Locating the institution of traditional leadership within the institutional framework of South Africa's new democracy
- Authors: Mashele, Hlukanisa Prince
- Date: 2003
- Subjects: Tribal government -- South Africa , Political leadership -- South Africa , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1994-
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2858 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1007512 , Tribal government -- South Africa , Political leadership -- South Africa , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1994-
- Description: This study looks into the role of the institution of traditional leadership in post-apartheid South Africa. It seeks to critically engage the debate on how to locate the institution within the new politico-constitutional framework. This is done with the main objective of proposing an altemative to the current state of affairs vis-à-vis traditional leadership and governance in South Africa. In order to clear the ground, the study first deals with the important question of democracy in relation to the institution of traditional leadership. In this regard, the study unearthed that the institution of traditional leadership is fundamentally undemocratic in character, as it is largely based on heredity and devoid of principles of democracy such as equality, accountability, etc. In order to put matters into perspective the study also delves into the history of the institution of traditional leadership with the aim of getting to the role that traditional leaders played in various epochs of South Africa's political development. This investigation reveals that the denting of the integrity of the institution of traditional leadership began with the advent of colonialism and worsened by successive apartheid regimes. It is at these stages of development that the institution was subordinated to a higher authority that sought to use the institution as an instrument of domination and oppression of the black majority. Considering this role, it would seem that the place that the space that the institution occupies in the post-apartheid South African governance framework is a compromise. The institution plays an advisory role at all levels of government - with their houses in both national and provincial legislatures, whilst traditional leaders sit as ex-officio members on local councils. However, traditional leaders fiercely contest this position as, in their view, this limits their powers. The main argument of this study is that for traditional leaders to be given an advisory role in the current and future governance framework of the country is a step in the right direction, as that serves to insulate the institution from active politics. For that reason, the study recommends that the institution of traditional leadership should occupy a cultural space in society - meaning that it should be responsible for the preservation of African customs and culture. This, therefore, means that the institution is better-placed to advise government on cultural and customary aspects of development. Whilst playing this role, the institution of traditional leadership should also -be brought into line with democratic ways of governance.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2003
- Authors: Mashele, Hlukanisa Prince
- Date: 2003
- Subjects: Tribal government -- South Africa , Political leadership -- South Africa , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1994-
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2858 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1007512 , Tribal government -- South Africa , Political leadership -- South Africa , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1994-
- Description: This study looks into the role of the institution of traditional leadership in post-apartheid South Africa. It seeks to critically engage the debate on how to locate the institution within the new politico-constitutional framework. This is done with the main objective of proposing an altemative to the current state of affairs vis-à-vis traditional leadership and governance in South Africa. In order to clear the ground, the study first deals with the important question of democracy in relation to the institution of traditional leadership. In this regard, the study unearthed that the institution of traditional leadership is fundamentally undemocratic in character, as it is largely based on heredity and devoid of principles of democracy such as equality, accountability, etc. In order to put matters into perspective the study also delves into the history of the institution of traditional leadership with the aim of getting to the role that traditional leaders played in various epochs of South Africa's political development. This investigation reveals that the denting of the integrity of the institution of traditional leadership began with the advent of colonialism and worsened by successive apartheid regimes. It is at these stages of development that the institution was subordinated to a higher authority that sought to use the institution as an instrument of domination and oppression of the black majority. Considering this role, it would seem that the place that the space that the institution occupies in the post-apartheid South African governance framework is a compromise. The institution plays an advisory role at all levels of government - with their houses in both national and provincial legislatures, whilst traditional leaders sit as ex-officio members on local councils. However, traditional leaders fiercely contest this position as, in their view, this limits their powers. The main argument of this study is that for traditional leaders to be given an advisory role in the current and future governance framework of the country is a step in the right direction, as that serves to insulate the institution from active politics. For that reason, the study recommends that the institution of traditional leadership should occupy a cultural space in society - meaning that it should be responsible for the preservation of African customs and culture. This, therefore, means that the institution is better-placed to advise government on cultural and customary aspects of development. Whilst playing this role, the institution of traditional leadership should also -be brought into line with democratic ways of governance.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2003
Theories of international cooperation and the GATT/WTO regime: beyond the dichotomy of rational and cognitive approaches
- Authors: Nischalke, Tobias Ingo
- Date: 1997
- Subjects: General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (Organization) , World Trade Organization , International trade
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2817 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003027 , General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (Organization) , World Trade Organization , International trade
- Description: This thesis aspires to assess the explanatory value of different theories of international cooperation for the case of the world trade regime of GATT/WTO and subsequently strives to reach a satisfactory interpretation of the instance of cooperation. The world trade regime embarked on a process of transformation with the signing of the Marrakech Agreements of 15th April 1994. The event marked the conclusion of the Uruguay Round and, with the establishment of the WTO, the beginning of a new era for the world trade regime. The thesis endeavours to establish the substance of the regime change from GATT to the WTO. It outlines the most significant provisions of the agreement of the Uruguay Round and, subsequently, analyses the change on the level of regime norms underlying the world trade regime. The analysis of regime norms yields insights about the essence of the regime transformation and as to what factors proved to be conducive to cooperation in the sphere of the world trade. The GATT/WTO regime with its extended scope and more sophisticated institutional structures can be regarded as a prime example of successful cooperation. However, the prospects for cooperation between states in an anarchic environment without central authority for enforcement are the subject of a remarkably intense scholarly debate. Therefore it is worthwhile to examine which theoretical framework proves to be most adept at elucidating the circumstances of this instance of cooperation. This thesis applies different theories of international cooperation to the case of the GATT/WTO regime. While a large array of rational theories attempts to explain cooperation from a perspective which focuses on interests and capabilities, a different strand of theories, that of cognitive approaches, emphasizes the paramountcy of ideas and beliefs as variables which explain cooperation. They endogenize the process of interest formation. This thesis seeks to synthesise the strong points of rational and cognitive approaches and thus to reconcile the divergent schools of thought. Its further purpose is to set out factors which are conducive to cooperation.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1997
- Authors: Nischalke, Tobias Ingo
- Date: 1997
- Subjects: General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (Organization) , World Trade Organization , International trade
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2817 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003027 , General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (Organization) , World Trade Organization , International trade
- Description: This thesis aspires to assess the explanatory value of different theories of international cooperation for the case of the world trade regime of GATT/WTO and subsequently strives to reach a satisfactory interpretation of the instance of cooperation. The world trade regime embarked on a process of transformation with the signing of the Marrakech Agreements of 15th April 1994. The event marked the conclusion of the Uruguay Round and, with the establishment of the WTO, the beginning of a new era for the world trade regime. The thesis endeavours to establish the substance of the regime change from GATT to the WTO. It outlines the most significant provisions of the agreement of the Uruguay Round and, subsequently, analyses the change on the level of regime norms underlying the world trade regime. The analysis of regime norms yields insights about the essence of the regime transformation and as to what factors proved to be conducive to cooperation in the sphere of the world trade. The GATT/WTO regime with its extended scope and more sophisticated institutional structures can be regarded as a prime example of successful cooperation. However, the prospects for cooperation between states in an anarchic environment without central authority for enforcement are the subject of a remarkably intense scholarly debate. Therefore it is worthwhile to examine which theoretical framework proves to be most adept at elucidating the circumstances of this instance of cooperation. This thesis applies different theories of international cooperation to the case of the GATT/WTO regime. While a large array of rational theories attempts to explain cooperation from a perspective which focuses on interests and capabilities, a different strand of theories, that of cognitive approaches, emphasizes the paramountcy of ideas and beliefs as variables which explain cooperation. They endogenize the process of interest formation. This thesis seeks to synthesise the strong points of rational and cognitive approaches and thus to reconcile the divergent schools of thought. Its further purpose is to set out factors which are conducive to cooperation.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1997
The political economy of educational provision in "white" commercial farming areas: findings from a case study conducted in the Ugie district in the north eastern Cape
- Authors: Stretton, Natasha Anne
- Date: 1993
- Subjects: Rural schools -- South Africa -- Northeastern Cape Province -- Ugie District , Education, Rural -- South Africa -- Ugie District , Black people -- Education -- South Africa Case studies , Education, Rural -- South Africa -- Case studies
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2833 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003043 , Rural schools -- South Africa -- Northeastern Cape Province -- Ugie District , Education, Rural -- South Africa -- Ugie District , Black people -- Education -- South Africa Case studies , Education, Rural -- South Africa -- Case studies
- Description: The under-provision of education for black South Africans has reached crisis proportions. While the education for black people in general is discriminatory and unequal, black rural people suffer further deprivations as there is a serious imbalance in the allocation of resources and the provision of education between urban and rural areas. Black education in the rural areas has been historically neglected for political and socio-economic reasons and, as a consequence, rural blacks have limited or no access to education. The purpose of this' study is to examine an aspect of rural education; viz: black farm schools in the 'white' commercial farming areas. It is argued that the provision of farm schools is intricately linked to the labour requirements of farmers and consequently farm schools cannot be understood independently from the social relations within commercial farming areas. The impact of local decision-making on the process of farm schooling is also significant and is an important aspect of this study. This thesis explores the political and socio-economic processes that have structured the provision of education within a small farming community, looking specifically at the effects of particular interest groups on the provision of black farm schools. The study operates on three levels. The first level provides a theoretical framework within which rural education can be better understood. It is argued that the bias towards urban areas is reflected in the current theoretical debates on the role and function of education ·in South Africa. As these theories are generally incapable of explaining rural education, an alternative model is proposed. As education cannot be understood in isolation from the rest of society, the second level of the study locates farm schooling within the broader political and socio-economic systems. This is done from two perspectives. The first perspective focuses on black education in general, tracing aspects of its development and highlighting the impact .of economic interests, white political control and black resistances to this development. The neglect of rural education is also contextualised historically and politically. The second perspective looks at rural education at a macro-level. The historical origins of the farm schools system and the effects of the relationship between agricultural capital and the state, and between farmers and farm workers on the process of farm schooling is examined. The final level of the study focuses on the micro-situation and provides an in-depth analysis of the political and socio-economic dynamics which have impacted upon the provision and process of farm schools within a specific farming community. In an attempt to understand the types of issues effecting farm schooling in this area, the attitudes of farmers, farm workers, farm- children and farm school teachers towards education are investigated. Four main issues were identified and are discussed in depth, viz: I) factors effecting the provision of black farm schools; 2) the relationship between education and the economic structure of the area; 3) the value of education; and 4) socio-economic factors effecting education in the area.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1993
