Exploring the possibility of an Ubuntu-based political philosophy
- Authors: Furman, Katherine Elizabeth
- Date: 2013
- Subjects: Ubuntu , Political philosophy , Ethical theories , Law , South Africa , Ubuntu (Philosophy) -- Research -- South Africa , Political science -- Philosophy -- Research , Philosophy, African -- Research , Social values -- Research South Africa , Ethics -- Research -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2756 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002003
- Description: It is typically said that there are two questions that political philosophy seeks to address: ‘who gets what?’ and ‘who decides on who gets what?’ South Africa, along with much of the rest of the world, has answered the second question badly and currently ranks as one of the world’s most unequal societies. Counter-intuitively, South Africa maintains a social-political order that (re)produces this inequality along with great enthusiasm for ubuntu, an African ethic that at a minimum requires that we treat each other humanely. However, due to the view that ubuntu has been co-opted in support of South Africa’s unjust system, ubuntu has largely been ignored by radical thinkers. The aim of this thesis is therefore to explore the possibility of an ubuntu-based political philosophy, with the core assumption that political philosophy is rooted in ethical theory. Three tasks are therefore undertaken in this thesis. Firstly, ubuntu is articulated as an ethic. Secondly, it is compared to similar Western ethical theories in order to determine if there are distinguishing characteristics that make ubuntu a more appropriate founding ethic for South African political philosophy. Finally, whether ubuntu can find real-world applicability will be assessed by looking at the way ubuntu has been used in the law
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2013
- Authors: Furman, Katherine Elizabeth
- Date: 2013
- Subjects: Ubuntu , Political philosophy , Ethical theories , Law , South Africa , Ubuntu (Philosophy) -- Research -- South Africa , Political science -- Philosophy -- Research , Philosophy, African -- Research , Social values -- Research South Africa , Ethics -- Research -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2756 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002003
- Description: It is typically said that there are two questions that political philosophy seeks to address: ‘who gets what?’ and ‘who decides on who gets what?’ South Africa, along with much of the rest of the world, has answered the second question badly and currently ranks as one of the world’s most unequal societies. Counter-intuitively, South Africa maintains a social-political order that (re)produces this inequality along with great enthusiasm for ubuntu, an African ethic that at a minimum requires that we treat each other humanely. However, due to the view that ubuntu has been co-opted in support of South Africa’s unjust system, ubuntu has largely been ignored by radical thinkers. The aim of this thesis is therefore to explore the possibility of an ubuntu-based political philosophy, with the core assumption that political philosophy is rooted in ethical theory. Three tasks are therefore undertaken in this thesis. Firstly, ubuntu is articulated as an ethic. Secondly, it is compared to similar Western ethical theories in order to determine if there are distinguishing characteristics that make ubuntu a more appropriate founding ethic for South African political philosophy. Finally, whether ubuntu can find real-world applicability will be assessed by looking at the way ubuntu has been used in the law
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2013
Force of habit the mystical foundations of the narcotic
- Authors: Howell, Simon Peter
- Date: 2012
- Subjects: Drug addiction -- Philosophy -- Research Drug addiction -- Political aspects -- Research Cocaine abuse -- Legal status, laws, etc. -- Research
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: vital:2784 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002994
- Description: This thesis aims to investigate and deconstruct the relationship between the narcotic, its narrative, and western modernity. To reveal the relationship, this thesis argues that it is possible to understand the philosophical, political, cultural and ethical dimensions of western modernity through the ulterior lens of the narcotic. As such, this thesis investigates western modernity's relationship to (a) cocaine as a specific narcotic, and (b) the concept of the narcotic with all its attendant connotations of addictions, illegitimacy, transgression, illegality, and so on. Accordingly, the thesis is both interpretive of the historical narrative of the narcotic of cocaine, and generative in its deconstruction of the relationship between western modernity and the concept of the narcotic. The deconstruction of this relationship ultimately reveals both prior narratives not as oppositional, but as supplementary. This has radical consequences for the manner in which we engage with narcotic use and the user - if the narcotic is supplement to the logic of western modernity, at each attempt to expel the use and user of the narcotic, rather then create difference, we self implicate ourselves in that expulsion and distance. To seek a new and more just means of dealing with the concept of the narcotic, and its use, therefore requires a new epistemological framework which can at once contemplate both narratives at the same time. To this end, the thesis suggests the use of critical complexity theory as one such methodological tool, if supplemented by the thoughts and strategies of Derridian deconstruction and Foucauldian discourse analysis.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2012
