The negotiation process of the EU-SA Trade, Development and Co-operation Agreement: a case of reference for the south?
- Authors: Pillay, Morgenie
- Date: 2003
- Subjects: South Africa -- Foreign economic relations -- European Union countries , European Union countries -- Foreign economic relations -- South Africa , South Africa -- Commerce -- European Union countries , European Union countries -- Commerce -- South Africa , Free trade -- South Africa , Trade regulation -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2821 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003031 , South Africa -- Foreign economic relations -- European Union countries , European Union countries -- Foreign economic relations -- South Africa , South Africa -- Commerce -- European Union countries , European Union countries -- Commerce -- South Africa , Free trade -- South Africa , Trade regulation -- South Africa
- Description: Overall the conclusions drawn about South Africa’s negotiating style and tactics were arrived at by analysing a number of reports (that closely followed the evolution of the negotiations) and then paralleling this case study’s findings with the conjectures made by the theoretical frameworks (i.e. works by Putnam, Zartmann and Churchmann) about how negotiations proceed. In the final analysis, the findings of this case are intended to provide insight for the south about how to approach any future trade negotiations with the North (or more specifically with the EU).
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2003
- Authors: Pillay, Morgenie
- Date: 2003
- Subjects: South Africa -- Foreign economic relations -- European Union countries , European Union countries -- Foreign economic relations -- South Africa , South Africa -- Commerce -- European Union countries , European Union countries -- Commerce -- South Africa , Free trade -- South Africa , Trade regulation -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2821 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003031 , South Africa -- Foreign economic relations -- European Union countries , European Union countries -- Foreign economic relations -- South Africa , South Africa -- Commerce -- European Union countries , European Union countries -- Commerce -- South Africa , Free trade -- South Africa , Trade regulation -- South Africa
- Description: Overall the conclusions drawn about South Africa’s negotiating style and tactics were arrived at by analysing a number of reports (that closely followed the evolution of the negotiations) and then paralleling this case study’s findings with the conjectures made by the theoretical frameworks (i.e. works by Putnam, Zartmann and Churchmann) about how negotiations proceed. In the final analysis, the findings of this case are intended to provide insight for the south about how to approach any future trade negotiations with the North (or more specifically with the EU).
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2003
The political significance of popular illegalities in post-apartheid South Africa
- McMichael, Christopher Bryden
- Authors: McMichael, Christopher Bryden
- Date: 2008
- Subjects: Illegality -- South Africa -- Case studies Legal services -- South Africa Post-apartheid era -- South Africa South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1994-
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2804 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003014
- Description: This thesis discusses the significance of popular illegalities in contemporary South African service delivery. Illegal access to and non-payment of services have been indentified by the government as a major criminal problem which undermines effective service delivery. By contrast, this thesis argues that popular illegalities are positive phenomenon which provides otherwise unobtainable benefits for the poor and also exposes the ability of communities to self-manage their own service provision. The thesis begins by surveying a variety of literature on this issue using both contemporary and historical literature. I then discuss the scope of popular illegalities in South Africa and the methods government has used to curtail them, with a particular emphasis on how this has been influenced by the adoption of neo-liberal cost recovery initiatives. Using case studies of three communities where illegal access is prevalent, I discuss both the motivations behind and significance of illegal water and electricity connections. In conclusion, I argue that popular illegalities are a significant phenomenon in so far as they suggest new methods of delivering services. The prevalence of these illegalities is also important as it highlights many of the failings of official delivery. The thesis concludes on a hopeful note in arguing that illegalities may be inherently progressive in both benefiting the marginal and leading to the creation of radically autonomous spaces which can be viewed as laboratories of radical social change.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2008
- Authors: McMichael, Christopher Bryden
- Date: 2008
- Subjects: Illegality -- South Africa -- Case studies Legal services -- South Africa Post-apartheid era -- South Africa South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1994-
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2804 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003014
- Description: This thesis discusses the significance of popular illegalities in contemporary South African service delivery. Illegal access to and non-payment of services have been indentified by the government as a major criminal problem which undermines effective service delivery. By contrast, this thesis argues that popular illegalities are positive phenomenon which provides otherwise unobtainable benefits for the poor and also exposes the ability of communities to self-manage their own service provision. The thesis begins by surveying a variety of literature on this issue using both contemporary and historical literature. I then discuss the scope of popular illegalities in South Africa and the methods government has used to curtail them, with a particular emphasis on how this has been influenced by the adoption of neo-liberal cost recovery initiatives. Using case studies of three communities where illegal access is prevalent, I discuss both the motivations behind and significance of illegal water and electricity connections. In conclusion, I argue that popular illegalities are a significant phenomenon in so far as they suggest new methods of delivering services. The prevalence of these illegalities is also important as it highlights many of the failings of official delivery. The thesis concludes on a hopeful note in arguing that illegalities may be inherently progressive in both benefiting the marginal and leading to the creation of radically autonomous spaces which can be viewed as laboratories of radical social change.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2008
The political thought of Thomas Sankara and its contemporary relevance
- Authors: Kabwato, Levison M
- Date: 2020
- Subjects: Sankara, Thomas , Sankara, Thomas -- Influence , Burkina Faso -- Politics and government -- 1960-1987 , Cabral, Amílcar, 1924-1973 , Fanon, Frantz, 1925-1961 , Nkrumah, Kwame, 1909-1972
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/146556 , vital:38536
- Description: On 4 August 1983, a thirty-three year-old army captain seized power in Burkina Faso and embarked on what can be described a revolutionary journey. Over the next four years, until his assassination in 1987 the government, led by Captain Thomas Sankara, attempted to redeem Burkina Faso from the clutches of neo-colonialism. Through popular mobilisation and organisation, infrastructure (schools, hospitals, bridges) was built, millions of children were vaccinated and diseases such as river blindness were eliminated. Women, long-subjugated by patriarchal systems took up space and led their own initiatives in freedom, including holding senior roles in the public service. On the international stage, practical solidarity was extended to countries either fighting or threatened by neo-colonialism despite the fact that Burkina Faso was poor and was itself threatened by France and her lackeys. What Sankara inherited in August 1983, twenty-three years after Burkina Faso’s independence, was a fragile neo-colonial state which was not allowed by dominant imperialist interests to set an example of what true independence means. So, in just four years, it was all over. Sankara was assassinated by his comrades and the revolutionary project he had led came to a halt. The tragedy of Sankara was the tragedy of all those attempts at revolution which occur before mass movements have had the opportunity to develop and organise themselves independently of the state. Despite this, it is apparent today that Sankara has been influential on current political movements and parties in Africa, from Burkina Faso to South Africa. One of these political movements is the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF) in South Africa. This half-thesis is an investigation of Sankara’s political thought. It also examines the extent to which his answers to questions of nationalism and pan-Africanism both matched and differed from his predecessors. To accomplish the latter, a brief but critical analysis of the writings of Amílcar Cabral, Frantz Fanon, Kwame Nkrumah is made.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2020
- Authors: Kabwato, Levison M
- Date: 2020
- Subjects: Sankara, Thomas , Sankara, Thomas -- Influence , Burkina Faso -- Politics and government -- 1960-1987 , Cabral, Amílcar, 1924-1973 , Fanon, Frantz, 1925-1961 , Nkrumah, Kwame, 1909-1972
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/146556 , vital:38536
- Description: On 4 August 1983, a thirty-three year-old army captain seized power in Burkina Faso and embarked on what can be described a revolutionary journey. Over the next four years, until his assassination in 1987 the government, led by Captain Thomas Sankara, attempted to redeem Burkina Faso from the clutches of neo-colonialism. Through popular mobilisation and organisation, infrastructure (schools, hospitals, bridges) was built, millions of children were vaccinated and diseases such as river blindness were eliminated. Women, long-subjugated by patriarchal systems took up space and led their own initiatives in freedom, including holding senior roles in the public service. On the international stage, practical solidarity was extended to countries either fighting or threatened by neo-colonialism despite the fact that Burkina Faso was poor and was itself threatened by France and her lackeys. What Sankara inherited in August 1983, twenty-three years after Burkina Faso’s independence, was a fragile neo-colonial state which was not allowed by dominant imperialist interests to set an example of what true independence means. So, in just four years, it was all over. Sankara was assassinated by his comrades and the revolutionary project he had led came to a halt. The tragedy of Sankara was the tragedy of all those attempts at revolution which occur before mass movements have had the opportunity to develop and organise themselves independently of the state. Despite this, it is apparent today that Sankara has been influential on current political movements and parties in Africa, from Burkina Faso to South Africa. One of these political movements is the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF) in South Africa. This half-thesis is an investigation of Sankara’s political thought. It also examines the extent to which his answers to questions of nationalism and pan-Africanism both matched and differed from his predecessors. To accomplish the latter, a brief but critical analysis of the writings of Amílcar Cabral, Frantz Fanon, Kwame Nkrumah is made.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2020
The politics in and around governance in the New Partnership for Africa's Development
- Authors: Roussel, Jean Thierry Kevin
- Date: 2006
- Subjects: New Partnership for Africa's Development , Sustainable development -- Africa , Economic development -- Africa , Africa -- Foreign economic relations , Africa -- Economic conditions , Africa -- Politics and government
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2827 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003037 , New Partnership for Africa's Development , Sustainable development -- Africa , Economic development -- Africa , Africa -- Foreign economic relations , Africa -- Economic conditions , Africa -- Politics and government