- Authors: Stretton, Natasha Anne
- Date: 1993
- Subjects: Rural schools -- South Africa -- Northeastern Cape Province -- Ugie District , Education, Rural -- South Africa -- Ugie District , Black people -- Education -- South Africa Case studies , Education, Rural -- South Africa -- Case studies
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2833 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003043 , Rural schools -- South Africa -- Northeastern Cape Province -- Ugie District , Education, Rural -- South Africa -- Ugie District , Black people -- Education -- South Africa Case studies , Education, Rural -- South Africa -- Case studies
- Description: The under-provision of education for black South Africans has reached crisis proportions. While the education for black people in general is discriminatory and unequal, black rural people suffer further deprivations as there is a serious imbalance in the allocation of resources and the provision of education between urban and rural areas. Black education in the rural areas has been historically neglected for political and socio-economic reasons and, as a consequence, rural blacks have limited or no access to education. The purpose of this' study is to examine an aspect of rural education; viz: black farm schools in the 'white' commercial farming areas. It is argued that the provision of farm schools is intricately linked to the labour requirements of farmers and consequently farm schools cannot be understood independently from the social relations within commercial farming areas. The impact of local decision-making on the process of farm schooling is also significant and is an important aspect of this study. This thesis explores the political and socio-economic processes that have structured the provision of education within a small farming community, looking specifically at the effects of particular interest groups on the provision of black farm schools. The study operates on three levels. The first level provides a theoretical framework within which rural education can be better understood. It is argued that the bias towards urban areas is reflected in the current theoretical debates on the role and function of education ·in South Africa. As these theories are generally incapable of explaining rural education, an alternative model is proposed. As education cannot be understood in isolation from the rest of society, the second level of the study locates farm schooling within the broader political and socio-economic systems. This is done from two perspectives. The first perspective focuses on black education in general, tracing aspects of its development and highlighting the impact .of economic interests, white political control and black resistances to this development. The neglect of rural education is also contextualised historically and politically. The second perspective looks at rural education at a macro-level. The historical origins of the farm schools system and the effects of the relationship between agricultural capital and the state, and between farmers and farm workers on the process of farm schooling is examined. The final level of the study focuses on the micro-situation and provides an in-depth analysis of the political and socio-economic dynamics which have impacted upon the provision and process of farm schools within a specific farming community. In an attempt to understand the types of issues effecting farm schooling in this area, the attitudes of farmers, farm workers, farm- children and farm school teachers towards education are investigated. Four main issues were identified and are discussed in depth, viz: I) factors effecting the provision of black farm schools; 2) the relationship between education and the economic structure of the area; 3) the value of education; and 4) socio-economic factors effecting education in the area.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1993
The politics of peacekeeping in Southern Africa: a critical assessment of South Africa's engagement in regional peacekeeping initiatives
- Khobotlo, Shadrack Motlalepula
- Authors: Khobotlo, Shadrack Motlalepula
- Date: 1998
- Subjects: Conflict management -- Africa, Southern , National security -- Africa, Southern , Political stability -- Africa, Southern , Africa, Southern -- Politics and government
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2787 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002997 , Conflict management -- Africa, Southern , National security -- Africa, Southern , Political stability -- Africa, Southern , Africa, Southern -- Politics and government
- Description: International peacekeeping has gained a high profile in international relations and more so, in the post cold war era. The profound increase in the occurrence of civil wars globally and the consequent high demand for the UN to intervene has compelled the world body to delegate its peacekeeping powers to regional organisations. SADC is one of many regional organisations around the world which are faced with the challenge of developing peacekeeping capacities to resolve local conflicts. This thesis endeavours to investigate the prospects of peacekeeping in Southern Africa with specific reference to the involvement of South Africa as a regional power with the wherewithal to play a leadership role in this regard. This is done within the theoretical framework that is provided by the Realist school of thought in international relations. Furthermore, the concept of national interest as defined by Realism will be utilised to explain why countries in Southern Africa in general and South Africa in particular become involved in regional peacekeeping initiatives. The issue of whether the Republic should be involved and how much it should be involved has provoked an intense debate within the country. This debate will therefore be instructive in understanding the dynamics that influence the country's foreign policy behaviour towards the region in relation to playing a leadership role in regional peacekeeping initiatives. The central issue implicit in the debate is the fact that most of the SADC member states that are expected to contribute towards these initiatives have weak economies. This economic weakness in turn leads to the thorny issue of having to seek foreign assistance from western countries from which the region is trying to gain greater independence. This presents the region with a paradox because foreign assistance has serious implications for the SADC countries' sovereignty. It is in this context therefore, that this thesis examines economic development in individual SADC countries and in the region as a whole to establish whether they are in a position to develop a sustainable regional peacekeeping capacity. The contention of the thesis is that economic development is closely related to peacekeeping because without a sound economic base Southern Africa or any other region for that matter, will not be able to develop a viable peacekeeping capacity. On the other hand, keeping the peace in the region is itself important for economic development because it is only in a peaceful environment that economic development can take root.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1998
- Authors: Khobotlo, Shadrack Motlalepula
- Date: 1998
- Subjects: Conflict management -- Africa, Southern , National security -- Africa, Southern , Political stability -- Africa, Southern , Africa, Southern -- Politics and government
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2787 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002997 , Conflict management -- Africa, Southern , National security -- Africa, Southern , Political stability -- Africa, Southern , Africa, Southern -- Politics and government
- Description: International peacekeeping has gained a high profile in international relations and more so, in the post cold war era. The profound increase in the occurrence of civil wars globally and the consequent high demand for the UN to intervene has compelled the world body to delegate its peacekeeping powers to regional organisations. SADC is one of many regional organisations around the world which are faced with the challenge of developing peacekeeping capacities to resolve local conflicts. This thesis endeavours to investigate the prospects of peacekeeping in Southern Africa with specific reference to the involvement of South Africa as a regional power with the wherewithal to play a leadership role in this regard. This is done within the theoretical framework that is provided by the Realist school of thought in international relations. Furthermore, the concept of national interest as defined by Realism will be utilised to explain why countries in Southern Africa in general and South Africa in particular become involved in regional peacekeeping initiatives. The issue of whether the Republic should be involved and how much it should be involved has provoked an intense debate within the country. This debate will therefore be instructive in understanding the dynamics that influence the country's foreign policy behaviour towards the region in relation to playing a leadership role in regional peacekeeping initiatives. The central issue implicit in the debate is the fact that most of the SADC member states that are expected to contribute towards these initiatives have weak economies. This economic weakness in turn leads to the thorny issue of having to seek foreign assistance from western countries from which the region is trying to gain greater independence. This presents the region with a paradox because foreign assistance has serious implications for the SADC countries' sovereignty. It is in this context therefore, that this thesis examines economic development in individual SADC countries and in the region as a whole to establish whether they are in a position to develop a sustainable regional peacekeeping capacity. The contention of the thesis is that economic development is closely related to peacekeeping because without a sound economic base Southern Africa or any other region for that matter, will not be able to develop a viable peacekeeping capacity. On the other hand, keeping the peace in the region is itself important for economic development because it is only in a peaceful environment that economic development can take root.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1998
The external dimension in the transformation of Afrikaner Nationalism
- Authors: Botha, André Pedro
- Date: 1995
- Subjects: Afrikaners -- Ethnic identity , Afrikaners -- Politics and government , Nationalism -- South Africa -- History , Economic sanctions -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2763 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002973 , Afrikaners -- Ethnic identity , Afrikaners -- Politics and government , Nationalism -- South Africa -- History , Economic sanctions -- South Africa
- Description: This work looks at Afrikaner Nationalism, and more closely the changes it has undergone in years since external pressure has been applied against it from as early as 1946. This has been accomplished by placing it against the background of the international context ego as in relation to India and the British Commonwealth. Following a discussion of the ideology of nationalism in general, the thesis examines the specific case of Afrikaner Nationalism, which it portrays as an example of ethnonationalism. This latter is distinguished by familial ties and other stereotypes. After outlining the changing characteristics of Afrikaner Nationalism over time by reference to pronounciations by its leaders and other prominent spokesmen, this process of change is analysed with particular regard to the role played by international and other external pressures upon Afrikaner Nationalism. By carefully describing the changing attitudes of elite groups within Afrikaner Nationalism, the thesis assesses the impact of external factors. Then it is reasonably stated in this work that Afrikaner elites have become less exclusive under external pressure. The writer of this study is of the opinion that, give the fact that the doors of the National Party were thrown open, Afrikaner Nationalism and its aforementioned ideological organ are no longer identical.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1995
- Authors: Botha, André Pedro
- Date: 1995
- Subjects: Afrikaners -- Ethnic identity , Afrikaners -- Politics and government , Nationalism -- South Africa -- History , Economic sanctions -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2763 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002973 , Afrikaners -- Ethnic identity , Afrikaners -- Politics and government , Nationalism -- South Africa -- History , Economic sanctions -- South Africa
- Description: This work looks at Afrikaner Nationalism, and more closely the changes it has undergone in years since external pressure has been applied against it from as early as 1946. This has been accomplished by placing it against the background of the international context ego as in relation to India and the British Commonwealth. Following a discussion of the ideology of nationalism in general, the thesis examines the specific case of Afrikaner Nationalism, which it portrays as an example of ethnonationalism. This latter is distinguished by familial ties and other stereotypes. After outlining the changing characteristics of Afrikaner Nationalism over time by reference to pronounciations by its leaders and other prominent spokesmen, this process of change is analysed with particular regard to the role played by international and other external pressures upon Afrikaner Nationalism. By carefully describing the changing attitudes of elite groups within Afrikaner Nationalism, the thesis assesses the impact of external factors. Then it is reasonably stated in this work that Afrikaner elites have become less exclusive under external pressure. The writer of this study is of the opinion that, give the fact that the doors of the National Party were thrown open, Afrikaner Nationalism and its aforementioned ideological organ are no longer identical.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1995
Foreign labour migration to South Africa after apartheid: continuity or change?
