-industry-rural elite coalitions. Moreover, that this activity is largely centralised and exclusionary. This process is depicted in the unsustainable utilisation of pelargonium sidoides and other natural resources, the dismantling of local livelihoods, exploitation of harvesters and an incoherent environmental governance structure. At the core of this unequal system of exchange is industry, which effectively functions to generate profits whilst dispossessing peripheral communities such as the Masakhane community. The study therefore, argues that in order for local communities to access the trade there needs to be a shift in this system of unequal exchange. Not only regarding beneficiation, but in building community capacity and becoming involved as critical stakeholders in the governance of resources in the study area. The study found that there are competing narratives that inform the status and sustainability of pelargonium sidoides. Furthermore, given the current trajectory of the Masakhane community’s struggle for land, access to natural resources and exclusion from decision-making regarding pelargonium sidoides, the area will continue to be underdeveloped with concomitant poverty, inequality and comprised rural livelihoods.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2019
- Authors: Doyle, Anastasia Roxane
- Date: 2019
- Subjects: Biopiracy -- South Africa , Traditional ecological knowledge -- South Africa , Plants, Cultivated -- Patents , Biodiversity -- Conservation -- South Africa , Pelargoniums -- Harvesting -- South Africa , Pelargonium sidoides -- Harvesting -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Masters , MSocSc
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/76321 , vital:30547
- Description: The purpose of this research is to explore access and control of biodiversity in the context of biopiracy with specific reference to the case of pelargonium sidoides in the Raymond Mhlaba Local Municipality. The research is informed by the increased appropriation of local biodiversity and indigenous knowledge by industry as well as global debates on promoting sustainable resource utilisation and sustainable rural livelihoods. This study adopts a two-pronged conceptual approach mainly, Marx’s Ecology and the Sustainable Rural Livelihoods Framework (SRLF). The former provides useful insights into the processes and dynamics of power asymmetries between developed and developing countries, capital accumulation, inherent displacement and the predatory nature of capitalism. Whilst the latter addresses how livelihoods are fashioned in a holistic way. As a significant starting point the South African political economy is examined through the lens of the two economies debate. This research is primarily qualitative using in-depth interviews, observations and archival research as the primary data collection techniques. Preliminary site visits were conducted to negotiate access. Key informants of the study were representatives of the core groups (interested and affected stakeholders) involved in the case of pelargonium sidoides. Specifically, participants included representatives from the Imingcangathelo Community Development Trust and the Masakhane Community Property Association, local harvesters, local community members, monitoring and enforcement environmental officers, plant breeders (cultivators), scientists, local businessmen involved in natural resource trade, academics, legal representatives and non-governmental organisations. The Rhodes University research ethical guidelines were followed accordingly. The findings of the study suggest that trade in pelargonium sidoides is influenced by a complex and dynamic interplay between the state-industry-rural elite coalitions. Moreover, that this activity is largely centralised and exclusionary. This process is depicted in the unsustainable utilisation of pelargonium sidoides and other natural resources, the dismantling of local livelihoods, exploitation of harvesters and an incoherent environmental governance structure. At the core of this unequal system of exchange is industry, which effectively functions to generate profits whilst dispossessing peripheral communities such as the Masakhane community. The study therefore, argues that in order for local communities to access the trade there needs to be a shift in this system of unequal exchange. Not only regarding beneficiation, but in building community capacity and becoming involved as critical stakeholders in the governance of resources in the study area. The study found that there are competing narratives that inform the status and sustainability of pelargonium sidoides. Furthermore, given the current trajectory of the Masakhane community’s struggle for land, access to natural resources and exclusion from decision-making regarding pelargonium sidoides, the area will continue to be underdeveloped with concomitant poverty, inequality and comprised rural livelihoods.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2019
Aiding the education agenda? the role of non-governmental organisations in learner performance and retention in Joza, Grahamstown, South Africa
- Authors: Nomsenge, Sinazo Onela
- Date: 2019
- Subjects: Non-governmental organizations , Non-governmental organizations -- South Africa -- Makhanda , Black people -- Education -- South Africa -- Makhanda , Education -- South Africa -- Makhanda , Joza Youth Hub (Makhanda) , Upstart Youth Development Project (Makhanda) , Village Scribe Association (Makhanda) , Ikamba Youth (Makhanda) , Access Music Project(Makhanda)
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/76468 , vital:30568
- Description: This thesis describes the network of complexities that characterise the world and work of Non-Governmental Organisations (NGOs). It examines the ways in which organisations navigate different internal, sectoral and contextual intricacies while operating under the command of their chosen developmental mandates. This description is drawn from a sociological analysis of the internal workings of education NGOs, their external affiliations as well as the negotiations which underpin their operations and survival. Collectively, the careful illustration of these underpinnings outlines both the role that NGOs play in the performance and retention of learners in the Grahamstown-east township of Joza and also their position in the town’s basic education sector. Private and non-governmental interveners have, particularly from the closing decades of the 20th century, been conceptually and operationally deployed as panaceas of the socio-economic scarcities which continue to pervade much of the ‘developing’ world. Their involvement in the socio-economic missions of populations living in the Global South has grown both laterally and in the depth of how development is understood and defined, carried out and also measured. NGOs, as widely acclaimed institutional arms of global development imperatives, therefore assume prominent positions in framing policy and implementation models, prescribing performance benchmarks and pronouncing non-compliance. Likewise, education NGOs have obtained normative prescription status in global education policy and practice largely on the back of the Education for All (EFA) objectives, the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) and the neo-liberal logics which have championed state retreat in favour of private sector ascendance in globalised development. This, in conjunction with the persistent struggles of educational transformation in the Global South, has given NGOs little trouble in legitimising their prominent presence in education and other sectors of socio-economic relief in these parts of the world. Little illusion remains however, in many commentary circles, of the role of NGOs in advancing development ideals, the honesty of their altruistic intents, their ideological leanings as well as their efficacy in carrying out their mandates. As such, the logics which have been used to dethrone developing state structures in order to expand the space for private intervention along with the prevailing and deepening markers of educational underperformance, have been central features of the criticisms levelled against NGOs. This thesis intervenes in these ongoing reflections by describing the role of NGOs in educational outcomes, particularly learner performance and retention in Joza. This analysis demonstrates the organisational, sector-level and broader community forces which influence not only the form which non-state interventions take on and the daily preoccupations of their carriers but broadly, the position they occupy in the town’s overall educational profile. By way of locating NGOs within Grahamstown’s educational landscape, this thesis first demonstrates, the conflicted nature of NGO operations from an international, sectoral, national, local and organisational level. The discussion then illustrates how the preoccupations of NGOs are scattered between the different communities which they occupy within these levels. Their reliance on these players demands that organisations be tactical in guarding both their survival and, at times, the conflicting allegiances which grant them different forms of legitimacy. Internal struggles which characterise this imbalance of forces results in a trade-off which often favours organisational preservation mechanisms over systemic educational overhaul. As such, while non-state interveners can be lauded for extending educational support to those who would otherwise not have such, the gains of NGO intervention are often absorbed by internal urgencies for organisational legitimacy and preservation. This, in a context which possesses a unique set of socio-economic and educational deficits that require, at the very least, radical and unbridled mediation, means that pre-existing inequalities in educational inputs and outcomes along with the resultant inequities in youth socio-economic prospects, can find refuge in the very sector whose support and intervention is sought out and justified for such. This thesis lays out the nuances of these tensions and contradictions and offers this case as a point of reference for further considerations of the persistent markers of underperformance which characterise developing communities that enjoy high concentrations of non-state educational intervention.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2019