- Description: This study examines the prominence of the term governance and its use in multilateral organisations, in particular the New Partnership for African Development. It argues that the term governance is contentious and needs to be reviewed. This is in light of the elevation of governance as a requisite for development, which has come about through the development of NEPAD. This is primarily a study on the position of the state in multilateral regimes and how governance will affect the state and non-state actors. The politics in and around governance are therefore important in any assessment of African development as governance becomes a developmental necessity. The African Rennaisance and African Union have become ‘beacons of hope’ for Africa and these have been discussed here. We can see NEPAD as a historical development that fits into the African Renaissance. This has been a mechanism to ensure state survival and the states that drive NEPAD have played a significant role in providing legitimacy to Africa’s calls for development. This thesis attempts to explain the shift in developmental policy in that NEPAD has seemingly become the first African development strategy that has the support of the West. Through this thesis, we will examine the role that the Post Washington consensus has played in getting this phase of African development started. What becomes significant here is the way in which governance has been accepted as the gauge for support in development. This study therefore aims to offer a means by which to analyse governance in multilateral organisations. As the term is contentious, three paradigms on governance will be provided in order to refine governance in such a way that it can be applied in analysis. This thesis shows that governance can be refined into corporatist, prebendal and conciliar forms. The form of governance that NEPAD will take has implications for the type of reconfiguration of the state brought about by governance.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2006
- Authors: Roussel, Jean Thierry Kevin
- Date: 2006
- Subjects: New Partnership for Africa's Development , Sustainable development -- Africa , Economic development -- Africa , Africa -- Foreign economic relations , Africa -- Economic conditions , Africa -- Politics and government
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2827 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003037 , New Partnership for Africa's Development , Sustainable development -- Africa , Economic development -- Africa , Africa -- Foreign economic relations , Africa -- Economic conditions , Africa -- Politics and government
- Description: This study examines the prominence of the term governance and its use in multilateral organisations, in particular the New Partnership for African Development. It argues that the term governance is contentious and needs to be reviewed. This is in light of the elevation of governance as a requisite for development, which has come about through the development of NEPAD. This is primarily a study on the position of the state in multilateral regimes and how governance will affect the state and non-state actors. The politics in and around governance are therefore important in any assessment of African development as governance becomes a developmental necessity. The African Rennaisance and African Union have become ‘beacons of hope’ for Africa and these have been discussed here. We can see NEPAD as a historical development that fits into the African Renaissance. This has been a mechanism to ensure state survival and the states that drive NEPAD have played a significant role in providing legitimacy to Africa’s calls for development. This thesis attempts to explain the shift in developmental policy in that NEPAD has seemingly become the first African development strategy that has the support of the West. Through this thesis, we will examine the role that the Post Washington consensus has played in getting this phase of African development started. What becomes significant here is the way in which governance has been accepted as the gauge for support in development. This study therefore aims to offer a means by which to analyse governance in multilateral organisations. As the term is contentious, three paradigms on governance will be provided in order to refine governance in such a way that it can be applied in analysis. This thesis shows that governance can be refined into corporatist, prebendal and conciliar forms. The form of governance that NEPAD will take has implications for the type of reconfiguration of the state brought about by governance.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2006
The politics of humanitarian organizations neutrality and solidarity: the case of the ICRC and MSF during the 1994 Rwandan genocide
- Authors: Delvaux, Denise
- Date: 2005
- Subjects: International Committee of the Red Cross -- History , Médecins sans frontières (Association) , Humanitarian intervention , Neutrality -- Rwanda , Solidarity -- Rwanda , Genocide -- Rwanda -- History -- 20th century , Genocide -- Rwanda , Rwanda -- History -- Civil War, 1994 , Rwanda -- Politics and government
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2769 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002979 , International Committee of the Red Cross -- History , Médecins sans frontières (Association) , Humanitarian intervention , Neutrality -- Rwanda , Solidarity -- Rwanda , Genocide -- Rwanda -- History -- 20th century , Genocide -- Rwanda , Rwanda -- History -- Civil War, 1994 , Rwanda -- Politics and government
- Description: With the seemingly infinite existence of complex emergencies and the overwhelming presence of humanitarian organizations responding to such crises, it is essential that the assumptions, precepts, and actions of humanitarian organizations be critically examined and understood. The aim of this thesis is to explore differing traditions within humanitarian thought: neutrality and solidarity. In the process, this thesis will determine whether it is possible to maintain clear ideologies in the context of a complex emergency and whether the existence of different humanitarian ideologies results in a dichotomy or polarization of humanitarian action. This study is of great import as it delves into the contemporary literature claiming that humanitarianism is currently in a state of crisis – the unsustainability of competing humanitarian ideologies operating together in a complex emergency. Primary documents from both the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) and Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) regarding their operations in the 1994 Rwandan complex emergency were examined in order to provide a foundation for the theoretical investigation. Although the ICRC and MSF occupy seemingly polarized positions in the neutrality – solidarity debate, the investigation into their humanitarian activities during the 1994 genocide and the resulting refugee crisis reflected the difficulties of providing relief based upon humanitarian ideals. Due to the complex realities of the 1994 Rwandan crisis, the ideological notions dividing the ICRC and MSF were overshadowed by the simple humanitarian desire to aid those in need.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2005
- Authors: Delvaux, Denise
- Date: 2005
- Subjects: International Committee of the Red Cross -- History , Médecins sans frontières (Association) , Humanitarian intervention , Neutrality -- Rwanda , Solidarity -- Rwanda , Genocide -- Rwanda -- History -- 20th century , Genocide -- Rwanda , Rwanda -- History -- Civil War, 1994 , Rwanda -- Politics and government
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2769 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002979 , International Committee of the Red Cross -- History , Médecins sans frontières (Association) , Humanitarian intervention , Neutrality -- Rwanda , Solidarity -- Rwanda , Genocide -- Rwanda -- History -- 20th century , Genocide -- Rwanda , Rwanda -- History -- Civil War, 1994 , Rwanda -- Politics and government
- Description: With the seemingly infinite existence of complex emergencies and the overwhelming presence of humanitarian organizations responding to such crises, it is essential that the assumptions, precepts, and actions of humanitarian organizations be critically examined and understood. The aim of this thesis is to explore differing traditions within humanitarian thought: neutrality and solidarity. In the process, this thesis will determine whether it is possible to maintain clear ideologies in the context of a complex emergency and whether the existence of different humanitarian ideologies results in a dichotomy or polarization of humanitarian action. This study is of great import as it delves into the contemporary literature claiming that humanitarianism is currently in a state of crisis – the unsustainability of competing humanitarian ideologies operating together in a complex emergency. Primary documents from both the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) and Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) regarding their operations in the 1994 Rwandan complex emergency were examined in order to provide a foundation for the theoretical investigation. Although the ICRC and MSF occupy seemingly polarized positions in the neutrality – solidarity debate, the investigation into their humanitarian activities during the 1994 genocide and the resulting refugee crisis reflected the difficulties of providing relief based upon humanitarian ideals. Due to the complex realities of the 1994 Rwandan crisis, the ideological notions dividing the ICRC and MSF were overshadowed by the simple humanitarian desire to aid those in need.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2005
The politics of planning in Eastern Cape local government: a case study of Ngqushwa and Buffalo City, 1998-2004
- Authors: Hollands, Glenn Delroy
- Date: 2007
- Subjects: Buffalo City (South Africa) Local government -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape -- Case studies Municipal government -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape -- Case studies Political planning -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape Eastern Cape (South Africa) -- History -- 20th century Eastern Cape (South Africa) -- History -- 21st century
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2875 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1008199
- Description: This thesis examines the political implications of the integrated development planning process embarked upon by South African municipalities in the period 1998-2004. Through the use of case study methodology that focuses on the Eastern Cape municipalities of Buffalo City and Ngqushwa, the conventions of municipal planning are examined. This inquiry into municipal planning draws upon official government documents and reports and publications from the nongovernment sector. The thesis is particularly focused on the claims made in policy documents and related secondary sources and compares these to more critical reports and publication as well as the author's personal experience of the integrated development planning process. Of key interest is the possibility that planning serves political interests and the material needs of an emerging municipal elite and that this is seldom acknowledged in official planning documentation or government sanctioned publications on the topic. The primary findings of the thesis are as follows: • That the 'reason' of expert policy formulations that accompanied integrated development planning has weakened political economy as a prism of understanding and separated itself from the institutional reality of municipal government • That the dominant critique of planning and other post-apartheid municipal policy is concerned with the triumph of neoliberalism but this critique, while valid, does not fully explain successive policy failures especially in the setting of Eastern Cape local government • That function of policy and its relationship to both the state and civil society is usually understood only in the most obvious sense and not as an instrument for wielding political power • That planning still derives much of its influence from its claim to technical rationality and that this underpinned the 'authority' of the integrated development planning project in South Africa and reinforced its power to make communities governable.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2007
- Authors: Hollands, Glenn Delroy
- Date: 2007