- Authors: Myataza, Lutando Samuel
- Date: 1995
- Subjects: Foreign workers -- South Africa , Black people -- Employment -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2813 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003023 , Foreign workers -- South Africa , Black people -- Employment -- South Africa
- Description: Migrant labour constitutes one of the perennial problems of the political economy of the Southern African region. The movement of people between their home countries and the gold mines in South Africa is over a hundred years old. In this sense, labour migrancy predates apartheid, and is now threatening to outlive it. Migrants working in South Africa make up a sizable proportion of the total wage earning population of the neighbouring countries (Botswana, Lesotho, Swaziland, Mozambique and Malawi). Their entrenched dependence on migrant-based revenue has made them vulnerable to fluctuations in labour flows to the gold mines (Davies, 1992) The developments since the first quarter of 1988 have altered the terms of debate on migrant labour. With the independence of Namibia and the establishment of a new government in South Africa, to name but a few, the pattern of future regional cooperation has become a central issue. Likewise, the debate about labour migrancy has entered a new phase. Given the current political changes, and yet to take place, this study constitutes a modest attempt to contribute to the debate by examining the prospects of restructuring of labour migrancy to the gold mining industry. The central aim of this undertaking will be to establish what the future holds for the foreign component of the labour force. The focus here will be on the emerging debates in this area, policy pronouncements by major stakeholders, the Chamber of Mines and the new Government of National Unity. However, an informed forecast on the future of labour migrancy is possible only if we establish the conditions that created it in the first place; how it has been constructed overtime; and the successive moments of transformation in the system. In this regard, this study will locate the origins and development of labour migration in its proper historical context ~ before drawing conclusions about the future of the system. In this scholarly pursuit one does not pretend to break a new ground but rather to re-interpret the current literature on migration and establish whether the current pattern of labour migration will change. The research will be based mainly on secondary materials, drawing extensively on published materials, journals and articles.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1995
- Authors: Myataza, Lutando Samuel
- Date: 1995
- Subjects: Foreign workers -- South Africa , Black people -- Employment -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2813 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003023 , Foreign workers -- South Africa , Black people -- Employment -- South Africa
- Description: Migrant labour constitutes one of the perennial problems of the political economy of the Southern African region. The movement of people between their home countries and the gold mines in South Africa is over a hundred years old. In this sense, labour migrancy predates apartheid, and is now threatening to outlive it. Migrants working in South Africa make up a sizable proportion of the total wage earning population of the neighbouring countries (Botswana, Lesotho, Swaziland, Mozambique and Malawi). Their entrenched dependence on migrant-based revenue has made them vulnerable to fluctuations in labour flows to the gold mines (Davies, 1992) The developments since the first quarter of 1988 have altered the terms of debate on migrant labour. With the independence of Namibia and the establishment of a new government in South Africa, to name but a few, the pattern of future regional cooperation has become a central issue. Likewise, the debate about labour migrancy has entered a new phase. Given the current political changes, and yet to take place, this study constitutes a modest attempt to contribute to the debate by examining the prospects of restructuring of labour migrancy to the gold mining industry. The central aim of this undertaking will be to establish what the future holds for the foreign component of the labour force. The focus here will be on the emerging debates in this area, policy pronouncements by major stakeholders, the Chamber of Mines and the new Government of National Unity. However, an informed forecast on the future of labour migrancy is possible only if we establish the conditions that created it in the first place; how it has been constructed overtime; and the successive moments of transformation in the system. In this regard, this study will locate the origins and development of labour migration in its proper historical context ~ before drawing conclusions about the future of the system. In this scholarly pursuit one does not pretend to break a new ground but rather to re-interpret the current literature on migration and establish whether the current pattern of labour migration will change. The research will be based mainly on secondary materials, drawing extensively on published materials, journals and articles.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1995
The South African lobby in America: the battle over sanctions
- Authors: Harning, Jeannie
- Date: 1994
- Subjects: Lobbying -- South Africa , Lobbying -- United States , Economic sanctions, American -- South Africa , South Africa -- Foreign relations -- United States , United States -- Foreign relations -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2779 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002989 , Lobbying -- South Africa , Lobbying -- United States , Economic sanctions, American -- South Africa , South Africa -- Foreign relations -- United States , United States -- Foreign relations -- South Africa
- Description: The relationship between South Africa and the United States was, historically, quite mutually profitable. The South African government regarded the United States as an ally in the world and sought continued friendship with them. The United States was mildly critical of the South African system of apartheid, but they, however, viewed South Africa as an ally. During the 1980's the relationship between the two countries became strained as the anti-apartheid voices in the United States grew louder and louder. The movement sought to end the atrocities of apartheid and change American foreign policy toward South Africa. The strongest diplomatic means available to them was imposing economic sanctions on South Africa in an attempt to force political change in the country. The anti-apartheid movement lobbied extensively gaining support among the American pub1ic and eventually the U.S. Congress. The sanctions campaign culminated in the enactment of the Comprehensive Anti-Apartheid Act (CAAA) of 1986. Prior to the enactment of the CAAA the South African government and its allies launched their own campaign in an attempt to combat the imposition of sanctions. Lobbying played a key role in the process for those on both sides of the issue. For the anti- apartheid movement, lobbying was effective on the American public and the U.S Congress. For the South African government lobbying was effective on the conservative right wing and President Reagan and his administration.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1994
- Authors: Harning, Jeannie
- Date: 1994
- Subjects: Lobbying -- South Africa , Lobbying -- United States , Economic sanctions, American -- South Africa , South Africa -- Foreign relations -- United States , United States -- Foreign relations -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2779 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002989 , Lobbying -- South Africa , Lobbying -- United States , Economic sanctions, American -- South Africa , South Africa -- Foreign relations -- United States , United States -- Foreign relations -- South Africa
- Description: The relationship between South Africa and the United States was, historically, quite mutually profitable. The South African government regarded the United States as an ally in the world and sought continued friendship with them. The United States was mildly critical of the South African system of apartheid, but they, however, viewed South Africa as an ally. During the 1980's the relationship between the two countries became strained as the anti-apartheid voices in the United States grew louder and louder. The movement sought to end the atrocities of apartheid and change American foreign policy toward South Africa. The strongest diplomatic means available to them was imposing economic sanctions on South Africa in an attempt to force political change in the country. The anti-apartheid movement lobbied extensively gaining support among the American pub1ic and eventually the U.S. Congress. The sanctions campaign culminated in the enactment of the Comprehensive Anti-Apartheid Act (CAAA) of 1986. Prior to the enactment of the CAAA the South African government and its allies launched their own campaign in an attempt to combat the imposition of sanctions. Lobbying played a key role in the process for those on both sides of the issue. For the anti- apartheid movement, lobbying was effective on the American public and the U.S Congress. For the South African government lobbying was effective on the conservative right wing and President Reagan and his administration.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1994
Reconciling Western and African philosophy : rationality, culture and communitarianism
- Authors: Vitsha, Xolisa
- Date: 2002
- Subjects: Philosophy, African , Africa -- Intellectual life , Philosophy, Comparative , Philosophy , Communitarianism , Self
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2838 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003807 , Philosophy, African , Africa -- Intellectual life , Philosophy, Comparative , Philosophy , Communitarianism , Self
- Description: This thesis attempts to reconcile Western and African philosophy with specific reference to the issues of rationality, culture and communitarianism. It also discusses the post-Enlightenment, Western philosophical concept of liberal "atomism" and the primacy of the individual and the emergence of a communitarian critique in response. This thesis intends exploring how Western notions of individuality and the communitarian response can be reconciled with contemporary African philosophy and African communitarian thought in particular. To do this, it is necessary to explore the problem of liberal individualism and how African communitarianism might reinforce the Western communitarian critique. African communitarianism has a processual understanding of personhood that underpins its conception of the Self. In contrast to this view, Western communitarianism has a relational conception of the individual Self. Thus, this thesis argues that African communitarianism has a more profound understanding of the constitution of the Self. To demonstrate these claims, this study discusses notions of rationality which inform each of the philosophical traditions. This will enable a comparative analysis of the above-mentioned philosophical traditions with the intention of uncovering the concepts that provide the platform for their reconciliation.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2002
- Authors: Vitsha, Xolisa
- Date: 2002
- Subjects: Philosophy, African , Africa -- Intellectual life , Philosophy, Comparative , Philosophy , Communitarianism , Self
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2838 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003807 , Philosophy, African , Africa -- Intellectual life , Philosophy, Comparative , Philosophy , Communitarianism , Self
- Description: This thesis attempts to reconcile Western and African philosophy with specific reference to the issues of rationality, culture and communitarianism. It also discusses the post-Enlightenment, Western philosophical concept of liberal "atomism" and the primacy of the individual and the emergence of a communitarian critique in response. This thesis intends exploring how Western notions of individuality and the communitarian response can be reconciled with contemporary African philosophy and African communitarian thought in particular. To do this, it is necessary to explore the problem of liberal individualism and how African communitarianism might reinforce the Western communitarian critique. African communitarianism has a processual understanding of personhood that underpins its conception of the Self. In contrast to this view, Western communitarianism has a relational conception of the individual Self. Thus, this thesis argues that African communitarianism has a more profound understanding of the constitution of the Self. To demonstrate these claims, this study discusses notions of rationality which inform each of the philosophical traditions. This will enable a comparative analysis of the above-mentioned philosophical traditions with the intention of uncovering the concepts that provide the platform for their reconciliation.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2002