- Authors: Nomsenge, Sinazo Onela
- Date: 2019
- Subjects: Non-governmental organizations , Non-governmental organizations -- South Africa -- Makhanda , Black people -- Education -- South Africa -- Makhanda , Education -- South Africa -- Makhanda , Joza Youth Hub (Makhanda) , Upstart Youth Development Project (Makhanda) , Village Scribe Association (Makhanda) , Ikamba Youth (Makhanda) , Access Music Project(Makhanda)
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/76468 , vital:30568
- Description: This thesis describes the network of complexities that characterise the world and work of Non-Governmental Organisations (NGOs). It examines the ways in which organisations navigate different internal, sectoral and contextual intricacies while operating under the command of their chosen developmental mandates. This description is drawn from a sociological analysis of the internal workings of education NGOs, their external affiliations as well as the negotiations which underpin their operations and survival. Collectively, the careful illustration of these underpinnings outlines both the role that NGOs play in the performance and retention of learners in the Grahamstown-east township of Joza and also their position in the town’s basic education sector. Private and non-governmental interveners have, particularly from the closing decades of the 20th century, been conceptually and operationally deployed as panaceas of the socio-economic scarcities which continue to pervade much of the ‘developing’ world. Their involvement in the socio-economic missions of populations living in the Global South has grown both laterally and in the depth of how development is understood and defined, carried out and also measured. NGOs, as widely acclaimed institutional arms of global development imperatives, therefore assume prominent positions in framing policy and implementation models, prescribing performance benchmarks and pronouncing non-compliance. Likewise, education NGOs have obtained normative prescription status in global education policy and practice largely on the back of the Education for All (EFA) objectives, the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) and the neo-liberal logics which have championed state retreat in favour of private sector ascendance in globalised development. This, in conjunction with the persistent struggles of educational transformation in the Global South, has given NGOs little trouble in legitimising their prominent presence in education and other sectors of socio-economic relief in these parts of the world. Little illusion remains however, in many commentary circles, of the role of NGOs in advancing development ideals, the honesty of their altruistic intents, their ideological leanings as well as their efficacy in carrying out their mandates. As such, the logics which have been used to dethrone developing state structures in order to expand the space for private intervention along with the prevailing and deepening markers of educational underperformance, have been central features of the criticisms levelled against NGOs. This thesis intervenes in these ongoing reflections by describing the role of NGOs in educational outcomes, particularly learner performance and retention in Joza. This analysis demonstrates the organisational, sector-level and broader community forces which influence not only the form which non-state interventions take on and the daily preoccupations of their carriers but broadly, the position they occupy in the town’s overall educational profile. By way of locating NGOs within Grahamstown’s educational landscape, this thesis first demonstrates, the conflicted nature of NGO operations from an international, sectoral, national, local and organisational level. The discussion then illustrates how the preoccupations of NGOs are scattered between the different communities which they occupy within these levels. Their reliance on these players demands that organisations be tactical in guarding both their survival and, at times, the conflicting allegiances which grant them different forms of legitimacy. Internal struggles which characterise this imbalance of forces results in a trade-off which often favours organisational preservation mechanisms over systemic educational overhaul. As such, while non-state interveners can be lauded for extending educational support to those who would otherwise not have such, the gains of NGO intervention are often absorbed by internal urgencies for organisational legitimacy and preservation. This, in a context which possesses a unique set of socio-economic and educational deficits that require, at the very least, radical and unbridled mediation, means that pre-existing inequalities in educational inputs and outcomes along with the resultant inequities in youth socio-economic prospects, can find refuge in the very sector whose support and intervention is sought out and justified for such. This thesis lays out the nuances of these tensions and contradictions and offers this case as a point of reference for further considerations of the persistent markers of underperformance which characterise developing communities that enjoy high concentrations of non-state educational intervention.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2019
An analysis of understandings of and attitudes towards transgender people on a South African university campus
- Mantungo, Xolelwa Thandokazi
- Authors: Mantungo, Xolelwa Thandokazi
- Date: 2019
- Subjects: Transgender people -- South Africa -- Public opinion , Gender identity -- South Africa -- Public opinion , Transgender college students -- South Africa , Rhodes University -- Students -- Attitudes
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Masters , MSocSc
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/76309 , vital:30546
- Description: There are issues that always arise when it comes to gender identities and gender expressions. These issues are a result of the gender binary that corners people into being either feminine or masculine. Our societies are shaped in ways that supports this gender binary. If you are born a female, you are expected to be feminine and if you are born a male you are expected to act in a masculine way. When a person whose gender identity does not correspond with his or her assigned sex at birth, their behaviour is problematized and sometimes even criminalized and they are considered as deviant individuals by many societies. Consequently, most people who do not conform to gender societal norms are more exposed to violence, stigmatization, discrimination, marginalization, and victimization. People have difficulty understanding that there is ‘gender variance’, in other words, that there are more than just two genders. It is apparent that, even though societies enforce the gender binary, there are individuals who wish to express their genders in different ways, thus there are people who identify as transgender. The main focus of this dissertation is on the gender identities of transgendered people. Transgender people are people whose gender identity and or gender expression is distinct from the sex to which they were assigned at birth. The transgender group is a minority group (including in African countries) and one can argue that it is either misrepresented, misunderstood, hardly visible and ignored. This is evident when one looks at the lack of research on transgender populations in Africa. The main purpose of this research is to investigate the understandings that people have about transgender people on a South African university campus. In this dissertation the intent is to explore what it means to be transgender, the Rhodes University students’ understandings of transgendered people, the issues of gender identities and gender expressions and the challenges that transgender people face. The research question that this dissertation seeks to find an answer to is “Do Rhodes University students understand the notion of transgender and how do they react towards transgendered people on campus?”