- Subjects: Buffalo City (South Africa) Local government -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape -- Case studies Municipal government -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape -- Case studies Political planning -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape Eastern Cape (South Africa) -- History -- 20th century Eastern Cape (South Africa) -- History -- 21st century
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2875 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1008199
- Description: This thesis examines the political implications of the integrated development planning process embarked upon by South African municipalities in the period 1998-2004. Through the use of case study methodology that focuses on the Eastern Cape municipalities of Buffalo City and Ngqushwa, the conventions of municipal planning are examined. This inquiry into municipal planning draws upon official government documents and reports and publications from the nongovernment sector. The thesis is particularly focused on the claims made in policy documents and related secondary sources and compares these to more critical reports and publication as well as the author's personal experience of the integrated development planning process. Of key interest is the possibility that planning serves political interests and the material needs of an emerging municipal elite and that this is seldom acknowledged in official planning documentation or government sanctioned publications on the topic. The primary findings of the thesis are as follows: • That the 'reason' of expert policy formulations that accompanied integrated development planning has weakened political economy as a prism of understanding and separated itself from the institutional reality of municipal government • That the dominant critique of planning and other post-apartheid municipal policy is concerned with the triumph of neoliberalism but this critique, while valid, does not fully explain successive policy failures especially in the setting of Eastern Cape local government • That function of policy and its relationship to both the state and civil society is usually understood only in the most obvious sense and not as an instrument for wielding political power • That planning still derives much of its influence from its claim to technical rationality and that this underpinned the 'authority' of the integrated development planning project in South Africa and reinforced its power to make communities governable.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2007
The politics of transformation in South Africa: an evaluation of education policies and their implementation with particular reference to the Eastern Cape Province
- Authors: Rembe, Symphorosa Wilibald
- Date: 2006
- Subjects: Educational change -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape Education -- Political aspects -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape Education and state -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape Post-apartheid era -- South Africa South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1994-
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: vital:2826 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003036
- Description: The post-apartheid government of South Africa has committed itself to achieving fundamental transformation of the education system. The government has adopted policies and measures that aimed to bring about the goals of equity and redress, and to enhance democracy and participation of all groups in development and decision making processes at all levels. It is acknowledged that the democratic government has accomplished a lot in education within this short period and has made numerous strides in enhancing equity, redress and social justice; providing high quality education for all the people of South Africa; bringing about democratisation and development; and enhancing effectiveness and efficiency. However, despite these apparent achievements, this study shows that there have been a number of setbacks and contradictions in the policies which have affected the process of bringing about fundamental changes and transformation in the education sector. The setbacks and contradictions resulted from factors which have affected the type of policies developed to transform the education sector. They also affected the formulation and implementation of the policies, thereby limiting the achievements of the goals of transformation agenda in education. Hence, this study examined the politics of transformation and change in the education sector by examining the type of policies that have been put in place; their formulation, implementation and outcome. The main research questions are: • What kind or type of policies have been put in place to transform the education sector? • How and by whom were the policies formulated? • How are these policies being implemented and what have been the outcomes of the process? Transformation and in particular the policy process is beset with continuous debate, contestation and struggle for the success of ideas and interests which are pursued by individual actors, groups and policy networks through the institutions. During these different stages policies are modified, constituted and reconstituted. As a result, they give rise to intended and unintended outcomes which are likely to support or contradict the objectives of those policies. Hence, the process cannot be explained using only one approach or theory. Therefore, this study has been situated in ideas, group and network and institutional approaches or theories to examine the factors that have affected education policies, their formulation and implementation and the overall transformation of education in South Africa. It contends that policy change and variation result from interaction of ideas and interests within patterns of group and policy networks and preset institutions. The study adopts qualitative interpretive methodology in order to question, understand and explain institutions; interests groups and ideas; socio economic and power relations involved in the process. It also appraises the framework for action. In addition to conducting literature review, unstructured interviews were held with officials from provincial and national Departments of Education, members of national and provincial legislatures, principals, teachers, members of school governing bodies, learners, Non-governmental organisations, Community based organisations, Faith based organisations, teachers’ and workers’ unions. Observations were made during meetings of school governing bodies. The study draws reference from the Eastern Cape Province between 1994 and 2002 and looks at the school level (Basic and Further Education levels). Reference is also made to selective policy instruments namely, the South African Schools Act (SASA) (1996), Curriculum 2005 and Norms and Standards for School Funding (1999). Overall, the findings of the study have shown that various factors have led to setbacks and contradictions in the policies that were adopted in education. They have also affected the formulation and implementation of the policies, hence exerting certain limitations on the achievements of the goals of transformation in education. The factors identified in the findings are the outcome of the negotiated settlement and subsequent changes made by the apartheid government in education before the 1994 elections; constraints and unequal participation of different groups in education policy development in various established structures and avenues; drawbacks in the implementation of education policies by decentralised structures and agents at various levels. This was exacerbated by lack of capacity, lack of adequate resources, lack of commitment and will among some of the civil servants coupled with corruption and mismanagement. The legacy of apartheid and the homeland governments, together with existing backlogs added another layer. Consequently, there were challenges in the economic policy which led to inadequate funding for education. The findings of this study show that competing ideas and interests advanced by groups and networks have impact on decision making, policy content and implementation. Therefore, some policies will reflect and maintain the interests of those individual actors, groups and policy networks that exerted most influence. The findings also reveal that institutional norms and rules, inadequate resources, lack of capacity and skilled human resources and economic environment, constrain decision making, policy content and implementation.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2006
- Authors: Rembe, Symphorosa Wilibald
- Date: 2006
- Subjects: Educational change -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape Education -- Political aspects -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape Education and state -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape Post-apartheid era -- South Africa South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1994-
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: vital:2826 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003036
- Description: The post-apartheid government of South Africa has committed itself to achieving fundamental transformation of the education system. The government has adopted policies and measures that aimed to bring about the goals of equity and redress, and to enhance democracy and participation of all groups in development and decision making processes at all levels. It is acknowledged that the democratic government has accomplished a lot in education within this short period and has made numerous strides in enhancing equity, redress and social justice; providing high quality education for all the people of South Africa; bringing about democratisation and development; and enhancing effectiveness and efficiency. However, despite these apparent achievements, this study shows that there have been a number of setbacks and contradictions in the policies which have affected the process of bringing about fundamental changes and transformation in the education sector. The setbacks and contradictions resulted from factors which have affected the type of policies developed to transform the education sector. They also affected the formulation and implementation of the policies, thereby limiting the achievements of the goals of transformation agenda in education. Hence, this study examined the politics of transformation and change in the education sector by examining the type of policies that have been put in place; their formulation, implementation and outcome. The main research questions are: • What kind or type of policies have been put in place to transform the education sector? • How and by whom were the policies formulated? • How are these policies being implemented and what have been the outcomes of the process? Transformation and in particular the policy process is beset with continuous debate, contestation and struggle for the success of ideas and interests which are pursued by individual actors, groups and policy networks through the institutions. During these different stages policies are modified, constituted and reconstituted. As a result, they give rise to intended and unintended outcomes which are likely to support or contradict the objectives of those policies. Hence, the process cannot be explained using only one approach or theory. Therefore, this study has been situated in ideas, group and network and institutional approaches or theories to examine the factors that have affected education policies, their formulation and implementation and the overall transformation of education in South Africa. It contends that policy change and variation result from interaction of ideas and interests within patterns of group and policy networks and preset institutions. The study adopts qualitative interpretive methodology in order to question, understand and explain institutions; interests groups and ideas; socio economic and power relations involved in the process. It also appraises the framework for action. In addition to conducting literature review, unstructured interviews were held with officials from provincial and national Departments of Education, members of national and provincial legislatures, principals, teachers, members of school governing bodies, learners, Non-governmental organisations, Community based organisations, Faith based organisations, teachers’ and workers’ unions. Observations were made during meetings of school governing bodies. The study draws reference from the Eastern Cape Province between 1994 and 2002 and looks at the school level (Basic and Further Education levels). Reference is also made to selective policy instruments namely, the South African Schools Act (SASA) (1996), Curriculum 2005 and Norms and Standards for School Funding (1999). Overall, the findings of the study have shown that various factors have led to setbacks and contradictions in the policies that were adopted in education. They have also affected the formulation and implementation of the policies, hence exerting certain limitations on the achievements of the goals of transformation in education. The factors identified in the findings are the outcome of the negotiated settlement and subsequent changes made by the apartheid government in education before the 1994 elections; constraints and unequal participation of different groups in education policy development in various established structures and avenues; drawbacks in the implementation of education policies by decentralised structures and agents at various levels. This was exacerbated by lack of capacity, lack of adequate resources, lack of commitment and will among some of the civil servants coupled with corruption and mismanagement. The legacy of apartheid and the homeland governments, together with existing backlogs added another layer. Consequently, there were challenges in the economic policy which led to inadequate funding for education. The findings of this study show that competing ideas and interests advanced by groups and networks have impact on decision making, policy content and implementation. Therefore, some policies will reflect and maintain the interests of those individual actors, groups and policy networks that exerted most influence. The findings also reveal that institutional norms and rules, inadequate resources, lack of capacity and skilled human resources and economic environment, constrain decision making, policy content and implementation.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2006