Defining governance in Uganda in a changing world order, 1962-94
- Authors: Kintu-Nyago, Crispin
- Date: 1996
- Subjects: Uganda -- Politics and government , Uganda -- Economic conditions , World politics , International relations
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2788 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002998 , Uganda -- Politics and government , Uganda -- Economic conditions , World politics , International relations
- Description: This study argues that much of early post colonial Uganda's political developments, had its roots in the colonial patterns of governance. It was, however, the imperative of Uganda's early post colonial rulers to have formulated and maintained conditions for legitimate and orderly governance. Largely, this required a coherent political class with a mass based and mobilising political movement, that moreover had a political programme that catered for the interests of its support base. Indeed, their opting to negate these very prerequisite conditions, contributed greatly to Uganda's subsequent political disorder, and it's further marginalisation in the International Political Economy. This study suggests that since the impact of colonialism in Uganda, its governance policies have closely been linked to the broader dictates of the International Political Economy. A reality that the policy makers in post colonial Uganda should have realised, and in the process attempted to advantageously adapt to the Ugandan situation. Their was a qualitative improvement in Uganda's governance from 1986. This study illustrates that this was a result of the emerging into power of a political class, whose policies deliberately and strenuously attempted to fulfil the above mentioned criteria. Their is need to link Uganda's foreign and governance policies. Consequently a conscious and deliberate effort has to made by its policy makers, to ensure that the two are amicably adapted to each other, so as to derive the best possible benefits. For instance what Uganda needs in the existing New World Order are development, domestic and foreign investments and export markets for its produce. All of which can only be obtained if political order through a legitimate political system and government exists. With a leadership, that moreover, deliberately attracts foreign investments and creates the enabling conditions for competitive economic production. The onus is upon Ugandans to ensure that they institutionalise conditions for their appropriate governance and foreign policies. For this thesis argues that the International Political Economy is dynamic, and Uganda was never predestined to be at its margins.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1996
- Authors: Kintu-Nyago, Crispin
- Date: 1996
- Subjects: Uganda -- Politics and government , Uganda -- Economic conditions , World politics , International relations
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2788 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002998 , Uganda -- Politics and government , Uganda -- Economic conditions , World politics , International relations
- Description: This study argues that much of early post colonial Uganda's political developments, had its roots in the colonial patterns of governance. It was, however, the imperative of Uganda's early post colonial rulers to have formulated and maintained conditions for legitimate and orderly governance. Largely, this required a coherent political class with a mass based and mobilising political movement, that moreover had a political programme that catered for the interests of its support base. Indeed, their opting to negate these very prerequisite conditions, contributed greatly to Uganda's subsequent political disorder, and it's further marginalisation in the International Political Economy. This study suggests that since the impact of colonialism in Uganda, its governance policies have closely been linked to the broader dictates of the International Political Economy. A reality that the policy makers in post colonial Uganda should have realised, and in the process attempted to advantageously adapt to the Ugandan situation. Their was a qualitative improvement in Uganda's governance from 1986. This study illustrates that this was a result of the emerging into power of a political class, whose policies deliberately and strenuously attempted to fulfil the above mentioned criteria. Their is need to link Uganda's foreign and governance policies. Consequently a conscious and deliberate effort has to made by its policy makers, to ensure that the two are amicably adapted to each other, so as to derive the best possible benefits. For instance what Uganda needs in the existing New World Order are development, domestic and foreign investments and export markets for its produce. All of which can only be obtained if political order through a legitimate political system and government exists. With a leadership, that moreover, deliberately attracts foreign investments and creates the enabling conditions for competitive economic production. The onus is upon Ugandans to ensure that they institutionalise conditions for their appropriate governance and foreign policies. For this thesis argues that the International Political Economy is dynamic, and Uganda was never predestined to be at its margins.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1996
Namibia's long road to independence : the Botha era
- Authors: Ruiters, Michele René
- Date: 1992
- Subjects: United Nations -- Namibia , Namibia -- History -- 1946-1990 , Namibia -- Politics and government -- 1946-1990
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2754 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002001
- Description: This thesis deals with the ten years preceding Namibia's independence in March 1990. It examines the various characters and groups in this process, and how their roles delayed or promoted it. The era of Pieter W. Botha is very significant in that his rule brought many changes to the decision-making process and content of South African foreign policy. This period, 1978 - 1989, marked the formulation of the Total National Strategy in response to the Total Onslaught being waged on South Africa by perceived hostile external forces. Namibia's transition to independence suffered under this military-oriented policy as did the rest of the region. Never before in South Africa's policy-making history had the security sector played such a major role. Regional relations changed subsequent to the policy changes because of the distorted vision the Botha regime had of black-ruled states. Namibia was seen as an important pawn in the Total National Strategy as the last buffer state in Southern Africa protecting South Africa's white minority regime
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1992
- Authors: Ruiters, Michele René
- Date: 1992
- Subjects: United Nations -- Namibia , Namibia -- History -- 1946-1990 , Namibia -- Politics and government -- 1946-1990
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2754 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002001
- Description: This thesis deals with the ten years preceding Namibia's independence in March 1990. It examines the various characters and groups in this process, and how their roles delayed or promoted it. The era of Pieter W. Botha is very significant in that his rule brought many changes to the decision-making process and content of South African foreign policy. This period, 1978 - 1989, marked the formulation of the Total National Strategy in response to the Total Onslaught being waged on South Africa by perceived hostile external forces. Namibia's transition to independence suffered under this military-oriented policy as did the rest of the region. Never before in South Africa's policy-making history had the security sector played such a major role. Regional relations changed subsequent to the policy changes because of the distorted vision the Botha regime had of black-ruled states. Namibia was seen as an important pawn in the Total National Strategy as the last buffer state in Southern Africa protecting South Africa's white minority regime
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1992
The political significance of the liberal media coverage of District Six from 1949 to 1970
- Authors: Marquard, Andrew Keith
- Date: 1996
- Subjects: Mass media -- Political aspects , District Six (Cape Town, South Africa) , District Six (Cape Town, South Africa), In The Press
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2802 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003012 , Mass media -- Political aspects , District Six (Cape Town, South Africa) , District Six (Cape Town, South Africa), In The Press
- Description: The political significance of the media coverage of District Six is approached in the following way: the issue is approached theoretically by posing the question of the general political significance of news as a communicative form. This question is resolved by an examination of the complicated relationship between the tradition of political thought and the development of modem political forms, specifically the issue of the importance of communication in modern political forms. This is explored by considering the problem of the political outlined by Heller. Arendt reconceptua1izes the problem in terms of political judgement, which is discussed in relation to postmodernism and Wittgenstein's philosophy of language, to establish a new conceptualization of political judgement based on Arendt's view of narrative and Benjamin's writing on history. This conceptualization is used to formulated a notion of the general political significance of news, which is a form of political judgement related to a specific political culture. On this basis the media material is analysed in terms of two processes: the representation of District Six in the liberal media, and the representation of the political process surrounding its racial zoning and demolition. It is concluded that the media coverage of Distract Six during this period is characterized by a political culture termed the politics of the ordinary based on a reification of 'Europe' as part of a ' colonial attitude', and the idealization of specific urban forms, with a special relationship to urban planning. Thus the political significance of the media coverage resides in the perpetuation of this political culture, representative of the politics of the white English-speaking middle class, in terms of which an authentic urban politics is not conceivable. Additional conclusions are also drawn concerning the relationship between this political culture and the politics of Apartheid.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1996
- Authors: Marquard, Andrew Keith
- Date: 1996
- Subjects: Mass media -- Political aspects , District Six (Cape Town, South Africa) , District Six (Cape Town, South Africa), In The Press
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2802 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003012 , Mass media -- Political aspects , District Six (Cape Town, South Africa) , District Six (Cape Town, South Africa), In The Press
- Description: The political significance of the media coverage of District Six is approached in the following way: the issue is approached theoretically by posing the question of the general political significance of news as a communicative form. This question is resolved by an examination of the complicated relationship between the tradition of political thought and the development of modem political forms, specifically the issue of the importance of communication in modern political forms. This is explored by considering the problem of the political outlined by Heller. Arendt reconceptua1izes the problem in terms of political judgement, which is discussed in relation to postmodernism and Wittgenstein's philosophy of language, to establish a new conceptualization of political judgement based on Arendt's view of narrative and Benjamin's writing on history. This conceptualization is used to formulated a notion of the general political significance of news, which is a form of political judgement related to a specific political culture. On this basis the media material is analysed in terms of two processes: the representation of District Six in the liberal media, and the representation of the political process surrounding its racial zoning and demolition. It is concluded that the media coverage of Distract Six during this period is characterized by a political culture termed the politics of the ordinary based on a reification of 'Europe' as part of a ' colonial attitude', and the idealization of specific urban forms, with a special relationship to urban planning. Thus the political significance of the media coverage resides in the perpetuation of this political culture, representative of the politics of the white English-speaking middle class, in terms of which an authentic urban politics is not conceivable. Additional conclusions are also drawn concerning the relationship between this political culture and the politics of Apartheid.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1996
Towards a developed regional order: which way forward southern Africa?