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2019
- Authors: Mantungo, Xolelwa Thandokazi
- Date: 2019
- Subjects: Transgender people -- South Africa -- Public opinion , Gender identity -- South Africa -- Public opinion , Transgender college students -- South Africa , Rhodes University -- Students -- Attitudes
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Masters , MSocSc
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/76309 , vital:30546
- Description: There are issues that always arise when it comes to gender identities and gender expressions. These issues are a result of the gender binary that corners people into being either feminine or masculine. Our societies are shaped in ways that supports this gender binary. If you are born a female, you are expected to be feminine and if you are born a male you are expected to act in a masculine way. When a person whose gender identity does not correspond with his or her assigned sex at birth, their behaviour is problematized and sometimes even criminalized and they are considered as deviant individuals by many societies. Consequently, most people who do not conform to gender societal norms are more exposed to violence, stigmatization, discrimination, marginalization, and victimization. People have difficulty understanding that there is ‘gender variance’, in other words, that there are more than just two genders. It is apparent that, even though societies enforce the gender binary, there are individuals who wish to express their genders in different ways, thus there are people who identify as transgender. The main focus of this dissertation is on the gender identities of transgendered people. Transgender people are people whose gender identity and or gender expression is distinct from the sex to which they were assigned at birth. The transgender group is a minority group (including in African countries) and one can argue that it is either misrepresented, misunderstood, hardly visible and ignored. This is evident when one looks at the lack of research on transgender populations in Africa. The main purpose of this research is to investigate the understandings that people have about transgender people on a South African university campus. In this dissertation the intent is to explore what it means to be transgender, the Rhodes University students’ understandings of transgendered people, the issues of gender identities and gender expressions and the challenges that transgender people face. The research question that this dissertation seeks to find an answer to is “Do Rhodes University students understand the notion of transgender and how do they react towards transgendered people on campus?”
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2019
An exploration of social media as a key site for the expression of post-racial politics
- Authors: Bell, Joshua
- Date: 2019
- Subjects: Social media -- Political aspects -- South Africa , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1994- , South Africa -- In mass media
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/94049 , vital:30995
- Description: This research sets out to examine colourblind racism in contemporary South Africa, specifically, as expressed on social media networks. In South Africa, a nation lauded for its transition from Apartheid to liberal democracy, racism still continues to exist. In the new democracy, racism continues in old, familiar forms but it has been suggested that racism also assumes new and emergent forms such as ‘colourblind’ racism. This is evident in recent controversies involving local public figures and their expressions of ‘soft’, ‘colourblind’ racism on Facebook. It is the new platforms and modes of racism unique to democratic South Africa which this thesis attempts to explore. Specifically, this study is framed by ‘post-racialism’, a concept developed by scholars globally to capture the suggestion that in liberal democratic societies across the world, racism continues with racial inequality now underpinned by an ideology of colourblindness as opposed to overt policies of segregation. Colourblindness denies the relevance of race as a collective issue, proposing instead that other social factors such as class are more pertinent in considerations of social inequality. The purpose of colourblind narratives may be identified as the reduction of racism to mere individual action, denying systemic white privilege and historical responsibility for reparation as well as preventing racially subjugated groups from critically interrogating racial power and privilege (Goldberg, 2015: 28-30). Post-racial theorists agree that the projection of colourblind politics which claims to no longer ‘see race’ has instead served to secure the normalisation of white privilege and black subjugation (Bonilla-Silva et al, 2004: 559-560). The purported existence of colourblind /post-racial racism and its impact requires exploration in the context of South Africa today. In expanding on the definition of racism, we are able to see that racism is an adaptive system of power that is able to reproduce and reconceptualise itself to changes within society. As modalities of racism have evolved, so have the platforms for its propagation. This research offers social media as a site of exploration for post-racial narratives. The case studies of Penny Sparrow, Helen Zille and Mabel Jansen are presented in this study as exemplars of post-racial liberalism, denial and exclusion. This research calls for the expansion of racial understanding so as to contest racial power structures as a continuing systemic issue in contemporary South Africa.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2019
- Authors: Bell, Joshua
- Date: 2019
- Subjects: Social media -- Political aspects -- South Africa , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1994- , South Africa -- In mass media
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/94049 , vital:30995
- Description: This research sets out to examine colourblind racism in contemporary South Africa, specifically, as expressed on social media networks. In South Africa, a nation lauded for its transition from Apartheid to liberal democracy, racism still continues to exist. In the new democracy, racism continues in old, familiar forms but it has been suggested that racism also assumes new and emergent forms such as ‘colourblind’ racism. This is evident in recent controversies involving local public figures and their expressions of ‘soft’, ‘colourblind’ racism on Facebook. It is the new platforms and modes of racism unique to democratic South Africa which this thesis attempts to explore. Specifically, this study is framed by ‘post-racialism’, a concept developed by scholars globally to capture the suggestion that in liberal democratic societies across the world, racism continues with racial inequality now underpinned by an ideology of colourblindness as opposed to overt policies of segregation. Colourblindness denies the relevance of race as a collective issue, proposing instead that other social factors such as class are more pertinent in considerations of social inequality. The purpose of colourblind narratives may be identified as the reduction of racism to mere individual action, denying systemic white privilege and historical responsibility for reparation as well as preventing racially subjugated groups from critically interrogating racial power and privilege (Goldberg, 2015: 28-30). Post-racial theorists agree that the projection of colourblind politics which claims to no longer ‘see race’ has instead served to secure the normalisation of white privilege and black subjugation (Bonilla-Silva et al, 2004: 559-560). The purported existence of colourblind /post-racial racism and its impact requires exploration in the context of South Africa today. In expanding on the definition of racism, we are able to see that racism is an adaptive system of power that is able to reproduce and reconceptualise itself to changes within society. As modalities of racism have evolved, so have the platforms for its propagation. This research offers social media as a site of exploration for post-racial narratives. The case studies of Penny Sparrow, Helen Zille and Mabel Jansen are presented in this study as exemplars of post-racial liberalism, denial and exclusion. This research calls for the expansion of racial understanding so as to contest racial power structures as a continuing systemic issue in contemporary South Africa.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2019