- Authors: Howell, Simon Peter
- Date: 2012
- Subjects: Drug addiction -- Philosophy -- Research Drug addiction -- Political aspects -- Research Cocaine abuse -- Legal status, laws, etc. -- Research
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: vital:2784 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002994
- Description: This thesis aims to investigate and deconstruct the relationship between the narcotic, its narrative, and western modernity. To reveal the relationship, this thesis argues that it is possible to understand the philosophical, political, cultural and ethical dimensions of western modernity through the ulterior lens of the narcotic. As such, this thesis investigates western modernity's relationship to (a) cocaine as a specific narcotic, and (b) the concept of the narcotic with all its attendant connotations of addictions, illegitimacy, transgression, illegality, and so on. Accordingly, the thesis is both interpretive of the historical narrative of the narcotic of cocaine, and generative in its deconstruction of the relationship between western modernity and the concept of the narcotic. The deconstruction of this relationship ultimately reveals both prior narratives not as oppositional, but as supplementary. This has radical consequences for the manner in which we engage with narcotic use and the user - if the narcotic is supplement to the logic of western modernity, at each attempt to expel the use and user of the narcotic, rather then create difference, we self implicate ourselves in that expulsion and distance. To seek a new and more just means of dealing with the concept of the narcotic, and its use, therefore requires a new epistemological framework which can at once contemplate both narratives at the same time. To this end, the thesis suggests the use of critical complexity theory as one such methodological tool, if supplemented by the thoughts and strategies of Derridian deconstruction and Foucauldian discourse analysis.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2012
Gender and racial stereotyping in rape coverage: an analysis of rape coverage in Grocott's Mail
- Authors: Bonnes, Stephanie Marie
- Date: 2010
- Subjects: Grocott's Mail (Grahamstown, South Africa) Rape in mass media Rape -- South Africa Stereotypes (Social psychology) in mass media Sexism in mass media Racism in mass media Women -- Crimes against -- South Africa Violence in mass media Sex discrimination against women -- South Africa Journalism -- South Africa -- Grahamstown
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2762 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002972
- Description: This thesis analyzes rape coverage in a Grahamstown newspaper, Grocott’s Mail. Critical discourse analysis is used to discuss and analyze articles about rape that appear in Grocott’s Mail between October 14th 2008 and October 29th 2009. Drawing on existing literature on ‘rape myths’ in media coverage of rape, this thesis argues that Grocott’s Mail perpetuates racial and gender stereotypes through the way in which it reports on rape. While not all of the articles included in the analysis use rape myths, most use one or more when discussing rape incidents. Specifically, Grocott’s Mail tends to use rape myths that blame the victim for the rape and de-emphasize the role of the perpetrator in the rape. This is problematic as it sustains existing racial and gender inequalities.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2010
- Authors: Bonnes, Stephanie Marie
- Date: 2010
- Subjects: Grocott's Mail (Grahamstown, South Africa) Rape in mass media Rape -- South Africa Stereotypes (Social psychology) in mass media Sexism in mass media Racism in mass media Women -- Crimes against -- South Africa Violence in mass media Sex discrimination against women -- South Africa Journalism -- South Africa -- Grahamstown
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2762 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002972
- Description: This thesis analyzes rape coverage in a Grahamstown newspaper, Grocott’s Mail. Critical discourse analysis is used to discuss and analyze articles about rape that appear in Grocott’s Mail between October 14th 2008 and October 29th 2009. Drawing on existing literature on ‘rape myths’ in media coverage of rape, this thesis argues that Grocott’s Mail perpetuates racial and gender stereotypes through the way in which it reports on rape. While not all of the articles included in the analysis use rape myths, most use one or more when discussing rape incidents. Specifically, Grocott’s Mail tends to use rape myths that blame the victim for the rape and de-emphasize the role of the perpetrator in the rape. This is problematic as it sustains existing racial and gender inequalities.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2010
Green zone nation : the securitisation and militarisation of the 2010 FIFA World Cup, South Africa
- McMichael, Christopher Bryden
- Authors: McMichael, Christopher Bryden
- Date: 2013 , 2013-04-22