- Authors: Blaauw, Abraham Lesley
- Date: 1997
- Subjects: Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa , Regional planning -- Africa, Southern , Regional planning -- South Africa , Southern African Customs Union , Southern African Development Community , Africa, Southern -- Economic conditions , Africa, Southern -- Politics and government -- 1975-1994
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2760 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002970 , Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa , Regional planning -- Africa, Southern , Regional planning -- South Africa , Southern African Customs Union , Southern African Development Community , Africa, Southern -- Economic conditions , Africa, Southern -- Politics and government -- 1975-1994
- Description: The regionalisation of politics on a global scale, Call be seen as one of the defining features of contemporary international relations. Given this phenomenon, the tasks which confronted this thesis, was to consider the conditions and requirements necessary within the Southern African region to build an all-embracing developed regional order. The urgency with which the latter task should be undertaken, is premised on an increased realisation that the region, and indeed the continent as a whole, are becoming of lesser significance in international affairs. However, a number of impediments will have to be overcome, before the goal of a developed regional order can be achieved, which will contribute to lasting security in the region. Foremost amongst many issues, is how to employ the approaches to integration, in attempting to explain how the goal of a developed order should be achieved. A second problem which this thesis was confronted with, relates to which organisation shoulO be' considered the best vehicle, to drive the integration process forward- COMESA, SACU or SADC. The decision take SADC as the organisation to drive the integration process forward, is premised on a number of factors. Amongst many, it qualifies in geographical terms as a region, the historical linkages of the countries of the region (based on their fight against apartheid, division of labour, etc.), serves as a basis for building a sense of community. Thirdly its institutions can be developed to achieve the goal of an all-embracing regional order. Lastly and most importantly, SADC realises that regional integration will remain unattainable without the involvement of the peoples of Southern Africa. The identification of the organisation to drive the integration process forward, serves to bolster moves towards a maximalist order. However, significant changes in the structure and institutions of SADC is necessary, before it can be considered an all-embracing and developed regional order. Not suprisingly, therefore, we have witness a number of institutional changes to the SADC structures. Amongst many, the establishment of the Organ on Politics, Defence and Security , the signing of the SADC Trade Facilitation Protocol, and the commitment to democracy and a human rights culture, are most significant and will, it is hoped, provide the building-blocks for deeper integration in Southern Africa. Apart from the above, which occur between and among the states of the region, steps are underway between and among the agents of civil society to work closely with each other, to establish a regional civil society. Most notably, the establishment of a media society for Southern Africa, the calls by COSATU for a Social Charter with a regional flavour, the establishment of environmental and human rights networks, and the support for the Gay and Lesbian Movement of Zimbabwe (GALZ), represent landmarks, in the search for a developed regional order. However, the reluctance of the governments of the Southern African countries, to consult with the NGOs, before the adoption of the Organ Politics, clearly bears testimony to their present inability to take the necessary steps needed to move from a minimalist to a maximalist conception of regional organisation. The suggestion of this thesis is that the move-away from minimalism to maximalism can be facilitated by the development of a political centre-around which both governments and NGO activities can be articulated, since both are primarily concerned with the security and welfare of the Southern African region.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1997
- Authors: Blaauw, Abraham Lesley
- Date: 1997
- Subjects: Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa , Regional planning -- Africa, Southern , Regional planning -- South Africa , Southern African Customs Union , Southern African Development Community , Africa, Southern -- Economic conditions , Africa, Southern -- Politics and government -- 1975-1994
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2760 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002970 , Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa , Regional planning -- Africa, Southern , Regional planning -- South Africa , Southern African Customs Union , Southern African Development Community , Africa, Southern -- Economic conditions , Africa, Southern -- Politics and government -- 1975-1994
- Description: The regionalisation of politics on a global scale, Call be seen as one of the defining features of contemporary international relations. Given this phenomenon, the tasks which confronted this thesis, was to consider the conditions and requirements necessary within the Southern African region to build an all-embracing developed regional order. The urgency with which the latter task should be undertaken, is premised on an increased realisation that the region, and indeed the continent as a whole, are becoming of lesser significance in international affairs. However, a number of impediments will have to be overcome, before the goal of a developed regional order can be achieved, which will contribute to lasting security in the region. Foremost amongst many issues, is how to employ the approaches to integration, in attempting to explain how the goal of a developed order should be achieved. A second problem which this thesis was confronted with, relates to which organisation shoulO be' considered the best vehicle, to drive the integration process forward- COMESA, SACU or SADC. The decision take SADC as the organisation to drive the integration process forward, is premised on a number of factors. Amongst many, it qualifies in geographical terms as a region, the historical linkages of the countries of the region (based on their fight against apartheid, division of labour, etc.), serves as a basis for building a sense of community. Thirdly its institutions can be developed to achieve the goal of an all-embracing regional order. Lastly and most importantly, SADC realises that regional integration will remain unattainable without the involvement of the peoples of Southern Africa. The identification of the organisation to drive the integration process forward, serves to bolster moves towards a maximalist order. However, significant changes in the structure and institutions of SADC is necessary, before it can be considered an all-embracing and developed regional order. Not suprisingly, therefore, we have witness a number of institutional changes to the SADC structures. Amongst many, the establishment of the Organ on Politics, Defence and Security , the signing of the SADC Trade Facilitation Protocol, and the commitment to democracy and a human rights culture, are most significant and will, it is hoped, provide the building-blocks for deeper integration in Southern Africa. Apart from the above, which occur between and among the states of the region, steps are underway between and among the agents of civil society to work closely with each other, to establish a regional civil society. Most notably, the establishment of a media society for Southern Africa, the calls by COSATU for a Social Charter with a regional flavour, the establishment of environmental and human rights networks, and the support for the Gay and Lesbian Movement of Zimbabwe (GALZ), represent landmarks, in the search for a developed regional order. However, the reluctance of the governments of the Southern African countries, to consult with the NGOs, before the adoption of the Organ Politics, clearly bears testimony to their present inability to take the necessary steps needed to move from a minimalist to a maximalist conception of regional organisation. The suggestion of this thesis is that the move-away from minimalism to maximalism can be facilitated by the development of a political centre-around which both governments and NGO activities can be articulated, since both are primarily concerned with the security and welfare of the Southern African region.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1997
How green is our future? Thor Chemicals: a case study in South African environmental policy
- Authors: Flint, Adrian
- Date: 1998
- Subjects: Environmental ethics , Environmental policy -- South Africa , Environmental policy -- South Africa -- Case studies , Environmental degradation -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2776 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002986 , Environmental ethics , Environmental policy -- South Africa , Environmental policy -- South Africa -- Case studies , Environmental degradation -- South Africa
- Description: This study focuses on South African Environmefltal policy; in particular its policies regarding hazardous waste. These policies are addressed within the framework of a case study which serves as basis to critically evaluate government environmental policies both past and present. The thesis examines South African environmental policy against the backdrop of competing schools of thought regarding the relationship between growth and development on the one hand and long term environmental security on the other. Development strategies such as Sustainable Development and the government's Growth, Employment and Redistribution as well as philosophies such as Deep Ecology will be discussed. The thesis argues that Non-Governmental Organisations are the holders of a real environmental ethic and thus their role in preventing environmental degradation is of critical importance. Furthermore, it is imperative that this ethic be disseminated across society if South Africa is to successfully pursue sound environmental policies. This argument is pursued by way of a case study, Thor Chemicals: a company responsible for the running of the largest mercury recovery facility in the world. This plant, which operated in Cato Ridge, KwaZulu-Natal, has been the source of much controversy since it was found that many of its employees and ex-employees were suffering from severe mercury poisoning resulting in two fatalities. The company was also involved in the importation of hazardous wastes as well as the pollution of the surrounding environment. Thor is currently the subject of inquiry by the government-appointed Davis Commission. It is pointed out that ill the past South Africa held no real environmental ethic and environmental degradation ensued as a result. The presented thesis argues that, despite assurances to the contrary, the present government is also without a true environmental ethic that will be effective in preventing future degradation.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1998
- Authors: Flint, Adrian
- Date: 1998
- Subjects: Environmental ethics , Environmental policy -- South Africa , Environmental policy -- South Africa -- Case studies , Environmental degradation -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2776 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002986 , Environmental ethics , Environmental policy -- South Africa , Environmental policy -- South Africa -- Case studies , Environmental degradation -- South Africa
- Description: This study focuses on South African Environmefltal policy; in particular its policies regarding hazardous waste. These policies are addressed within the framework of a case study which serves as basis to critically evaluate government environmental policies both past and present. The thesis examines South African environmental policy against the backdrop of competing schools of thought regarding the relationship between growth and development on the one hand and long term environmental security on the other. Development strategies such as Sustainable Development and the government's Growth, Employment and Redistribution as well as philosophies such as Deep Ecology will be discussed. The thesis argues that Non-Governmental Organisations are the holders of a real environmental ethic and thus their role in preventing environmental degradation is of critical importance. Furthermore, it is imperative that this ethic be disseminated across society if South Africa is to successfully pursue sound environmental policies. This argument is pursued by way of a case study, Thor Chemicals: a company responsible for the running of the largest mercury recovery facility in the world. This plant, which operated in Cato Ridge, KwaZulu-Natal, has been the source of much controversy since it was found that many of its employees and ex-employees were suffering from severe mercury poisoning resulting in two fatalities. The company was also involved in the importation of hazardous wastes as well as the pollution of the surrounding environment. Thor is currently the subject of inquiry by the government-appointed Davis Commission. It is pointed out that ill the past South Africa held no real environmental ethic and environmental degradation ensued as a result. The presented thesis argues that, despite assurances to the contrary, the present government is also without a true environmental ethic that will be effective in preventing future degradation.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1998