Careerism and capitalism as women’s emancipation: a critical analysis of Rand Merchant Bank’s ‘Athena Programme', South Africa
- Authors: Mosesi, Poloko Prudence
- Date: 2019
- Subjects: Rand Merchant Bank (South Africa) , Women in economic development -- South Africa , Women in finance -- South Africa , Neoliberalism -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Masters , MSocSc
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/140344 , vital:37881
- Description: Against the backdrop of debates on feminism and neo– liberalism, this thesis presents a critical analysis of Rand Merchant Bank’s (RMB) Athena programme in South Africa – an award– winning programme run by women, which aims to develop women as senior managers – and of the type of feminism it represents, using a Marxist feminist theoretical framework. Rand Merchant Bank’s is one of the largest investment banks in Africa, part of the giant First Rand Group (FRG) alongside First National Bank (FNB) group. The thesis, based on a detailed case study using qualitative methods, argues that Athena is a very much product of its time: it advances the argument that if more women were in position of power, women in general would be free, and it views the problem of women’s oppression with an individualist lens, which focuses on attitudes and confidence. Athena, like many initiatives of the neo– liberal era, such as Sandberg’s Lean– In philosophy and the Nike Foundation’s ‘Girl Effect’ promote individual understanding and emancipation of women, which sees emancipation in terms of creating a neo– liberal subject that operates more effectively within a capitalist framework, sees capitalism as the solution – rather than the cause – of women’s unequal circumstance and ignores structural issues like class. In effect, Athena argues that the free market and big corporations are neutral tools that can answer the question of women equality, if only women had the correct attitudes, and so long as corporate hierarchies and profits are accepted as fair, and women are seen as an untapped resource that can be used in a ‘smart economics.’ What all these initiatives have in common is shifting the burden and responsibility to women without proper interrogation of the systems that perpetuate inequalities, and a trickle– down theory, according to which more women capitalists and more women in the ruling class will empower the women in the working class.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2019
- Authors: Mosesi, Poloko Prudence
- Date: 2019
- Subjects: Rand Merchant Bank (South Africa) , Women in economic development -- South Africa , Women in finance -- South Africa , Neoliberalism -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Masters , MSocSc
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/140344 , vital:37881
- Description: Against the backdrop of debates on feminism and neo– liberalism, this thesis presents a critical analysis of Rand Merchant Bank’s (RMB) Athena programme in South Africa – an award– winning programme run by women, which aims to develop women as senior managers – and of the type of feminism it represents, using a Marxist feminist theoretical framework. Rand Merchant Bank’s is one of the largest investment banks in Africa, part of the giant First Rand Group (FRG) alongside First National Bank (FNB) group. The thesis, based on a detailed case study using qualitative methods, argues that Athena is a very much product of its time: it advances the argument that if more women were in position of power, women in general would be free, and it views the problem of women’s oppression with an individualist lens, which focuses on attitudes and confidence. Athena, like many initiatives of the neo– liberal era, such as Sandberg’s Lean– In philosophy and the Nike Foundation’s ‘Girl Effect’ promote individual understanding and emancipation of women, which sees emancipation in terms of creating a neo– liberal subject that operates more effectively within a capitalist framework, sees capitalism as the solution – rather than the cause – of women’s unequal circumstance and ignores structural issues like class. In effect, Athena argues that the free market and big corporations are neutral tools that can answer the question of women equality, if only women had the correct attitudes, and so long as corporate hierarchies and profits are accepted as fair, and women are seen as an untapped resource that can be used in a ‘smart economics.’ What all these initiatives have in common is shifting the burden and responsibility to women without proper interrogation of the systems that perpetuate inequalities, and a trickle– down theory, according to which more women capitalists and more women in the ruling class will empower the women in the working class.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2019
Digital colonialism: South Africa’s education transformation in the shadow of Silicon Valley
- Authors: Kwet, Michael
- Date: 2019
- Subjects: Operation Phakisa Education (South Africa) , Educational technology -- South Africa , Internet in education -- South Africa , Educational sociology -- South Africa , Technological innovations -- South Africa , Technological literacy -- South Africa , Education and state -- South Africa , Open source software -- South Africa , Electronic surveillance -- Social aspects -- South Africa , Privacy, Right of -- South Africa , Business and education -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/93767 , vital:30936
- Description: This dissertation investigates the social implications of technology choices for the emerging education transformation of the South African basic education sector. In October 2015, then President Jacob Zuma launched Operation Phakisa Education (OPE), an initiative designed behind closed doors to fast-track digital education into all South African public schools. This study identifies and analyses policy choices and perspectives regarding the technology considered and deployed for the national education rollout. It documents the OPE proposal, and examines how e-education policy choices relate to humanitarian objectives. Theoretically, this study draws upon libertarian socialist theory (anarchism) to examine the sociology of education technology policy. Using anarchist theory, it assesses the perspective, aims, and choices of e-education policy at the national level. It also draws on the Free Software philosophy for society as articulated by Richard Stallman and Eben Moglen. Finally, it compares classic colonialism with global power in the digital era, and posits a theory of digital colonialism. Synthesizing anarchism and the Free Software philosophy into a single theoretical framework – placed into the context of colonial relations – it is the first work to apply anarchist sociological theory to education technology policy, and the first doctoral study on digital colonialism. For its methodology, this dissertation utilizes two qualitative methods: document analysis and semi-structured interviews. Interview subjects include high-level e-education policymakers and administrators in government, key stakeholders, and experts at the intersection of technology innovation and human rights. These methods were used to both identify and interrogate e-education policy as it relates to the humanitarian objectives of education policy at the national level. The findings demonstrate that South African education policy is beholden to largely United States-based corporations and models for e-education. The study found that the types of technologies for consideration in education are rooted in surveillance capitalism, which is spreading across the world. It contends that current e-education policy choices will entrench the power and exploitation of US state-corporate power in South African education, economy, and society. It argues that an alternative set of choices, People’s Technology for People’s Power, is consistent with the spirit of South African technology policy, and should be chosen for South African schools in order to counter the power of foreign power and