The power of hegemonic theory in Southern Africa: why Lesotho cannot develop an independent foreign policy
- Authors: Mahao, Lehloenya
- Date: 2006
- Subjects: Hegemony -- South Africa , Lesotho -- Politics and government , Lesotho -- Foreign relations -- South Africa , South Africa -- Foreign relations -- Lesotho
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2799 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003009 , Hegemony -- South Africa , Lesotho -- Politics and government , Lesotho -- Foreign relations -- South Africa , South Africa -- Foreign relations -- Lesotho
- Description: This thesis critiques hegemonic theory – especially the impact of a hegemonic state on the ability of small states to develop an independent foreign policy. The research uses Lesotho as a case study of a subordinate state in relation to the Republic of South Africa (RSA) as a hegemonic state. It draws on the history of Lesotho’s quest for sovereignty and argues that this sovereignty is constantly eroded to the advantage of its hegemonic neighbour. This constrains Lesotho’s ability to develop an independent foreign policy.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2006
- Authors: Mahao, Lehloenya
- Date: 2006
- Subjects: Hegemony -- South Africa , Lesotho -- Politics and government , Lesotho -- Foreign relations -- South Africa , South Africa -- Foreign relations -- Lesotho
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2799 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003009 , Hegemony -- South Africa , Lesotho -- Politics and government , Lesotho -- Foreign relations -- South Africa , South Africa -- Foreign relations -- Lesotho
- Description: This thesis critiques hegemonic theory – especially the impact of a hegemonic state on the ability of small states to develop an independent foreign policy. The research uses Lesotho as a case study of a subordinate state in relation to the Republic of South Africa (RSA) as a hegemonic state. It draws on the history of Lesotho’s quest for sovereignty and argues that this sovereignty is constantly eroded to the advantage of its hegemonic neighbour. This constrains Lesotho’s ability to develop an independent foreign policy.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2006
The protection of indigenous knowledge within the current intellectual property rights regime: a critical assessment focusing upon the Masakhane Pelargonium case
- Authors: Msomi, Zuziwe Nokwanda
- Date: 2013
- Subjects: Intellectual property -- South Africa -- Case studies Cultural property -- Protection -- Law and legislation -- South Africa Indigenous peoples -- Legal status, laws, etc. -- South Africa Masakhane (South Africa) -- Trials, litigation, etc. Pelargoniums -- Therapeutic use Traditional ecological knowledge -- Law and legislation -- South Africa Pharmaceutical industry -- Law and legislation -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2871 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1007744
- Description: The use of indigenous knowledge (IK) and indigenous bio-resources by pharmaceutical and herbal industries has led to concerns about the need to protect IK in order to prevent biopiracy and the misappropriation of indigenous knowledge and resources. While some commentators believe that intellectual property rights (IPR) law can effectively protect IK, others are more sceptical. In order to contribute to the growing debate on this issue, this study uses the relatively new and as yet largely critically unanalysed Masakhane Pelargonium case to address the question of whether or not IPR law can be used to effectively protect IK. It is argued here that discussion about the protection of IK is a matter that must be located within broader discussions about North-South relations and the continued struggle for economic and political freedom by indigenous people and their states. The Masakhane case suggests that IPR law in its current form cannot provide sufficient protection of IK on its own. Incompatibilities between IPR law and IK necessitate that certain factors, most important of which are land, organised representation, and what are referred as 'confidence and network resources', be present in order for IPR law to be used with any degree of success. The study also reveals various factors that undermine the possibility of using IPR law to protect IK. In particular, the study highlights the way in which local political tensions can undermine the ability of communities to effectively use IPR law to protect their knowledge. The thesis concludes with several recommendations that will enable indigenous communities and their states to benefit more substantially from the commercialisation of their bio-resources and associated IK.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2013
- Authors: Msomi, Zuziwe Nokwanda
- Date: 2013
- Subjects: Intellectual property -- South Africa -- Case studies Cultural property -- Protection -- Law and legislation -- South Africa Indigenous peoples -- Legal status, laws, etc. -- South Africa Masakhane (South Africa) -- Trials, litigation, etc. Pelargoniums -- Therapeutic use Traditional ecological knowledge -- Law and legislation -- South Africa Pharmaceutical industry -- Law and legislation -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2871 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1007744
- Description: The use of indigenous knowledge (IK) and indigenous bio-resources by pharmaceutical and herbal industries has led to concerns about the need to protect IK in order to prevent biopiracy and the misappropriation of indigenous knowledge and resources. While some commentators believe that intellectual property rights (IPR) law can effectively protect IK, others are more sceptical. In order to contribute to the growing debate on this issue, this study uses the relatively new and as yet largely critically unanalysed Masakhane Pelargonium case to address the question of whether or not IPR law can be used to effectively protect IK. It is argued here that discussion about the protection of IK is a matter that must be located within broader discussions about North-South relations and the continued struggle for economic and political freedom by indigenous people and their states. The Masakhane case suggests that IPR law in its current form cannot provide sufficient protection of IK on its own. Incompatibilities between IPR law and IK necessitate that certain factors, most important of which are land, organised representation, and what are referred as 'confidence and network resources', be present in order for IPR law to be used with any degree of success. The study also reveals various factors that undermine the possibility of using IPR law to protect IK. In particular, the study highlights the way in which local political tensions can undermine the ability of communities to effectively use IPR law to protect their knowledge. The thesis concludes with several recommendations that will enable indigenous communities and their states to benefit more substantially from the commercialisation of their bio-resources and associated IK.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2013
The puzzle of domination in society : seeking solutions in the African context
- Authors: Madonko, Thokozile
- Date: 2006
- Subjects: Rosen, Michael. On voluntary servitude , Fanon, Frantz, 1925-1961 , Fanon, Frantz, 1925-1961 -- Political and social views , Biko, Steve, 1946-1977 , Ideology , Black people -- Race identity , Ideology -- Psychological aspects , Ideology -- Sociological aspects , Power (Social sciences) , Consciousness , Racism
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2855 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1007260 , Rosen, Michael. On voluntary servitude , Fanon, Frantz, 1925-1961 , Fanon, Frantz, 1925-1961 -- Political and social views , Biko, Steve, 1946-1977 , Ideology , Black people -- Race identity , Ideology -- Psychological aspects , Ideology -- Sociological aspects , Power (Social sciences) , Consciousness , Racism
- Description: The presence of human destitution, impoverishment and degradation in the midst of plenty has puzzled social thinkers for millennia. One of the oldest and grandest of theories: the theory of ideology attempts to provide an answer to the puzzle of domination in society. Michael Rosen, in his book On Voluntary Servitude (1996), argues that the solution provided by the theory of ideology is problematic. Furthermore, on the basis of his critique, Rosen argues that we should abandon the theory of ideology and consider alternatives to it. Even though many contemporary academics have turned away from the theory of ideology, because they view it as an imprisoning meta-theory, this study explores the possibility of there being a meta-theory that could help us to make sense of the world. Through an examination of Rosen's critique this thesis shows that Rosen is too quick in his dismissal of the theory of ideology because he fails to consider that a revised functionalist theory of ideology can be expanded to account for the mechanism(s) that ensure that, over time, the society in question acquires ideological consciousness to further its welfare. This thesis shows that Rosen is correct in his criticism of the theory of ideology's explanation of domination because the content, history and social effects of ideological consciousness cannot be fully explained in terms of their role in promoting or stabilising relations of domination. In light of Rosen's criticism the thesis shows that if one provides both an explanation of the psychological motivations of individuals and of the nature of the oppressive society in which they find themselves then what I call an integrated theory of ideology can be developed. In order to illustrate the importance of an integrated theory of ideology the study moves away from high-level theoretical abstraction to concrete social analyses, focusing on the work of Frantz Fanon and Steve Biko and their explanations of domination. The reason this study focuses on their work is because in their role as social scientists, Fanon and Biko provided a powerful critique of colonial, post-colonial and neo-colonial society. It will be argued that Fanon and Biko were able to provide a lasting critique of colonial reality because they offered their critique within the framework of such an integrated theory. Consequently, this study argues that, as Fanon and Biko's work illustrate, an integrated theory of ideology qua critical theory ought not to be abandoned because it is crucial for understanding and resisting forms of oppression that exist in the world today.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2006
- Authors: Madonko, Thokozile
- Date: 2006