Searching for new relevance in the 1990s: the Organization of African Unity as an instrument of conflict resolution
- Authors: Dlamini, Thandeka Lungile
- Date: 2000
- Subjects: Organization of African Unity , Africa -- Foreign relations , Conflict management -- Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2770 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002980 , Organization of African Unity , Africa -- Foreign relations , Conflict management -- Africa
- Description: The 1960's and the 1970's marked a great Pan-African movement in Africa, that saw the liberation of most African states. This Pan-African movement, was spearheaded by a quest to unite Africa, and to abate foreign occupation. Amidst the spirit of unity, lay a promise of an organization that would embody the hopes and aspirations of a continent undergoing a re-birth; a progression towards self-determination, economic development and integration, and the maintenance of peace. Therefore, the inception ofthe Organization of African Unity (OAD) was not only a symbol of a unifying force for Africans, but a diplomatic platform that would promote African needs on the international arena. In effect the OAU, at its inception, was for specific ideals that would guarantee liberation and unity of African states. The outcome of these ideals would be greater regional economic integration and the achievement of peace and stability. These ideals mirrored the structural definition of regional organization, with the inclusion of a Commission for Mediation Arbitration and Conciliation under the OAU Charter, to handle disputes among member states. However, the mere fact that this commission lacked the political wherewithal to resolve conflicts, by its sheer lack of a standing peacekeeping force, contributed to the inefficiency of the organization to play an effective role in conflict management. This study attempts to examine the role ofthe OAU in settling disputes. The study sought to accomplish this, in the following manner. Firstly, an investigation into the nature of conflict and why it persists in Africa was conducted. Further, an examination ofthe tools that practitioners utilize not only to study conflict, but to prevent, manage and resolve it, was done. During the investigation it was found that, although the OAU's greatest successes have come from preventive diplomacy, its structural foundations limit the capabilities of the organization to become more relevant. The Charter of the OAU alludes vaguely to the settlement of disputes, but without an executive political decision-making body able to deploy peacekeepers, its principles are largely meaningless. Amidst the growing concerns, the OAU as a matter of survival, developed initiatives it hopes will make it more effective and relevant. The focus ofthe study was the evolving role ofthe OAU, from its inception to its new role as an instrument of conflict resolution. Most of the scholarly work conducted on the OAU, is concerned with depicting a terminal organization, with little or no hope of surviving. Little emphasis is placed on prescribing remedies on how to improve and restructure the organization. The findings included, inter alia, that the organization is faced with enormous challenges, as the sources of conflict are varied and complex. Africa is now the landscape of collapsed states, economic stagnation, environmental degradation, disease and chronic conflicts. The OAU shoulders much ofthe responsibility for not sanctioning governments that contribute to the decay and suffering of the African peoples. Most ofthe criticism of the OAU, stem from the inability of the organization to play an effective role in resolving conflicts in Africa. Most of Africa's conflicts stem from a lack of political legitimacy, lack of democratic institutions, uneven distribution of resources, ethnic tensions and economic stagnation. Until such problems are addressed, Africa will continue to host the world's deadliest conflicts.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2000
- Authors: Dlamini, Thandeka Lungile
- Date: 2000
- Subjects: Organization of African Unity , Africa -- Foreign relations , Conflict management -- Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2770 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002980 , Organization of African Unity , Africa -- Foreign relations , Conflict management -- Africa
- Description: The 1960's and the 1970's marked a great Pan-African movement in Africa, that saw the liberation of most African states. This Pan-African movement, was spearheaded by a quest to unite Africa, and to abate foreign occupation. Amidst the spirit of unity, lay a promise of an organization that would embody the hopes and aspirations of a continent undergoing a re-birth; a progression towards self-determination, economic development and integration, and the maintenance of peace. Therefore, the inception ofthe Organization of African Unity (OAD) was not only a symbol of a unifying force for Africans, but a diplomatic platform that would promote African needs on the international arena. In effect the OAU, at its inception, was for specific ideals that would guarantee liberation and unity of African states. The outcome of these ideals would be greater regional economic integration and the achievement of peace and stability. These ideals mirrored the structural definition of regional organization, with the inclusion of a Commission for Mediation Arbitration and Conciliation under the OAU Charter, to handle disputes among member states. However, the mere fact that this commission lacked the political wherewithal to resolve conflicts, by its sheer lack of a standing peacekeeping force, contributed to the inefficiency of the organization to play an effective role in conflict management. This study attempts to examine the role ofthe OAU in settling disputes. The study sought to accomplish this, in the following manner. Firstly, an investigation into the nature of conflict and why it persists in Africa was conducted. Further, an examination ofthe tools that practitioners utilize not only to study conflict, but to prevent, manage and resolve it, was done. During the investigation it was found that, although the OAU's greatest successes have come from preventive diplomacy, its structural foundations limit the capabilities of the organization to become more relevant. The Charter of the OAU alludes vaguely to the settlement of disputes, but without an executive political decision-making body able to deploy peacekeepers, its principles are largely meaningless. Amidst the growing concerns, the OAU as a matter of survival, developed initiatives it hopes will make it more effective and relevant. The focus ofthe study was the evolving role ofthe OAU, from its inception to its new role as an instrument of conflict resolution. Most of the scholarly work conducted on the OAU, is concerned with depicting a terminal organization, with little or no hope of surviving. Little emphasis is placed on prescribing remedies on how to improve and restructure the organization. The findings included, inter alia, that the organization is faced with enormous challenges, as the sources of conflict are varied and complex. Africa is now the landscape of collapsed states, economic stagnation, environmental degradation, disease and chronic conflicts. The OAU shoulders much ofthe responsibility for not sanctioning governments that contribute to the decay and suffering of the African peoples. Most ofthe criticism of the OAU, stem from the inability of the organization to play an effective role in resolving conflicts in Africa. Most of Africa's conflicts stem from a lack of political legitimacy, lack of democratic institutions, uneven distribution of resources, ethnic tensions and economic stagnation. Until such problems are addressed, Africa will continue to host the world's deadliest conflicts.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2000
Donor conditionalities and democratisation in Kenya, 1991-1997
- Authors: Muriuki, Irene
- Date: 2000
- Subjects: Economic assistance -- Political aspects -- Kenya , Democracy -- Kenya , Elections -- Kenya , Kenya -- Politics and government -- 1978-2002
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2812 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003022 , Economic assistance -- Political aspects -- Kenya , Democracy -- Kenya , Elections -- Kenya , Kenya -- Politics and government -- 1978-2002
- Description: The end of the Cold War and the collapse of the Soviet Union has encouraged democratisation in most parts of Africa. At the same time, Western donors' attitudes towards r~cipients of foreign aid have changed. This has resulted in a new practice, which attempts to force Third World states to move toward liberal democracy by conditioning lending on the holding of mUlti-party elections. In Africa this has resulted to the holding of multi-party elections. This study attempts to examine donor conditionalities and democratisation in Kenya by examining the results of 1992 and 1997 multi-party elections. Kenya attained independence from the British and ushered in a multi-party democracy in 1963. Since then, the country has undergone a full circle of political development, starting with a multi-party democracy at independence, through a one party dictatorship between 1982 and 1992 and back to a multi-party democracy in 1993. The need to satisfy foreign donors forced the leadership to amend Section 2(A) of Kenya' s constitution that had legalised single-party rule in 1982 thus allowing plural politics. The externally pressured transition to multi-party democracy though has resulted in increased corruption, state-sponsored ethnic violence, continued political authoritarianism and disastrous economic mismanagement of what was once considered a model for the continent. This study urges that Western donors should focus less on elections and more on the fostering of democratic institutions through breaking patterns of neo-patrimonial rule that have inforn1ed and continue to inform politics in Kenya. Political reforms have been resisted by the incumbency in the fear tha! they may curtail the power of the political leadership whose main objective has been to cling to power.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2000
- Authors: Muriuki, Irene
- Date: 2000
- Subjects: Economic assistance -- Political aspects -- Kenya , Democracy -- Kenya , Elections -- Kenya , Kenya -- Politics and government -- 1978-2002
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2812 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003022 , Economic assistance -- Political aspects -- Kenya , Democracy -- Kenya , Elections -- Kenya , Kenya -- Politics and government -- 1978-2002
- Description: The end of the Cold War and the collapse of the Soviet Union has encouraged democratisation in most parts of Africa. At the same time, Western donors' attitudes towards r~cipients of foreign aid have changed. This has resulted in a new practice, which attempts to force Third World states to move toward liberal democracy by conditioning lending on the holding of mUlti-party elections. In Africa this has resulted to the holding of multi-party elections. This study attempts to examine donor conditionalities and democratisation in Kenya by examining the results of 1992 and 1997 multi-party elections. Kenya attained independence from the British and ushered in a multi-party democracy in 1963. Since then, the country has undergone a full circle of political development, starting with a multi-party democracy at independence, through a one party dictatorship between 1982 and 1992 and back to a multi-party democracy in 1993. The need to satisfy foreign donors forced the leadership to amend Section 2(A) of Kenya' s constitution that had legalised single-party rule in 1982 thus allowing plural politics. The externally pressured transition to multi-party democracy though has resulted in increased corruption, state-sponsored ethnic violence, continued political authoritarianism and disastrous economic mismanagement of what was once considered a model for the continent. This study urges that Western donors should focus less on elections and more on the fostering of democratic institutions through breaking patterns of neo-patrimonial rule that have inforn1ed and continue to inform politics in Kenya. Political reforms have been resisted by the incumbency in the fear tha! they may curtail the power of the political leadership whose main objective has been to cling to power.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2000