resist surveillance capitalism. This dissertation is the first publication to document and analyze what the new government education policy is about and how it relates to equality and human rights. It argues that present South African e-education policy constitutes a new form of digitally-driven technocratic neoliberalism which ultimately favors ruling class interests in the United States and South Africa. It also argues that OPE violates South Africa’s Free and Open Source policy and the spirit of democracy outlined in the Phakisa methodology and the Batho Pele principles. This study found that OPE replicates the latest trends in e-education implementation popular in Silicon Valley. Tech multinationals are providing both the products and models for use in South Africa. The dissertation concludes that US technological and conceptual dominance in South African education constitutes digital colonialism. It emphasizes the need for public inclusion in the policy process, and proposes alternative policies and technologies for e-education based on the idea of People’s Technology for People’s Power. It also argues that current scholarship on education technology neglects the political and sociological importance of People’s Technology to education, economy, and society, as well as the global significance of Big Tech dominance vis-a-vis digital colonialism, and that subsequent literature would be enriched by addressing these issues.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2019
- Authors: Kwet, Michael
- Date: 2019
- Subjects: Operation Phakisa Education (South Africa) , Educational technology -- South Africa , Internet in education -- South Africa , Educational sociology -- South Africa , Technological innovations -- South Africa , Technological literacy -- South Africa , Education and state -- South Africa , Open source software -- South Africa , Electronic surveillance -- Social aspects -- South Africa , Privacy, Right of -- South Africa , Business and education -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/93767 , vital:30936
- Description: This dissertation investigates the social implications of technology choices for the emerging education transformation of the South African basic education sector. In October 2015, then President Jacob Zuma launched Operation Phakisa Education (OPE), an initiative designed behind closed doors to fast-track digital education into all South African public schools. This study identifies and analyses policy choices and perspectives regarding the technology considered and deployed for the national education rollout. It documents the OPE proposal, and examines how e-education policy choices relate to humanitarian objectives. Theoretically, this study draws upon libertarian socialist theory (anarchism) to examine the sociology of education technology policy. Using anarchist theory, it assesses the perspective, aims, and choices of e-education policy at the national level. It also draws on the Free Software philosophy for society as articulated by Richard Stallman and Eben Moglen. Finally, it compares classic colonialism with global power in the digital era, and posits a theory of digital colonialism. Synthesizing anarchism and the Free Software philosophy into a single theoretical framework – placed into the context of colonial relations – it is the first work to apply anarchist sociological theory to education technology policy, and the first doctoral study on digital colonialism. For its methodology, this dissertation utilizes two qualitative methods: document analysis and semi-structured interviews. Interview subjects include high-level e-education policymakers and administrators in government, key stakeholders, and experts at the intersection of technology innovation and human rights. These methods were used to both identify and interrogate e-education policy as it relates to the humanitarian objectives of education policy at the national level. The findings demonstrate that South African education policy is beholden to largely United States-based corporations and models for e-education. The study found that the types of technologies for consideration in education are rooted in surveillance capitalism, which is spreading across the world. It contends that current e-education policy choices will entrench the power and exploitation of US state-corporate power in South African education, economy, and society. It argues that an alternative set of choices, People’s Technology for People’s Power, is consistent with the spirit of South African technology policy, and should be chosen for South African schools in order to counter the power of foreign power and resist surveillance capitalism. This dissertation is the first publication to document and analyze what the new government education policy is about and how it relates to equality and human rights. It argues that present South African e-education policy constitutes a new form of digitally-driven technocratic neoliberalism which ultimately favors ruling class interests in the United States and South Africa. It also argues that OPE violates South Africa’s Free and Open Source policy and the spirit of democracy outlined in the Phakisa methodology and the Batho Pele principles. This study found that OPE replicates the latest trends in e-education implementation popular in Silicon Valley. Tech multinationals are providing both the products and models for use in South Africa. The dissertation concludes that US technological and conceptual dominance in South African education constitutes digital colonialism. It emphasizes the need for public inclusion in the policy process, and proposes alternative policies and technologies for e-education based on the idea of People’s Technology for People’s Power. It also argues that current scholarship on education technology neglects the political and sociological importance of People’s Technology to education, economy, and society, as well as the global significance of Big Tech dominance vis-a-vis digital colonialism, and that subsequent literature would be enriched by addressing these issues.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2019
From farm-workers to farm-owners: a case study of the socio-economic impact of a land reform project on Battlesden farm, Alice, Eastern Cape
- Authors: Nyanda, Langaliphumile
- Date: 2019
- Subjects: Battlesden Farm (South Africa) , Farmers -- Social conditions -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape -- Case studies , Agricultural laborers -- Social conditions -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape -- Case studies , Land tenure -- Government policy -- South Africa , Land reform -- South Africa -- Case studies , Rural development -- Sociological aspects -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , Rural development -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape -- Case studies
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Masters , MSocSc
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/96484 , vital:31284
- Description: This is an evaluation of a land reform project of a community which was given land in 2001. There were 16 participants who were interviewed to give their perspectives on different areas of the project which, including the functioning of the Communal Property Associations (CPA), the role of strategic partners such as agribusinesses, and the support provided by the state in ensuring the success of the project. The participants were also asked about the general development of the farm since ownership was transferred to the community in 2001. The study revealed disappointing results in the state of the farm, and the lack of development that has taken place. This was evident in the functioning of the CPA, and the high unemployment which was prevalent on the farm. There were elements of dependency which resulted from the mentorship of the agribusiness, as well as a lack of state support in the general operations of the farm.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2019
- Authors: Nyanda, Langaliphumile
- Date: 2019