- Subjects: Rosen, Michael. On voluntary servitude , Fanon, Frantz, 1925-1961 , Fanon, Frantz, 1925-1961 -- Political and social views , Biko, Steve, 1946-1977 , Ideology , Black people -- Race identity , Ideology -- Psychological aspects , Ideology -- Sociological aspects , Power (Social sciences) , Consciousness , Racism
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2855 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1007260 , Rosen, Michael. On voluntary servitude , Fanon, Frantz, 1925-1961 , Fanon, Frantz, 1925-1961 -- Political and social views , Biko, Steve, 1946-1977 , Ideology , Black people -- Race identity , Ideology -- Psychological aspects , Ideology -- Sociological aspects , Power (Social sciences) , Consciousness , Racism
- Description: The presence of human destitution, impoverishment and degradation in the midst of plenty has puzzled social thinkers for millennia. One of the oldest and grandest of theories: the theory of ideology attempts to provide an answer to the puzzle of domination in society. Michael Rosen, in his book On Voluntary Servitude (1996), argues that the solution provided by the theory of ideology is problematic. Furthermore, on the basis of his critique, Rosen argues that we should abandon the theory of ideology and consider alternatives to it. Even though many contemporary academics have turned away from the theory of ideology, because they view it as an imprisoning meta-theory, this study explores the possibility of there being a meta-theory that could help us to make sense of the world. Through an examination of Rosen's critique this thesis shows that Rosen is too quick in his dismissal of the theory of ideology because he fails to consider that a revised functionalist theory of ideology can be expanded to account for the mechanism(s) that ensure that, over time, the society in question acquires ideological consciousness to further its welfare. This thesis shows that Rosen is correct in his criticism of the theory of ideology's explanation of domination because the content, history and social effects of ideological consciousness cannot be fully explained in terms of their role in promoting or stabilising relations of domination. In light of Rosen's criticism the thesis shows that if one provides both an explanation of the psychological motivations of individuals and of the nature of the oppressive society in which they find themselves then what I call an integrated theory of ideology can be developed. In order to illustrate the importance of an integrated theory of ideology the study moves away from high-level theoretical abstraction to concrete social analyses, focusing on the work of Frantz Fanon and Steve Biko and their explanations of domination. The reason this study focuses on their work is because in their role as social scientists, Fanon and Biko provided a powerful critique of colonial, post-colonial and neo-colonial society. It will be argued that Fanon and Biko were able to provide a lasting critique of colonial reality because they offered their critique within the framework of such an integrated theory. Consequently, this study argues that, as Fanon and Biko's work illustrate, an integrated theory of ideology qua critical theory ought not to be abandoned because it is crucial for understanding and resisting forms of oppression that exist in the world today.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2006
The reform of world order?: BRICS in an Interpolar world
- Authors: Phyllis, Yvonne
- Date: 2015
- Subjects: Uncatalogued
- Language: English
- Type: Master's theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/193520 , vital:45339
- Description: International relations has recently seen new developments which are unpredictable and in their infant stage. The causes of these developments are plentiful, the consequences stemming from waning unipolarity to the emergence of new fora creating their own spaces. Whatever the case, international relations is not as it was in the period just after the Cold War. As a result, the terms of global governance established after 1990 have come under serious scrutiny. This transition has the makings of a new world order, an interpolar world order. This study asserts that we no longer live in a unipolar world, nor do we live in a world which can only be described as multipolar. It makes the argument that although multipolarity is a crucial element of the world, it only offers a partial description of today’s order. The study asserts that it is interpolarity which is closest in accounting for today’s world. Not only does it describe the world as multipolar, it also describes it as interdependent. To this end, the study provides a detailed account of what is meant by an interpolar world order and how differently it explains international events. It also provides an account of factors which can develop in an interpolar world. One of these includes allowing room for emerging powers to create their own spaces in efforts of avoiding co-option while continuing to realise the importance of operating within a context of continuity. This means that emerging countries create their own spaces but they also realise the importance of working with already established regimes such as the G20. BRICS (Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa) is used as a case study to indicate one of the new developments afforded by an interpolar order-the emergence of new fora. The study asserts that although BRICS is rife with internal dissimilarities, it has indicated some degree of political will in one aspect; that is; advocating for the reform of the terms of global governance, advocating for more representative forms of global governance. The study thus explores factors of a world whose contours are gradually changing but which are unpredictable and in flux. , Thesis (MA) -- Faculty of Humanities, Political and International Studies, 2015
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2015
- Authors: Phyllis, Yvonne
- Date: 2015
- Subjects: Uncatalogued
- Language: English
- Type: Master's theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/193520 , vital:45339
- Description: International relations has recently seen new developments which are unpredictable and in their infant stage. The causes of these developments are plentiful, the consequences stemming from waning unipolarity to the emergence of new fora creating their own spaces. Whatever the case, international relations is not as it was in the period just after the Cold War. As a result, the terms of global governance established after 1990 have come under serious scrutiny. This transition has the makings of a new world order, an interpolar world order. This study asserts that we no longer live in a unipolar world, nor do we live in a world which can only be described as multipolar. It makes the argument that although multipolarity is a crucial element of the world, it only offers a partial description of today’s order. The study asserts that it is interpolarity which is closest in accounting for today’s world. Not only does it describe the world as multipolar, it also describes it as interdependent. To this end, the study provides a detailed account of what is meant by an interpolar world order and how differently it explains international events. It also provides an account of factors which can develop in an interpolar world. One of these includes allowing room for emerging powers to create their own spaces in efforts of avoiding co-option while continuing to realise the importance of operating within a context of continuity. This means that emerging countries create their own spaces but they also realise the importance of working with already established regimes such as the G20. BRICS (Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa) is used as a case study to indicate one of the new developments afforded by an interpolar order-the emergence of new fora. The study asserts that although BRICS is rife with internal dissimilarities, it has indicated some degree of political will in one aspect; that is; advocating for the reform of the terms of global governance, advocating for more representative forms of global governance. The study thus explores factors of a world whose contours are gradually changing but which are unpredictable and in flux. , Thesis (MA) -- Faculty of Humanities, Political and International Studies, 2015
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2015
The roots run deep?: Understanding branch politics within the African National Congress
- Authors: Mkhutle, Nhlanhla Handsome
- Date: 2021-10-29
- Subjects: African National Congress , Manipulative behavior Political aspects South Africa , Cartels South Africa , Power (Social sciences) South Africa , Patronage, Political South Africa , Political party organization South Africa , Branch politics
- Language: English
- Type: Master's theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/190261 , vital:44978
- Description: This thesis explores the functioning of branch politics within the African National Congress (ANC) and the influence of branch politics on the organization and its structures. The ANC has many of the characteristics of a mass party. In mass parties, mass participation is supposed to be promoted through the activities of party branches. This thesis documents the weakening of the ANC’s local level structures and their political control over the organization’s decisions. ANC branches are investigated as democratic vanguards of ANC’s mass party persona, in relation to their functioning as the most basic units of the organization. The thesis reflects on branch members’ experiences in different ANC branches to understand the interplay between branch politics, political power, and patronage politics within the ANC. This research project also explores the possibility of manipulation of ANC branches by senior leaders and would-be-leaders of the ANC. The thesis then concludes by summarising the state of branch politics within the ANC and giving recommendations on further study with regards to branch politics of the ANC. , Thesis (MA) -- Faculty of Humanities, Political and International Studies, 2021
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2021-10-29
- Authors: Mkhutle, Nhlanhla Handsome
- Date: 2021-10-29
- Subjects: African National Congress , Manipulative behavior Political aspects South Africa , Cartels South Africa , Power (Social sciences) South Africa , Patronage, Political South Africa , Political party organization South Africa , Branch politics
- Language: English
- Type: Master's theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/190261 , vital:44978
- Description: This thesis explores the functioning of branch politics within the African National Congress (ANC) and the influence of branch politics on the organization and its structures. The ANC has many of the characteristics of a mass party. In mass parties, mass participation is supposed to be promoted through the activities of party branches. This thesis documents the weakening of the ANC’s local level structures and their political control over the organization’s decisions. ANC branches are investigated as democratic vanguards of ANC’s mass party persona, in relation to their functioning as the most basic units of the organization. The thesis reflects on branch members’ experiences in different ANC branches to understand the interplay between branch politics, political power, and patronage politics within the ANC. This research project also explores the possibility of manipulation of ANC branches by senior leaders and would-be-leaders of the ANC. The thesis then concludes by summarising the state of branch politics within the ANC and giving recommendations on further study with regards to branch politics of the ANC. , Thesis (MA) -- Faculty of Humanities, Political and International Studies, 2021
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2021-10-29
The silencing of race at Rhodes: ritual and anti-politics on a post-apartheid campus
- Authors: Goga, Safiyya
- Date: 2009
- Subjects: Democracy -- South Africa Racism -- South Africa Post-apartheid era -- South Africa College students -- South Africa -- Political activity South Africa -- Politics and government -- 20th century
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2778 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002988