Towards a broader application of decision-making paradigms: a case study of the establishment of ECOWAS Cease-fire Monitoring Group (ECOMOG)
- Authors: Domson-Lindsay, Albert
- Date: 2001
- Subjects: Liberia -- History -- Civil War, 1989-1996 , Liberia -- politics and government -- 1980- , Ecomog , Economic community of west african states
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2771 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002981 , Liberia -- History -- Civil War, 1989-1996 , Liberia -- politics and government -- 1980- , Ecomog , Economic community of west african states
- Description: The thesis in the main, looks at the decision-making process which underlined the Economic Community of West African States' attempt to end the Liberian crisis. It examines the establishment of ECOMOG to intervene in the Liberian civil crisis and the various pacific attempts to resolve the Liberian question. It does so through the medium of decision - making theory and some of the conceptual models that have flowed out of it. The thesis' focus on the decisional process of a regional body marks an attempt to broaden the scope of application of decision - making paradigms, which are usually employed to analyse decisions of national governments. The imperative for analysing the decisional process of ECOWAS in its quest to find solution to the Liberian problem has in part been dictated by the novelty of the ECOMOG concept. It marks the first major attempt of a sub - regional economic organization to successfully find solution to a civil conflict, as a result, there are numerous lessons to be gleaned from its failures and successes. Its relevance in the African context, with its intractable conflicts cannot be overemphasized. It has also been motivated by the fact that more works need to be produced on the decision-making processes of governments and regional bodies within the continent. The thesis argues that, both rational and "irrational" elements infused the decisional process of ECOW AS in its bid to solve the Liberian Crisis. Among other things, Policy-makers were influenced in their choice of decision by rational calculations based on national interest. It examines the clash of interests which characterized the establishment ofECOMOG as an tntervention force, the impasse this fostered and how it was eventually resolved. It postulates that exteljIlal actors influenced the decision process and that policy :Qiakers were aided to make the decisions they made by other organs in the decisional chain. The "irrational" component of the process, among other things, could be seen from the fact that the Liberian question was solved in " bits and pieces". Besides, blunders were committed through defective decision - making mechanism. The thesis concludes by offering suggestions to improve the quality of ECOW AS decision-making process with regard to conflict resolution and how to achieve regional consensus.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2001
- Authors: Domson-Lindsay, Albert
- Date: 2001
- Subjects: Liberia -- History -- Civil War, 1989-1996 , Liberia -- politics and government -- 1980- , Ecomog , Economic community of west african states
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2771 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002981 , Liberia -- History -- Civil War, 1989-1996 , Liberia -- politics and government -- 1980- , Ecomog , Economic community of west african states
- Description: The thesis in the main, looks at the decision-making process which underlined the Economic Community of West African States' attempt to end the Liberian crisis. It examines the establishment of ECOMOG to intervene in the Liberian civil crisis and the various pacific attempts to resolve the Liberian question. It does so through the medium of decision - making theory and some of the conceptual models that have flowed out of it. The thesis' focus on the decisional process of a regional body marks an attempt to broaden the scope of application of decision - making paradigms, which are usually employed to analyse decisions of national governments. The imperative for analysing the decisional process of ECOWAS in its quest to find solution to the Liberian problem has in part been dictated by the novelty of the ECOMOG concept. It marks the first major attempt of a sub - regional economic organization to successfully find solution to a civil conflict, as a result, there are numerous lessons to be gleaned from its failures and successes. Its relevance in the African context, with its intractable conflicts cannot be overemphasized. It has also been motivated by the fact that more works need to be produced on the decision-making processes of governments and regional bodies within the continent. The thesis argues that, both rational and "irrational" elements infused the decisional process of ECOW AS in its bid to solve the Liberian Crisis. Among other things, Policy-makers were influenced in their choice of decision by rational calculations based on national interest. It examines the clash of interests which characterized the establishment ofECOMOG as an tntervention force, the impasse this fostered and how it was eventually resolved. It postulates that exteljIlal actors influenced the decision process and that policy :Qiakers were aided to make the decisions they made by other organs in the decisional chain. The "irrational" component of the process, among other things, could be seen from the fact that the Liberian question was solved in " bits and pieces". Besides, blunders were committed through defective decision - making mechanism. The thesis concludes by offering suggestions to improve the quality of ECOW AS decision-making process with regard to conflict resolution and how to achieve regional consensus.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2001
The origins and subsequent development of Administration Boards
- Authors: Humphries, Richard
- Date: 1983
- Subjects: South Africa -- Politics and government -- 20th century , Influx control -- South Africa , Public administration -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2854 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1006873 , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 20th century , Influx control -- South Africa , Public administration -- South Africa
- Description: Until the introduction of administration boards in 1972-1973, the responsibility for administering the urban black townships in "white" South Africa was vested with the municipalities as agents of the Department of Bantu Administration and Development. The establishment of administration boards to replace the municipalities' Non-European Affairs Departments reflected the determination of the Department of Bantu Administration and Development to secure tighter direct control over the implementation of policy, particularly that affecting influx control and labour regulation. The decision to end municipal control was made after the report of the Van Rensburg Inter-Departmental Committee of Inquiry into Control Measures, which reported in 1967. The report's concern that influx control was not working as intended, coupled with doubts about the political autonomy of Opposition controlled municipalities, which dated back to the 1950s, were the major reasons for the introduction of administration boards.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1983
- Authors: Humphries, Richard
- Date: 1983
- Subjects: South Africa -- Politics and government -- 20th century , Influx control -- South Africa , Public administration -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2854 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1006873 , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 20th century , Influx control -- South Africa , Public administration -- South Africa
- Description: Until the introduction of administration boards in 1972-1973, the responsibility for administering the urban black townships in "white" South Africa was vested with the municipalities as agents of the Department of Bantu Administration and Development. The establishment of administration boards to replace the municipalities' Non-European Affairs Departments reflected the determination of the Department of Bantu Administration and Development to secure tighter direct control over the implementation of policy, particularly that affecting influx control and labour regulation. The decision to end municipal control was made after the report of the Van Rensburg Inter-Departmental Committee of Inquiry into Control Measures, which reported in 1967. The report's concern that influx control was not working as intended, coupled with doubts about the political autonomy of Opposition controlled municipalities, which dated back to the 1950s, were the major reasons for the introduction of administration boards.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1983
Regionalism and conflict resolution in the Horn of Africa : the role of inter-governmental authority on development in the Sudanese civil war
- Authors: Onyango, Moses
- Date: 2003
- Subjects: Africa, Northeast -- Politics and government -- 1900-1974 , Africa, Northeast -- Politics and government -- 1974- , Africa, Northeast -- Foreign relations -- 1974- , Federal government -- Africa, Northeast , Sudan -- History -- Civil War, 1955-1972 , Mediation, International , Culture conflict Sudan
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2869 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1007715 , Africa, Northeast -- Politics and government -- 1900-1974 , Africa, Northeast -- Politics and government -- 1974- , Africa, Northeast -- Foreign relations -- 1974- , Federal government -- Africa, Northeast , Sudan -- History -- Civil War, 1955-1972 , Mediation, International , Culture conflict Sudan
- Description: This thesis expounds the theoretical underpinnings of problem-solving approach to conflict resolution. It also criticizes the traditional state-centric approach to conflict resolution being followed by the Inter Governmental Authority on Development (IGAD) in the Sudanese civil war. IGAD was initially known as Inter Governmental Authority on Drought and Desertification (IGADD), but was renamed IGAD in 1996. Its objectives were reformulated to give priority to conflict prevention, resolution, and management, and humanitarian affairs. It is stipulated in the thesis that IGAD faces problems that need attention if the Sudanese civil war is to be resolved. A key problem is that while IGAD's objectives were reformulated to give priority to conflict resolution, IGAD's management structure has remained the same. The management structure is state-centric and lacks neutrality, which is a very important ingredient in deep-rooted social conflict resolution. The management structure, which was initially based on combating drought and desertification, was not restructured to conform to the realities of a problem solving approach to conflict resolution. The committee that was formed to look into the Sudanese conflict is composed of states in dispute with Sudan. The other structural problem cited in the thesis is that the IGAD peace process is cumbersome and does not include all aggrieved parties. The meetings involve heads of state, ministers, ambassadors and other government representatives. The peace process is not inclusive of other important players such as other rebel movements. This thesis concludes that: 1. there is a need for peace keeping forces from neutral African Union (AU) member states; 2. conflict resolution specialists are deployed in the region whose main task would be to assist the belligerent groups to reach a common understanding of their problems; 3. the United Nations (UN) acts proactively to create international awareness to the Sudanese problem.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2003
- Authors: Onyango, Moses
- Date: 2003
- Subjects: Africa, Northeast -- Politics and government -- 1900-1974 , Africa, Northeast -- Politics and government -- 1974- , Africa, Northeast -- Foreign relations -- 1974- , Federal government -- Africa, Northeast , Sudan -- History -- Civil War, 1955-1972 , Mediation, International , Culture conflict Sudan