- Subjects: Battlesden Farm (South Africa) , Farmers -- Social conditions -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape -- Case studies , Agricultural laborers -- Social conditions -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape -- Case studies , Land tenure -- Government policy -- South Africa , Land reform -- South Africa -- Case studies , Rural development -- Sociological aspects -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , Rural development -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape -- Case studies
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Masters , MSocSc
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/96484 , vital:31284
- Description: This is an evaluation of a land reform project of a community which was given land in 2001. There were 16 participants who were interviewed to give their perspectives on different areas of the project which, including the functioning of the Communal Property Associations (CPA), the role of strategic partners such as agribusinesses, and the support provided by the state in ensuring the success of the project. The participants were also asked about the general development of the farm since ownership was transferred to the community in 2001. The study revealed disappointing results in the state of the farm, and the lack of development that has taken place. This was evident in the functioning of the CPA, and the high unemployment which was prevalent on the farm. There were elements of dependency which resulted from the mentorship of the agribusiness, as well as a lack of state support in the general operations of the farm.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2019
Labour market perceptions of students at a Technical and Vocational Education and Training (TVET) college in Grahamstown, South Africa
- Authors: Khambule, Nelisa
- Date: 2019
- Subjects: Eastcape Midlands College (Makhanda, South Africa) -- Students -- Attitudes , College students -- South Africa -- Makhanda -- Attitudes , College graduates -- Employment -- South Africa , Labor market -- South Africa , Employability -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Masters , MSocSc
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/96515 , vital:31289
- Description: In the context of South Africa, the supply of intermediate to high-level skills is central to economic growth and development. The post-school education and training sector is a critical source of these skills. Technical and Vocational Education and Training (TVET) colleges are expected to provide the intermediate to high-level skills that are required in a fast-changing global and national economy. In addition to fulfilling the goal of meeting the skills needs of the country, TVET colleges are expected to expand access to education and training opportunities and create pathways that will ensure smooth transitions for learners from college to employment. Using the third-generation labour market segmentation approach to the study of labour markets, this study sought to investigate the various socio-political factors that influence TVET college students’ perceptions about employment opportunities in the labour market with a NCV qualification. Using a qualitative methodology, this research investigated whether TVET students at Eastcape Midlands College felt adequately prepared for the labour market with their prospective post-secondary school qualification. The findings varied, with some students being of the view that the theoretical component of their programme of study could be improved to better prepare them for the labour market, and others, being of the view that the practical component could be improved. At a general level, the findings showed that the students did not have perfect knowledge of the availability of employment opportunities for their prospective qualifications.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2019
- Authors: Khambule, Nelisa
- Date: 2019
- Subjects: Eastcape Midlands College (Makhanda, South Africa) -- Students -- Attitudes , College students -- South Africa -- Makhanda -- Attitudes , College graduates -- Employment -- South Africa , Labor market -- South Africa , Employability -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Masters , MSocSc
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/96515 , vital:31289
- Description: In the context of South Africa, the supply of intermediate to high-level skills is central to economic growth and development. The post-school education and training sector is a critical source of these skills. Technical and Vocational Education and Training (TVET) colleges are expected to provide the intermediate to high-level skills that are required in a fast-changing global and national economy. In addition to fulfilling the goal of meeting the skills needs of the country, TVET colleges are expected to expand access to education and training opportunities and create pathways that will ensure smooth transitions for learners from college to employment. Using the third-generation labour market segmentation approach to the study of labour markets, this study sought to investigate the various socio-political factors that influence TVET college students’ perceptions about employment opportunities in the labour market with a NCV qualification. Using a qualitative methodology, this research investigated whether TVET students at Eastcape Midlands College felt adequately prepared for the labour market with their prospective post-secondary school qualification. The findings varied, with some students being of the view that the theoretical component of their programme of study could be improved to better prepare them for the labour market, and others, being of the view that the practical component could be improved. At a general level, the findings showed that the students did not have perfect knowledge of the availability of employment opportunities for their prospective qualifications.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2019
Mental health, where are we now?: a sociological analysis of the integration of mental health into primary healthcare in the Kingdom of Eswatini
- Authors: Dlamini, Zenanile Zoe
- Date: 2019
- Subjects: Mental health services -- Eswatini , Psychiatric hospitals -- Eswatini , Primary health care -- Eswatini , Mentally ill -- Services for -- Eswatini , Mental health policy -- Eswatini
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Masters , MSocSci
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/96269 , vital:31256
- Description: This is a qualitative study exploring the integration of mental health into primary healthcare in the Kingdom of Eswatini. Primary healthcare forms the basis of any healthcare service provision. Primary Healthcare for mental health is an essential component of any well-functioning health system. Making mental healthcare available in primary healthcare allows for early detection and early treatment while it is still easier and cheaper. Purposive sampling was used to recruit nursesand a government official in the Hhohho region in the Kingdom of Eswatini.The study found that there are major challenges in the primary health care clinics, and this negatively affects the WHO (2001) proposal on mental health integration into primary health care. This finding is similar to other low-income countries’ challenges in mental health integration into primary health care. The impact of neo-liberal policies on healthcare in Eswatini is explored and it is clear these policies impact the ability of the Ministry of Health to provide health care. The study also drew on the symbolic interaction perspective to understand the meanings that nurses attach to mental illness and their experiences mental health care.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2019
- Authors: Dlamini, Zenanile Zoe
- Date: 2019
- Subjects: Mental health services -- Eswatini , Psychiatric hospitals -- Eswatini , Primary health care -- Eswatini , Mentally ill -- Services for -- Eswatini , Mental health policy -- Eswatini
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Masters , MSocSci
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/96269 , vital:31256