- Description: Almost fifteen years after democracy, issues of 'race' still hold daily South African life firmly in its grip. Following calls from foremost South African theorists on 'race', such as Sarah Nuttall, this thesis moves beyond a study of crude 'racism', to the more complex consideration of 'race' as an embedded ideological social formation within the spatial context of Rhodes University. Using analytical concepts such as 'silencing' and 'ritual' the thesis weaves an understanding (1) of how particular powerful representations of institutional history are produced and made dominant, and (2) how seemingly innocuous performances of institutional identity are key to reproducing 'racial' dominance within Rhodes' student life. This ultimately manifests in the production of a deeply 'racialized' commonsensical understanding of the 'most' legitimate and authentic representation and ownership of institutional space. The thesis delves into dominant representations of Rhodes University'S history, considering how these help produce and reproduce 'racial' dominance through, for instance, the production of defining apolitical narratives of 'excellence'. Central to the dominant apolitical institutional history is the production of silences about the past. History, I argue, is less compelling in any revelation of 'what happened' than in illustrating the production of silences used to enable the appropriation of a particular history as the sole relevant history. The 'inheritors of the past', those who are able to lay authoritative and representative claim to it, it is argued, ultimately claim ownership over institutional space. I argue too, that the dominant practices and performances of daily institutional life (re)produce the institutional space as a space of 'racial' dominance. Ritualized performance of the dominant institutional identity produces ownership of institutional space through making some articulations of 'Rhodes identity' more acceptable, legitimate and authentic than others. The dominance of 'drinking culture' in Rhodes student life produces a particular 'racialized' institutional identity as most legitimate. 'Racial' dominance is instituted, consecrated and reproduced through the ritualistic performance of 'drinking culture', which ultimately produces a superior claim of ownership over the institutional space through the reiteration of racial domination that these performances of institutional identity powerfully symbolize.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2009
- Authors: Goga, Safiyya
- Date: 2009
- Subjects: Democracy -- South Africa Racism -- South Africa Post-apartheid era -- South Africa College students -- South Africa -- Political activity South Africa -- Politics and government -- 20th century
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2778 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002988
- Description: Almost fifteen years after democracy, issues of 'race' still hold daily South African life firmly in its grip. Following calls from foremost South African theorists on 'race', such as Sarah Nuttall, this thesis moves beyond a study of crude 'racism', to the more complex consideration of 'race' as an embedded ideological social formation within the spatial context of Rhodes University. Using analytical concepts such as 'silencing' and 'ritual' the thesis weaves an understanding (1) of how particular powerful representations of institutional history are produced and made dominant, and (2) how seemingly innocuous performances of institutional identity are key to reproducing 'racial' dominance within Rhodes' student life. This ultimately manifests in the production of a deeply 'racialized' commonsensical understanding of the 'most' legitimate and authentic representation and ownership of institutional space. The thesis delves into dominant representations of Rhodes University'S history, considering how these help produce and reproduce 'racial' dominance through, for instance, the production of defining apolitical narratives of 'excellence'. Central to the dominant apolitical institutional history is the production of silences about the past. History, I argue, is less compelling in any revelation of 'what happened' than in illustrating the production of silences used to enable the appropriation of a particular history as the sole relevant history. The 'inheritors of the past', those who are able to lay authoritative and representative claim to it, it is argued, ultimately claim ownership over institutional space. I argue too, that the dominant practices and performances of daily institutional life (re)produce the institutional space as a space of 'racial' dominance. Ritualized performance of the dominant institutional identity produces ownership of institutional space through making some articulations of 'Rhodes identity' more acceptable, legitimate and authentic than others. The dominance of 'drinking culture' in Rhodes student life produces a particular 'racialized' institutional identity as most legitimate. 'Racial' dominance is instituted, consecrated and reproduced through the ritualistic performance of 'drinking culture', which ultimately produces a superior claim of ownership over the institutional space through the reiteration of racial domination that these performances of institutional identity powerfully symbolize.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2009
The underreporting of sexual violence against women in the Camdeboo
- Authors: Luyt, Derek
- Date: 2008
- Subjects: Women -- Violence against -- South Africa -- Camdeboo, Plains of Abused women -- South Africa -- Camdeboo, Plains of Sexual abuse victims -- South Africa -- Camdeboo, Plains of Camdeboo, Plains of (South Africa)
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2796 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003006
- Description: This thesis examines the underreporting of sexual violence against women in the Camdeboo. It is based on a survey of 971 women living in the Camdeboo aged fifteen and older. The thesis considers, with reference to relevant secondary literature, methodological issues pertinent to conducting survey research into violence against women. While many survey researchers into violence against women argue that behaviourally specific questions lead to higher rates of disclosure, the survey on which this thesis is based employed complex and open-ended questions to allow respondents to record their own definitions of physical and sexual abuse. 31,2 percent of the women surveyed disclosed having experienced sexual abuse, but 76,7 percent did not report this abuse to the police. The thesis explores the patterns of sexual abuse of women in the Camdeboo and the factors influencing the underreporting of such abuse. While it was possible to establish correlations between certain socio-demographic variables and the underreporting of sexual abuse, such correlations should be treated with caution. The survey found that women were far more likely to report (and disclose) sexual assaults by strangers than by people known to them, particularly intimate partners. Sexual abuse in intimate relations was found to be strongly associated with physical abuse, and women who had experienced sexual and physical abuse within intimate relationships were more likely to report their physical abuse to the police than their sexual abuse. However, the majority of women, particularly poor and economically dependent women, believed that reporting their intimate partner abuse to the police would not end it, and might even place them at greater risk. The evidence suggests that these perceptions are accurate. Under current circumstances, reporting sexual abuse to the police may not be the best help-seeking strategy available to many sexually abused women, and alternative sources of help may be more appropriate. Consideration should be given to directing more resources into such alternatives.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2008
- Authors: Luyt, Derek
- Date: 2008
- Subjects: Women -- Violence against -- South Africa -- Camdeboo, Plains of Abused women -- South Africa -- Camdeboo, Plains of Sexual abuse victims -- South Africa -- Camdeboo, Plains of Camdeboo, Plains of (South Africa)
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2796 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003006
- Description: This thesis examines the underreporting of sexual violence against women in the Camdeboo. It is based on a survey of 971 women living in the Camdeboo aged fifteen and older. The thesis considers, with reference to relevant secondary literature, methodological issues pertinent to conducting survey research into violence against women. While many survey researchers into violence against women argue that behaviourally specific questions lead to higher rates of disclosure, the survey on which this thesis is based employed complex and open-ended questions to allow respondents to record their own definitions of physical and sexual abuse. 31,2 percent of the women surveyed disclosed having experienced sexual abuse, but 76,7 percent did not report this abuse to the police. The thesis explores the patterns of sexual abuse of women in the Camdeboo and the factors influencing the underreporting of such abuse. While it was possible to establish correlations between certain socio-demographic variables and the underreporting of sexual abuse, such correlations should be treated with caution. The survey found that women were far more likely to report (and disclose) sexual assaults by strangers than by people known to them, particularly intimate partners. Sexual abuse in intimate relations was found to be strongly associated with physical abuse, and women who had experienced sexual and physical abuse within intimate relationships were more likely to report their physical abuse to the police than their sexual abuse. However, the majority of women, particularly poor and economically dependent women, believed that reporting their intimate partner abuse to the police would not end it, and might even place them at greater risk. The evidence suggests that these perceptions are accurate. Under current circumstances, reporting sexual abuse to the police may not be the best help-seeking strategy available to many sexually abused women, and alternative sources of help may be more appropriate. Consideration should be given to directing more resources into such alternatives.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2008
The ‘obesity epidemic’ : an analysis of representations of obesity in mainstream South African newspapers post-1997
- Authors: Malan, Chantelle Therese
- Date: 2015
- Subjects: Obesity -- South Africa , Obesity -- Press coverage -- South Africa , Obesity -- Social aspects -- South Africa , Discrimination against overweight persons -- South Africa , Social medicine -- South Africa , Agent (Philosophy) , Social control -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2892 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1019751
- Description: This study of 449 newspaper articles from South Africa from 1997 provides an analysis of the representations of obesity evinced in the corpus. The research argues that obesity is overwhelmingly framed as being diseased and that there are four main refrains within this frame, namely, statistics on obesity, the naturalisation of negative assumptions about fat, the social dysfunction of fat and the use of crisis metaphors to describe fatness. This framing lends itself to representations of obesity which are raced, gendered and classed. Fat bodies are portrayed as being in deficit and fat people as lacking agency. The disproportional focus on black bodies in the corpus can be attributed to assumptions of ‘incivility’ which are premised on racial stereotypes which construct black people as being unintelligent, irrational, lacking agency and being largely dependent on others to survive. This disproportional focus on black bodies can also be understood in the context of emerging markets. This study argues that the medicalisation of obesity has contributed to many oversimplifications and contradictions in the representation of obesity in the corpus, which seem to go unquestioned, such as the conflation of weight and health, something I argue is one of the main contributors to the negative consequences of the dominant framing of obesity. Framing obesity as medicalised also promotes fat shaming and acts as a form of social control which maintains existing power relations through the use of discursive practices for the identification and control of deviants. These representations are problematic chiefly because they promote the dehumanisation of fat people, but also because that they do not promote good health as they claim to do.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2015
- Authors: Malan, Chantelle Therese
- Date: 2015
- Subjects: Obesity -- South Africa , Obesity -- Press coverage -- South Africa , Obesity -- Social aspects -- South Africa , Discrimination against overweight persons -- South Africa , Social medicine -- South Africa , Agent (Philosophy) , Social control -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2892 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1019751