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2869 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1007715 , Africa, Northeast -- Politics and government -- 1900-1974 , Africa, Northeast -- Politics and government -- 1974- , Africa, Northeast -- Foreign relations -- 1974- , Federal government -- Africa, Northeast , Sudan -- History -- Civil War, 1955-1972 , Mediation, International , Culture conflict Sudan
- Description: This thesis expounds the theoretical underpinnings of problem-solving approach to conflict resolution. It also criticizes the traditional state-centric approach to conflict resolution being followed by the Inter Governmental Authority on Development (IGAD) in the Sudanese civil war. IGAD was initially known as Inter Governmental Authority on Drought and Desertification (IGADD), but was renamed IGAD in 1996. Its objectives were reformulated to give priority to conflict prevention, resolution, and management, and humanitarian affairs. It is stipulated in the thesis that IGAD faces problems that need attention if the Sudanese civil war is to be resolved. A key problem is that while IGAD's objectives were reformulated to give priority to conflict resolution, IGAD's management structure has remained the same. The management structure is state-centric and lacks neutrality, which is a very important ingredient in deep-rooted social conflict resolution. The management structure, which was initially based on combating drought and desertification, was not restructured to conform to the realities of a problem solving approach to conflict resolution. The committee that was formed to look into the Sudanese conflict is composed of states in dispute with Sudan. The other structural problem cited in the thesis is that the IGAD peace process is cumbersome and does not include all aggrieved parties. The meetings involve heads of state, ministers, ambassadors and other government representatives. The peace process is not inclusive of other important players such as other rebel movements. This thesis concludes that: 1. there is a need for peace keeping forces from neutral African Union (AU) member states; 2. conflict resolution specialists are deployed in the region whose main task would be to assist the belligerent groups to reach a common understanding of their problems; 3. the United Nations (UN) acts proactively to create international awareness to the Sudanese problem.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2003
The impact of water as a security issue on the Middle East peace process: 1991-1996
- Authors: Kaniaru, Wanjiku
- Date: 1999
- Subjects: Middle East -- Politics and government -- 1979- , Arab-Israeli conflict, 1993- -- Peace , Water-supply -- Political aspects -- Middle East , Natural resources -- International cooperation
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2785 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002995 , Middle East -- Politics and government -- 1979- , Arab-Israeli conflict, 1993- -- Peace , Water-supply -- Political aspects -- Middle East , Natural resources -- International cooperation
- Description: In recent years, there has been increasing realisation that resource based conflicts constitute one of the most salient threats to the survival of mankind, namely, water. In particular, the fundamental link between water and security can no longer be ignored given the indispensable role of water in the sustenance of human life as well as crucial sectors of agriculture and industry. Since the flow of water does not respect political boundaries, co-operation in the utilisation of dwindling supplies remains the most sustainable option for the future in an era of ecological interdependence. This thesis endeavours to investigate the impact of water as a security issue on the Middle East peace process. This is done within the theoretical framework that is provided by the schools of complex interdependence and new security studies. With the demise of the cold war, and the emergence of an expanded security agenda, water is an important non-military threat especially in the Middle East region. However, even with an expanded security agenda, the case of the Middle East suggests that it remains difficult to discard the hierarchy of security issues advocated by the Realists. The ongoing debate between the schools of complex interdependence and Realism is instructive in determining whether co-operation over water issues, considered "low" politics, is attainable in the absence of resolving "high" politics concerns of territory and security. Given its profound security implications for the Middle East region, water has been accorded a central role in both the bilateral and multilateral peace negotiations. In the context of water scarcity, and rising demographic patterns, the role of water as a facilitator of regional co-operation remains critical. However, for multilateral co-operation over water resources to become a tangible reality, it is the contention of this thesis that both "low" politics issues of water and "high" polities concerns of territory as well as security must be addressed simultaneously.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1999
- Authors: Kaniaru, Wanjiku
- Date: 1999
- Subjects: Middle East -- Politics and government -- 1979- , Arab-Israeli conflict, 1993- -- Peace , Water-supply -- Political aspects -- Middle East , Natural resources -- International cooperation
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2785 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002995 , Middle East -- Politics and government -- 1979- , Arab-Israeli conflict, 1993- -- Peace , Water-supply -- Political aspects -- Middle East , Natural resources -- International cooperation
- Description: In recent years, there has been increasing realisation that resource based conflicts constitute one of the most salient threats to the survival of mankind, namely, water. In particular, the fundamental link between water and security can no longer be ignored given the indispensable role of water in the sustenance of human life as well as crucial sectors of agriculture and industry. Since the flow of water does not respect political boundaries, co-operation in the utilisation of dwindling supplies remains the most sustainable option for the future in an era of ecological interdependence. This thesis endeavours to investigate the impact of water as a security issue on the Middle East peace process. This is done within the theoretical framework that is provided by the schools of complex interdependence and new security studies. With the demise of the cold war, and the emergence of an expanded security agenda, water is an important non-military threat especially in the Middle East region. However, even with an expanded security agenda, the case of the Middle East suggests that it remains difficult to discard the hierarchy of security issues advocated by the Realists. The ongoing debate between the schools of complex interdependence and Realism is instructive in determining whether co-operation over water issues, considered "low" politics, is attainable in the absence of resolving "high" politics concerns of territory and security. Given its profound security implications for the Middle East region, water has been accorded a central role in both the bilateral and multilateral peace negotiations. In the context of water scarcity, and rising demographic patterns, the role of water as a facilitator of regional co-operation remains critical. However, for multilateral co-operation over water resources to become a tangible reality, it is the contention of this thesis that both "low" politics issues of water and "high" polities concerns of territory as well as security must be addressed simultaneously.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1999
The Southern African Development Coordination Conference (SADCC) : part of a whole or a cover?
- Authors: Lubbe, Ingrid Lisa
- Date: 1990
- Subjects: Southern African Development Coordination Conference
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2753 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002000
- Description: The object of this analysis of the Southern African Development Coordination Conference (SADCC) was to examine the interaction between the states which comprise the organisation in terms of regional and international factors which either facilitated or constrained the pursuit of the organisation's economic goals. To this end a theoretical orientation which would place the organisation in context of regional and international political and economic interaction was necessary. International regime theory was used to place the organisation in an international context, and at the same time provided a theoretical dimension which could be used to analyse empirical evidence on the SADCC organisation's functioning. The application of regime theory clearly highlighted the fact that SADCC's economic goals are constrained by the degree to which all of the SADCC states are integrated on the economic level with western market economy and furthermore , by the fact that these links are reinforced for seven of the nine SADCC states by their economic dependence on South Africa. The above conclusion showed that in terms of the perpetuation of the SADCC organisation as an economic regime, according to the regime theory outlined in Chapter One, the goals of SADCC did not create a firm basis for economic cooperation in the long term. The future of the SADCC organisation in it's present form will depend on how long the racial policies of South Africa continue, for the analysis makes clear that the organisation has much more political than economic coherency. The use of a regime framework showed that in terms of the SADCC states individual economic positions, the historical and structural links between South Africa, the majority of the SADCC states and the West will continue indefinitely due to the strength of the structural economic links between the Southern African region and the western market economy. Thus the analysis proves, within the parameters of international regime theory, the lack of economic coherency within the SADCC organisation's goals, and the strength of the economic ties between the Southern African region and the West.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1990
- Authors: Lubbe, Ingrid Lisa
- Date: 1990
- Subjects: Southern African Development Coordination Conference
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2753 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002000
- Description: The object of this analysis of the Southern African Development Coordination Conference (SADCC) was to examine the interaction between the states which comprise the organisation in terms of regional and international factors which either facilitated or constrained the pursuit of the organisation's economic goals. To this end a theoretical orientation which would place the organisation in context of regional and international political and economic interaction was necessary. International regime theory was used to place the organisation in an international context, and at the same time provided a theoretical dimension which could be used to analyse empirical evidence on the SADCC organisation's functioning. The application of regime theory clearly highlighted the fact that SADCC's economic goals are constrained by the degree to which all of the SADCC states are integrated on the economic level with western market economy and furthermore , by the fact that these links are reinforced for seven of the nine SADCC states by their economic dependence on South Africa. The above conclusion showed that in terms of the perpetuation of the SADCC organisation as an economic regime, according to the regime theory outlined in Chapter One, the goals of SADCC did not create a firm basis for economic cooperation in the long term. The future of the SADCC organisation in it's present form will depend on how long the racial policies of South Africa continue, for the analysis makes clear that the organisation has much more political than economic coherency. The use of a regime framework showed that in terms of the SADCC states individual economic positions, the historical and structural links between South Africa, the majority of the SADCC states and the West will continue indefinitely due to the strength of the structural economic links between the Southern African region and the western market economy. Thus the analysis proves, within the parameters of international regime theory, the lack of economic coherency within the SADCC organisation's goals, and the strength of the economic ties between the Southern African region and the West.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1990