- Description: This is a qualitative study exploring the integration of mental health into primary healthcare in the Kingdom of Eswatini. Primary healthcare forms the basis of any healthcare service provision. Primary Healthcare for mental health is an essential component of any well-functioning health system. Making mental healthcare available in primary healthcare allows for early detection and early treatment while it is still easier and cheaper. Purposive sampling was used to recruit nursesand a government official in the Hhohho region in the Kingdom of Eswatini.The study found that there are major challenges in the primary health care clinics, and this negatively affects the WHO (2001) proposal on mental health integration into primary health care. This finding is similar to other low-income countries’ challenges in mental health integration into primary health care. The impact of neo-liberal policies on healthcare in Eswatini is explored and it is clear these policies impact the ability of the Ministry of Health to provide health care. The study also drew on the symbolic interaction perspective to understand the meanings that nurses attach to mental illness and their experiences mental health care.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2019
Perspectives on land and water politics at Mushandike Irrigation Scheme, Masvingo, Zimbabwe
- Authors: Mafukidze, Jonathan
- Date: 2019
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/76479 , vital:30573
- Description: Access to, control and ownership of land and water, amongst other natural resources in Zimbabwe, shape and affect rural lives, livelihoods, social relations and social organisation. Rural poverty has been entrenched and exacerbated by, amongst other factors, highly restricted access to these scarce resources. Historically, Zimbabwe’s rural areas (such as communal areas, smallholder irrigation schemes and resettlement areas) have existed as sites of struggles where contestations and negotiations over access to, control or ownership of these resources have taken place. Resultantly, multifaceted and dynamic social relations have been weaved and contested social spaces carved out. In rural Zimbabwe, contestations have tended to be complex, nuanced and intricate, working themselves out in different ways across time and space. In their heightened and more visible state, they have been characterised by violent physical expressions which, in the history of the country, involved two wars of liberation, the First Chimurenga (1896-1897) and the Second Chimurenga (1960s to 1980). The most recent violent manifestation was through nation-wide land invasions, politically christened the Third Chimurenga, which peaked in 2000 and continued sporadically to this day. Few studies on smallholder irrigation schemes in Zimbabwe have focused on understanding how contestations for access to scarce land and water resources are framed and negotiated at the local level. Cognisant of this lacuna, this thesis uses social constructionism in examining, as a case study, Mushandike Smallholder Irrigation Scheme in Masvingo Province in order to understand and analyse how land and water politics occur at the local level. The study deploys a qualitative research methodology approach in examining local water and land politics, which involved original irrigation beneficiaries and more recent land invaders. Findings of the thesis indicate that land and water shortages have increased considerably in the past two decades at the irrigation scheme due to the influx of land invaders into the scheme. This influx has had a negative impact on agricultural production and other livelihood strategies. Both scheme members and land invaders lay claim to land and water at Mushandike. These claims are intricately constructed and contested, and they are linked to broader issues such as partisan party-politics, policy developments, and tradition, origin, indigeneity and belonging. Though the struggles over land and water at Mushandike are firmly rooted in the concrete conditions of existence and experiences of beneficiaries and land invaders, external actors such as political leaders, state bureaucrats and traditional chiefs tend to complicate and intensify the contestations.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2019
- Authors: Mafukidze, Jonathan
- Date: 2019
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/76479 , vital:30573
- Description: Access to, control and ownership of land and water, amongst other natural resources in Zimbabwe, shape and affect rural lives, livelihoods, social relations and social organisation. Rural poverty has been entrenched and exacerbated by, amongst other factors, highly restricted access to these scarce resources. Historically, Zimbabwe’s rural areas (such as communal areas, smallholder irrigation schemes and resettlement areas) have existed as sites of struggles where contestations and negotiations over access to, control or ownership of these resources have taken place. Resultantly, multifaceted and dynamic social relations have been weaved and contested social spaces carved out. In rural Zimbabwe, contestations have tended to be complex, nuanced and intricate, working themselves out in different ways across time and space. In their heightened and more visible state, they have been characterised by violent physical expressions which, in the history of the country, involved two wars of liberation, the First Chimurenga (1896-1897) and the Second Chimurenga (1960s to 1980). The most recent violent manifestation was through nation-wide land invasions, politically christened the Third Chimurenga, which peaked in 2000 and continued sporadically to this day. Few studies on smallholder irrigation schemes in Zimbabwe have focused on understanding how contestations for access to scarce land and water resources are framed and negotiated at the local level. Cognisant of this lacuna, this thesis uses social constructionism in examining, as a case study, Mushandike Smallholder Irrigation Scheme in Masvingo Province in order to understand and analyse how land and water politics occur at the local level. The study deploys a qualitative research methodology approach in examining local water and land politics, which involved original irrigation beneficiaries and more recent land invaders. Findings of the thesis indicate that land and water shortages have increased considerably in the past two decades at the irrigation scheme due to the influx of land invaders into the scheme. This influx has had a negative impact on agricultural production and other livelihood strategies. Both scheme members and land invaders lay claim to land and water at Mushandike. These claims are intricately constructed and contested, and they are linked to broader issues such as partisan party-politics, policy developments, and tradition, origin, indigeneity and belonging. Though the struggles over land and water at Mushandike are firmly rooted in the concrete conditions of existence and experiences of beneficiaries and land invaders, external actors such as political leaders, state bureaucrats and traditional chiefs tend to complicate and intensify the contestations.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2019
Popular politics in the rural Western Cape, South Africa: a case study of Ruiterbos
- Authors: Ghedi Alasow, Jonis
- Date: 2019
- Subjects: Political participation -- South Africa -- Cape Town , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1994- , Land tenure -- Political aspects -- South Africa , Land use, Rural -- Political aspects -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/96165 , vital:31246
- Description: This thesis argues that the philosophical foundations upon which human beings have been engaged have, across various schools of thought, made the mistake of presuming that some people are more modern than others. This suggestion is refuted throughout this thesis. To do this, intellectual traditions that take the fundamental rationality of all human beings as an indispensable starting point are engaged to argue for the need to acknowledge that everyone in the ‘now’ is indeed, of the ‘now’. This thesis connects these debates about modernity, rationality and humanity to the contemporary discussions around rural politics with particular reference to Ruiterbos in the Western Cape province of South Africa. By means of detailed empirical and ethnographic research, this thesis illustrates the issues around which people in Ruiterbos are politicised. Via this case study, the a priori assumption that rural politics will necessarily manifest itself only with respect to questions of land and agrarian reform or labour relations is complicated. The two issues around which people in Ruiterbos, during the time of this research, seem to be politicised – housing and education – are surfaced throughout this thesis. The thesis argues that the findings in this case study call for an expansion of the issues that are traditionally considered when the question of rural politics is raised. The often historicist approach that limits the possibilities for politics in rural areas should be suspended for an approach that takes popular politics and political agents in rural areas seriously. The thesis finally argues that the conclusions that are reached with respect to questions of modernity and rural politics ought to be adopted to allow for more detailed and thorough explanations of popular politics in places like Ruiterbos.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2019