- Description: This study of 449 newspaper articles from South Africa from 1997 provides an analysis of the representations of obesity evinced in the corpus. The research argues that obesity is overwhelmingly framed as being diseased and that there are four main refrains within this frame, namely, statistics on obesity, the naturalisation of negative assumptions about fat, the social dysfunction of fat and the use of crisis metaphors to describe fatness. This framing lends itself to representations of obesity which are raced, gendered and classed. Fat bodies are portrayed as being in deficit and fat people as lacking agency. The disproportional focus on black bodies in the corpus can be attributed to assumptions of ‘incivility’ which are premised on racial stereotypes which construct black people as being unintelligent, irrational, lacking agency and being largely dependent on others to survive. This disproportional focus on black bodies can also be understood in the context of emerging markets. This study argues that the medicalisation of obesity has contributed to many oversimplifications and contradictions in the representation of obesity in the corpus, which seem to go unquestioned, such as the conflation of weight and health, something I argue is one of the main contributors to the negative consequences of the dominant framing of obesity. Framing obesity as medicalised also promotes fat shaming and acts as a form of social control which maintains existing power relations through the use of discursive practices for the identification and control of deviants. These representations are problematic chiefly because they promote the dehumanisation of fat people, but also because that they do not promote good health as they claim to do.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2015
Towards a post-sacrificial theory of identity formation
- Authors: Menezes, Natalie
- Date: 2006
- Subjects: Sacrifice -- Philosophy , Violence -- Philosophy , Forgiveness -- Philosophy , Philosophy -- Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2862 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1007626 , Sacrifice -- Philosophy , Violence -- Philosophy , Forgiveness -- Philosophy , Philosophy -- Africa
- Description: In this thesis I shall outline various modernist authors' arguments that collectivities (such as ethnic groups, nations, states and cultures) and subjectivities employ sacrificial violence to establish and assert their identity where identity is inescapably (?) understood in terms of the sovereignty of the collective or the post-Oedipal autonomy of the individual. To this end, violence has been posited as a historical and conceptual inevitability and is set as the default-state of human nature and politics. In recent times, protesting voices (from post-feminist, post-colonial, post-modern and the emerging human rights discourses) have begun to rigorously contest the notion of violence as the default-state. As a result, the legitimacy of sacrifice as the primary modus to an autonomous selfhood has been radically problematised. I believe that a comprehensive understanding of the nature of this crisis of identity formation , and the possibility of transcending it, is to be found in the paradigmatic shift away from Newtonian thought toward a post-Newtonian worldview. In seeking to challenge the assumption of violence-as-default, I shall translate the comprehensive sacrificial nature of collective identity and subjectivity into a complexity-based model that allowed me to make three crucial conceptual moves toward a comprehensive understanding of post-sacrificial identities that occupy an important place in a post-Newtonian world. First, it will allow me to challenge the assumptions that supported the Hobbesian myth of autonomy/sovereignty sacrificially achieved by charting the ontological shift that compels us to understand "entities" (be it a cell, an individual or a state) not in terms of autonomy but interdependence. Secondly, it provides the conceptual tools needed to understand the systemic nature of sacrificial violence by reading subjectivity violence and collectivity violence in terms of their organic self-similarity. This will equip me to comprehensively explore a postsacrificial epistemology valid for both collective identities and subjectivity. Thirdly, I propose a model of post-sacrificial identities that are created and sustained at the edge of chaos through the dynamic interplay of order and disorder that reconciles creative and destructive forces in a generative unity. I believe that this post-Newtonian reading will clear the conceptual space needed to suggest there might yet be hope for a future that does not embrace violence as default-state.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2006
- Authors: Menezes, Natalie
- Date: 2006
- Subjects: Sacrifice -- Philosophy , Violence -- Philosophy , Forgiveness -- Philosophy , Philosophy -- Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2862 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1007626 , Sacrifice -- Philosophy , Violence -- Philosophy , Forgiveness -- Philosophy , Philosophy -- Africa
- Description: In this thesis I shall outline various modernist authors' arguments that collectivities (such as ethnic groups, nations, states and cultures) and subjectivities employ sacrificial violence to establish and assert their identity where identity is inescapably (?) understood in terms of the sovereignty of the collective or the post-Oedipal autonomy of the individual. To this end, violence has been posited as a historical and conceptual inevitability and is set as the default-state of human nature and politics. In recent times, protesting voices (from post-feminist, post-colonial, post-modern and the emerging human rights discourses) have begun to rigorously contest the notion of violence as the default-state. As a result, the legitimacy of sacrifice as the primary modus to an autonomous selfhood has been radically problematised. I believe that a comprehensive understanding of the nature of this crisis of identity formation , and the possibility of transcending it, is to be found in the paradigmatic shift away from Newtonian thought toward a post-Newtonian worldview. In seeking to challenge the assumption of violence-as-default, I shall translate the comprehensive sacrificial nature of collective identity and subjectivity into a complexity-based model that allowed me to make three crucial conceptual moves toward a comprehensive understanding of post-sacrificial identities that occupy an important place in a post-Newtonian world. First, it will allow me to challenge the assumptions that supported the Hobbesian myth of autonomy/sovereignty sacrificially achieved by charting the ontological shift that compels us to understand "entities" (be it a cell, an individual or a state) not in terms of autonomy but interdependence. Secondly, it provides the conceptual tools needed to understand the systemic nature of sacrificial violence by reading subjectivity violence and collectivity violence in terms of their organic self-similarity. This will equip me to comprehensively explore a postsacrificial epistemology valid for both collective identities and subjectivity. Thirdly, I propose a model of post-sacrificial identities that are created and sustained at the edge of chaos through the dynamic interplay of order and disorder that reconciles creative and destructive forces in a generative unity. I believe that this post-Newtonian reading will clear the conceptual space needed to suggest there might yet be hope for a future that does not embrace violence as default-state.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2006
Transcending state-centrism: new regionalism and the future of Southern African regional integration
- Authors: Blaauw, Lesley
- Date: 2007
- Subjects: Southern African Development Community Southern African Customs Union Southern African Development Coordination Conference Regionalism -- Africa, Southern Africa, Southern -- Economic integration
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: vital:2761 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002971
- Description: This dissertation argues that in the 1990s and beyond, the character and functions of regions and regionalism have experienced a major transformation. This requires a reconceptualisation of regions and regionalism that transcends state-centrism. The argument here is that the definition of regions and regionalism needs to recognise that other actors also participate in the construction of regions and the practise of regionalism. Up to now, however, theories of integration incompletely deal with outcomes appropriate to developing countries, states and regions. In the context where people remain vulnerable to top-down forms of regionalism driven by the forces of globalisation, this calls for a new approach in the analytical study of regionalism in a transnational context. The contention is that new regionalism, and its variant, developmental regionalism pay attention to the role those organised civil society actors and those marginalised by both globalisation and regionalisation play in promoting regionalism in a transnational context. Historically, state-centric regionalism in southern Africa was not aimed at achieving developmental objectives. In the case of SACU, the argument is that South Africa used its economic strength in a hegemonial way. To counter-act apartheid South Africa’s economic hegemony, SADCC was formed. SADCC achieved limited success in the fields of infrastructural development and in attracting donor aid. The end of the Cold War and the downfall of apartheid compelled these organisations to recast their objectives and purpose. For SACU this meant changing from an organisation dominated by South Africa to a fully-fledged inter-state one. Disconcertedly, however, about the reforms undertook by SACU, is that the disposition of member states remain important in determining the content and scope of regionalism. SADC, on the other hand, has also not sufficiently reform itself to achieve the ambitious goals it set-out for itself. Moreover, while SADC has since its inception in 1992 set-out to involve non-state actors in its regional integration efforts, limited institutional reform in 2000 and beyond, and elites at the forefront of institutional restructuring make it difficult for non-state actors to contribute to sustainable regional integration. In conclusion, this dissertation maintains that sustainable regionalist orders are best built by recognising that beyond the geometry of state-sovereignty, civil society organisations with a regional focus and the ordinary people of the region also contribute to regioness and as such to the re-conceptualisation of regional community in southern Africa.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2007
Transcending state-centrism: new regionalism and the future of Southern African regional integration
- Authors: Blaauw, Lesley
- Date: 2007
- Subjects: Southern African Development Community Southern African Customs Union Southern African Development Coordination Conference Regionalism -- Africa, Southern Africa, Southern -- Economic integration
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: vital:2761 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002971