- Subjects: World Cup (Soccer) (2010 : South Africa) -- Safety measures -- Research Fédération internationale de football association Militarism -- Research -- South Africa Sports -- Political aspects -- Research -- South Africa Police -- South Africa South Africa -- Armed Forces Crime -- South Africa Violent crimes -- South Africa Violent crimes -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: vital:2752 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1001622
- Description: This thesis explores the relationship between the safety and security measures for the 2010 FIFA World Cup and the militarisation of urban space and policing in post-apartheid South Africa. In particular, it focuses upon how the South African state and FIFA, the owners of the World Cup franchise, worked to present the World Cup as an event which required exceptional levels of security – resulting in a historically unprecedented joint police and military operation across host cities. However, in contrast with previous research on these security measures, this thesis aims to interrogate the political and commercial forces which constructed security and positions them against a backdrop of intensified state violence and social exclusion in South Africa. Concurrently, the South African case was indicative of an international militarisation of major events, with policing operations comparable to national states of emergency. This is representative of the ‘new military urbanism’ in which everyday urban life is rendered as a site of ubiquitous risk, leading to the increased diffusion of military tactics and doctrines in policing and policy. While the interpenetration between urbanism and militarism has often been studied against the context of the ‘war on terror’, in the case of South Africa this has primarily been accelerated by a pervasive social fear of violent crime, which has resulted in the securitisation of cities, the remilitarisation of policing and the intensification of a historical legacy of socio-spatial inequalities. The South African government aimed to use the World Cup to ‘rebrand’ the country’s violent international image, while promising that security measures would leave a legacy of safer cities for ordinary South Africans. The concept of legacies was also responsive to the commercial imperatives of FIFA and a range of other security actors, including foreign governments and the private security industry. However these policing measures were primarily cosmetic and designed to allay the fears of foreign tourists and the national middle class. In practice security measures pivoted around the enforcement of social control and urban marginalisation while serving as a training ground for an increasingly repressive state security apparatus. Security was as much a matter of fortifying islands of privilege and aiding a project of financial extraction as protecting the public from harm. , Microsoft� Office Word 2007 , Adobe Acrobat 9.53 Paper Capture Plug-in
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2013
- Authors: McMichael, Christopher Bryden
- Date: 2013 , 2013-04-22
- Subjects: World Cup (Soccer) (2010 : South Africa) -- Safety measures -- Research Fédération internationale de football association Militarism -- Research -- South Africa Sports -- Political aspects -- Research -- South Africa Police -- South Africa South Africa -- Armed Forces Crime -- South Africa Violent crimes -- South Africa Violent crimes -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: vital:2752 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1001622
- Description: This thesis explores the relationship between the safety and security measures for the 2010 FIFA World Cup and the militarisation of urban space and policing in post-apartheid South Africa. In particular, it focuses upon how the South African state and FIFA, the owners of the World Cup franchise, worked to present the World Cup as an event which required exceptional levels of security – resulting in a historically unprecedented joint police and military operation across host cities. However, in contrast with previous research on these security measures, this thesis aims to interrogate the political and commercial forces which constructed security and positions them against a backdrop of intensified state violence and social exclusion in South Africa. Concurrently, the South African case was indicative of an international militarisation of major events, with policing operations comparable to national states of emergency. This is representative of the ‘new military urbanism’ in which everyday urban life is rendered as a site of ubiquitous risk, leading to the increased diffusion of military tactics and doctrines in policing and policy. While the interpenetration between urbanism and militarism has often been studied against the context of the ‘war on terror’, in the case of South Africa this has primarily been accelerated by a pervasive social fear of violent crime, which has resulted in the securitisation of cities, the remilitarisation of policing and the intensification of a historical legacy of socio-spatial inequalities. The South African government aimed to use the World Cup to ‘rebrand’ the country’s violent international image, while promising that security measures would leave a legacy of safer cities for ordinary South Africans. The concept of legacies was also responsive to the commercial imperatives of FIFA and a range of other security actors, including foreign governments and the private security industry. However these policing measures were primarily cosmetic and designed to allay the fears of foreign tourists and the national middle class. In practice security measures pivoted around the enforcement of social control and urban marginalisation while serving as a training ground for an increasingly repressive state security apparatus. Security was as much a matter of fortifying islands of privilege and aiding a project of financial extraction as protecting the public from harm. , Microsoft� Office Word 2007 , Adobe Acrobat 9.53 Paper Capture Plug-in