- Authors: Ghedi Alasow, Jonis
- Date: 2019
- Subjects: Political participation -- South Africa -- Cape Town , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1994- , Land tenure -- Political aspects -- South Africa , Land use, Rural -- Political aspects -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/96165 , vital:31246
- Description: This thesis argues that the philosophical foundations upon which human beings have been engaged have, across various schools of thought, made the mistake of presuming that some people are more modern than others. This suggestion is refuted throughout this thesis. To do this, intellectual traditions that take the fundamental rationality of all human beings as an indispensable starting point are engaged to argue for the need to acknowledge that everyone in the ‘now’ is indeed, of the ‘now’. This thesis connects these debates about modernity, rationality and humanity to the contemporary discussions around rural politics with particular reference to Ruiterbos in the Western Cape province of South Africa. By means of detailed empirical and ethnographic research, this thesis illustrates the issues around which people in Ruiterbos are politicised. Via this case study, the a priori assumption that rural politics will necessarily manifest itself only with respect to questions of land and agrarian reform or labour relations is complicated. The two issues around which people in Ruiterbos, during the time of this research, seem to be politicised – housing and education – are surfaced throughout this thesis. The thesis argues that the findings in this case study call for an expansion of the issues that are traditionally considered when the question of rural politics is raised. The often historicist approach that limits the possibilities for politics in rural areas should be suspended for an approach that takes popular politics and political agents in rural areas seriously. The thesis finally argues that the conclusions that are reached with respect to questions of modernity and rural politics ought to be adopted to allow for more detailed and thorough explanations of popular politics in places like Ruiterbos.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2019
South African Trade Union responses to xenophobia in workplaces: the National Union of Mineworkers (NUM) and the National Union of Metalworkers of South Africa (NUMSA)
- Authors: Gongqa, Nombulelo
- Date: 2019
- Subjects: Xenophobia , Xenophobia-- South Africa , National Union of Mineworkers , National Union of Metalworkers of South Africa , Labor unions -- South Africa , Immigrants -- South Africa , Marginality, Social -- South Africa , Social conflict -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Masters , MSocSc
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/115061 , vital:34074
- Description: This research looks at how trade unions relate to immigrants and how inclusive they are to immigrants who form part of the South African working class. South Africa has been an immigrants receiving country for decades, where most immigrants are from neighbouring countries within the South African region. It was the trade unions that empowered workers to gain back some of their basic rights during the apartheid era, and they did this for all workers who worked in sectors where they were exploited and mistreated by the apartheid regime on the basis of their skin colour. This research aims to understand how trade unions respond to xenophobia in the workplace, and the ways their strategies increase inclusion of immigrants in the trade unions. This research focuses on the National Union of Mineworkers (NUM) and the National Union of Metalworkers of South Africa (NUMSA), seeking to find whether they have strategies and planned ways to respond to xenophobia in South African workplaces. This research also looks at the impact of nationalism in South Africa on immigrants. It shows that whilst the concept of nationalism is to protect South Africans, it does exclude immigrants because it places South Africans before immigrants when it comes to benefiting from the resources of the country. This shows that protecting one section of the working class over another weakens the working class movement. To get views from the trade unions, trade union officials were interviewed and from the interviews, common themes were picked out. From the interviews, it can be identified that trade union officials believe that immigrants should be included in the trade unions, and they should be treated with dignity. However, there are some conflicting themes, which highlight the view that South African locals deserve to get the resources of the country, such as housing, before immigrants. The themes will be discussed in the research to highlight the different perspectives that came from the trade union officials.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2019
- Authors: Gongqa, Nombulelo
- Date: 2019
- Subjects: Xenophobia , Xenophobia-- South Africa , National Union of Mineworkers , National Union of Metalworkers of South Africa , Labor unions -- South Africa , Immigrants -- South Africa , Marginality, Social -- South Africa , Social conflict -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Masters , MSocSc
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/115061 , vital:34074
- Description: This research looks at how trade unions relate to immigrants and how inclusive they are to immigrants who form part of the South African working class. South Africa has been an immigrants receiving country for decades, where most immigrants are from neighbouring countries within the South African region. It was the trade unions that empowered workers to gain back some of their basic rights during the apartheid era, and they did this for all workers who worked in sectors where they were exploited and mistreated by the apartheid regime on the basis of their skin colour. This research aims to understand how trade unions respond to xenophobia in the workplace, and the ways their strategies increase inclusion of immigrants in the trade unions. This research focuses on the National Union of Mineworkers (NUM) and the National Union of Metalworkers of South Africa (NUMSA), seeking to find whether they have strategies and planned ways to respond to xenophobia in South African workplaces. This research also looks at the impact of nationalism in South Africa on immigrants. It shows that whilst the concept of nationalism is to protect South Africans, it does exclude immigrants because it places South Africans before immigrants when it comes to benefiting from the resources of the country. This shows that protecting one section of the working class over another weakens the working class movement. To get views from the trade unions, trade union officials were interviewed and from the interviews, common themes were picked out. From the interviews, it can be identified that trade union officials believe that immigrants should be included in the trade unions, and they should be treated with dignity. However, there are some conflicting themes, which highlight the view that South African locals deserve to get the resources of the country, such as housing, before immigrants. The themes will be discussed in the research to highlight the different perspectives that came from the trade union officials.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2019