- Description: This dissertation argues that in the 1990s and beyond, the character and functions of regions and regionalism have experienced a major transformation. This requires a reconceptualisation of regions and regionalism that transcends state-centrism. The argument here is that the definition of regions and regionalism needs to recognise that other actors also participate in the construction of regions and the practise of regionalism. Up to now, however, theories of integration incompletely deal with outcomes appropriate to developing countries, states and regions. In the context where people remain vulnerable to top-down forms of regionalism driven by the forces of globalisation, this calls for a new approach in the analytical study of regionalism in a transnational context. The contention is that new regionalism, and its variant, developmental regionalism pay attention to the role those organised civil society actors and those marginalised by both globalisation and regionalisation play in promoting regionalism in a transnational context. Historically, state-centric regionalism in southern Africa was not aimed at achieving developmental objectives. In the case of SACU, the argument is that South Africa used its economic strength in a hegemonial way. To counter-act apartheid South Africa’s economic hegemony, SADCC was formed. SADCC achieved limited success in the fields of infrastructural development and in attracting donor aid. The end of the Cold War and the downfall of apartheid compelled these organisations to recast their objectives and purpose. For SACU this meant changing from an organisation dominated by South Africa to a fully-fledged inter-state one. Disconcertedly, however, about the reforms undertook by SACU, is that the disposition of member states remain important in determining the content and scope of regionalism. SADC, on the other hand, has also not sufficiently reform itself to achieve the ambitious goals it set-out for itself. Moreover, while SADC has since its inception in 1992 set-out to involve non-state actors in its regional integration efforts, limited institutional reform in 2000 and beyond, and elites at the forefront of institutional restructuring make it difficult for non-state actors to contribute to sustainable regional integration. In conclusion, this dissertation maintains that sustainable regionalist orders are best built by recognising that beyond the geometry of state-sovereignty, civil society organisations with a regional focus and the ordinary people of the region also contribute to regioness and as such to the re-conceptualisation of regional community in southern Africa.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2007
Transformativity: recognising melancholic power, and renegotiating vulnerability
- Authors: Knowles, Corinne Ruth
- Date: 2010
- Subjects: Transformational leadership -- South Africa Educational change -- South Africa Universities and colleges -- South Africa Sex discrimination in higher education -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2789 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002999
- Description: South African universities are embedded in an unequal society. Transformation strategies and interventions in the sector attempt to address this, but arguably, the policies and practices which aim to bring about transformation are merely platforms for potential change and do not guarantee the achievement of their aspirations. This study engages with the notion of transformation in one university, looking at how an organisation for women has contributed to transformation in individuals and in the institution. It explores the idea that vulnerability is the starting point of transformation, and must be recognized and incorporated into how an organisation, institution or individual regards vulnerable groups, in order to build a more equitable society. The reframing of vulnerability is a process of acknowledging the way power works, and arguably, power’s melancholic nature and expression in society and in universities has particular challenges with regard to how vulnerable groups experience their vulnerability. If the framing of an individual as vulnerable does not also provide that individual with the conditions that shelter the vulnerability they experience, leading to a renegotiation of whom they can become, their “vulnerable” status is entrenched. The study explores ways in which an organisation for women uses its legitimized platform for renegotiating subjectivities, norms and performances, and the potential this has for transformativity.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2010
- Authors: Knowles, Corinne Ruth
- Date: 2010
- Subjects: Transformational leadership -- South Africa Educational change -- South Africa Universities and colleges -- South Africa Sex discrimination in higher education -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2789 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002999
- Description: South African universities are embedded in an unequal society. Transformation strategies and interventions in the sector attempt to address this, but arguably, the policies and practices which aim to bring about transformation are merely platforms for potential change and do not guarantee the achievement of their aspirations. This study engages with the notion of transformation in one university, looking at how an organisation for women has contributed to transformation in individuals and in the institution. It explores the idea that vulnerability is the starting point of transformation, and must be recognized and incorporated into how an organisation, institution or individual regards vulnerable groups, in order to build a more equitable society. The reframing of vulnerability is a process of acknowledging the way power works, and arguably, power’s melancholic nature and expression in society and in universities has particular challenges with regard to how vulnerable groups experience their vulnerability. If the framing of an individual as vulnerable does not also provide that individual with the conditions that shelter the vulnerability they experience, leading to a renegotiation of whom they can become, their “vulnerable” status is entrenched. The study explores ways in which an organisation for women uses its legitimized platform for renegotiating subjectivities, norms and performances, and the potential this has for transformativity.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2010
Transnational civil society's ability to successfully influence state actors on human rights issues through international non-governmental organizations (INGOs) : a case study of the coalition to stop the use of child soldiers
- Authors: VerHage, Alicia
- Date: 2009
- Subjects: International Campaign to Ban Landmines , Convention on the Rights of the Child (1989 November 20) , Non-governmental organizations , Child soldiers , Children's rights , Human rights , Children (International law)
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2884 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1015249
- Description: The international dilemma of child soldiers is a humanitarian concern throughout the world. The Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers (CSUCS) began in 1998 and is currently the leading collaborative movement to address the issue. However, because of its emphasis on a universal 'Straight 18' approach and support of the Optional Protocol of the Convention on the Rights of a Child (CRC), the CSUCS ignores contextual realities that affect the implementation ofthe international legislation and the development of norms concerning child soldiers. This research project will examine the current international nongovernmental organization (INGO) response to child soldiers- focusing on the CSCUS - and formulate suggestions for potential avenues to further INGO involvement with policies and projects. The argument is based on a neoliberal institutionalist platform that argues in favour ofiNGOs' ability to successfully influence actions taken by state actors to address human right issues. Highlighting the successful INGO influence on states during the International Campaign to Ban Landmines, I will present this example as a potential model for the Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, and explore the feasibility of this model whilst making suggestions for more effective involvement of INGOs with regard to the issue of child soldiers.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2009
- Authors: VerHage, Alicia
- Date: 2009
- Subjects: International Campaign to Ban Landmines , Convention on the Rights of the Child (1989 November 20) , Non-governmental organizations , Child soldiers , Children's rights , Human rights , Children (International law)
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2884 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1015249
- Description: The international dilemma of child soldiers is a humanitarian concern throughout the world. The Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers (CSUCS) began in 1998 and is currently the leading collaborative movement to address the issue. However, because of its emphasis on a universal 'Straight 18' approach and support of the Optional Protocol of the Convention on the Rights of a Child (CRC), the CSUCS ignores contextual realities that affect the implementation ofthe international legislation and the development of norms concerning child soldiers. This research project will examine the current international nongovernmental organization (INGO) response to child soldiers- focusing on the CSCUS - and formulate suggestions for potential avenues to further INGO involvement with policies and projects. The argument is based on a neoliberal institutionalist platform that argues in favour ofiNGOs' ability to successfully influence actions taken by state actors to address human right issues. Highlighting the successful INGO influence on states during the International Campaign to Ban Landmines, I will present this example as a potential model for the Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, and explore the feasibility of this model whilst making suggestions for more effective involvement of INGOs with regard to the issue of child soldiers.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2009
Tripping over our own feet : a critical discussion of Trade Related Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPS) with specific reference to their impact on South Africa's ability to combat HIV and AIDS
- Authors: Brennan, Jade
- Date: 2008
- Subjects: Agreement on Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights, (1994) Trade regulation -- South Africa Intellectual property -- South Africa HIV (Viruses) -- South Africa AIDS (Disease) -- South Africa Patients -- Civil rights -- South Africa Human rights -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2850 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1006316
- Description: This thesis aims to look at the agreement on Trade Related Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPS) with specific reference to their impact on South Africa's ability to combat HIV and AIDS. It begins by looking at the history of patents and intellectual property rights and illustrates why and how the TRIPS Agreement came into existence. The TRIPS Agreement exemplifies the disparities between developed and developing countries and this can clearly be seen with regard to the provision of anti-HIV and AIDS drugs. The developing world deals with the bulk of the HIV and AIDS epidemic whilst the developed world holds most of the patents on the medication needed to treat those living with HIV and AIDS. This situation lends itself to a rift between patient rights on the one hand, and patent rights on the other. Traditionally the state has been the provider of rights such as health, but TRIPS alters this to include strong patent protection that is in line with neo liberal doctrine. The thesis examines these tensions with specific reference to South Africa's ability successfully to implement programmes to combat HIV and AIDS.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2008
- Authors: Brennan, Jade
- Date: 2008
- Subjects: Agreement on Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights, (1994) Trade regulation -- South Africa Intellectual property -- South Africa HIV (Viruses) -- South Africa AIDS (Disease) -- South Africa Patients -- Civil rights -- South Africa Human rights -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2850 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1006316
- Description: This thesis aims to look at the agreement on Trade Related Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPS) with specific reference to their impact on South Africa's ability to combat HIV and AIDS. It begins by looking at the history of patents and intellectual property rights and illustrates why and how the TRIPS Agreement came into existence. The TRIPS Agreement exemplifies the disparities between developed and developing countries and this can clearly be seen with regard to the provision of anti-HIV and AIDS drugs. The developing world deals with the bulk of the HIV and AIDS epidemic whilst the developed world holds most of the patents on the medication needed to treat those living with HIV and AIDS. This situation lends itself to a rift between patient rights on the one hand, and patent rights on the other. Traditionally the state has been the provider of rights such as health, but TRIPS alters this to include strong patent protection that is in line with neo liberal doctrine. The thesis examines these tensions with specific reference to South Africa's ability successfully to implement programmes to combat HIV and AIDS.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2008