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2013
Harmful scripts : raunch femininity as the disguised reiteration of emphasized feminine goals : an exploration of young women's accounts of sexually explicit forms of public expression
- Authors: Thorpe, Jennifer
- Date: 2009 , 2013-07-12
- Subjects: Femininity Women -- Sexual behavior Feminine beauty (Aesthetics) Women's rights Human body -- Political aspects Stereotypes (Social psychology)
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2840 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1004521
- Description: Women are subject to a number of societal recommendations about what it means to be an 'ideal' woman. These recommendations take the form of social scripts, constructing an idea of ideal femininity, which women must perform in order to be socially accepted and successful. 'Emphasized femininity', a white, Western, script of femininity is dominant and has been critiqued by feminists, social theorists, and individual women for the limits that it places on women's behaviour. As a result a number of alternative scripts of femininity have arisen. These scripts can provide alternatives to restrictive understandings of female sexuality and beauty - they can serve to challenge 'appropriate' feminine behaviour and hence allow women to live more freely. Raunch femininity is a contemporary alternative that uses sexually explicit public performance, and encourages specific body and dress norms, in an attempt to challenge the norms of emphasized femininity. This thesis looks at raunch femininity, specifically its norms of sexuality and beauty, in the hopes of understanding what the effects of such a script are on women's behaviour. Theoretical understandings and explanations of women's lives are often contradicted by reports that women provide of their lived experiences. For this reason, this thesis investigates the lived experiences of women who self-identify as subscribers to this script in order to assess to what extent superficial expressions of freedom have deeper effects on women's freedom. The tension between theory and empirical reports is evident. However, in many cases, the reports of research participants reveal that the script of raunch femininity, like other scripts of feminine behaviour, has its own limits that women must abide with in order to be accepted. This thesis argues that these limits outweigh the benefits of this script. , KMBT_363 , Adobe Acrobat 9.54 Paper Capture Plug-in
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2009
- Authors: Thorpe, Jennifer
- Date: 2009 , 2013-07-12
- Subjects: Femininity Women -- Sexual behavior Feminine beauty (Aesthetics) Women's rights Human body -- Political aspects Stereotypes (Social psychology)
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2840 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1004521
- Description: Women are subject to a number of societal recommendations about what it means to be an 'ideal' woman. These recommendations take the form of social scripts, constructing an idea of ideal femininity, which women must perform in order to be socially accepted and successful. 'Emphasized femininity', a white, Western, script of femininity is dominant and has been critiqued by feminists, social theorists, and individual women for the limits that it places on women's behaviour. As a result a number of alternative scripts of femininity have arisen. These scripts can provide alternatives to restrictive understandings of female sexuality and beauty - they can serve to challenge 'appropriate' feminine behaviour and hence allow women to live more freely. Raunch femininity is a contemporary alternative that uses sexually explicit public performance, and encourages specific body and dress norms, in an attempt to challenge the norms of emphasized femininity. This thesis looks at raunch femininity, specifically its norms of sexuality and beauty, in the hopes of understanding what the effects of such a script are on women's behaviour. Theoretical understandings and explanations of women's lives are often contradicted by reports that women provide of their lived experiences. For this reason, this thesis investigates the lived experiences of women who self-identify as subscribers to this script in order to assess to what extent superficial expressions of freedom have deeper effects on women's freedom. The tension between theory and empirical reports is evident. However, in many cases, the reports of research participants reveal that the script of raunch femininity, like other scripts of feminine behaviour, has its own limits that women must abide with in order to be accepted. This thesis argues that these limits outweigh the benefits of this script. , KMBT_363 , Adobe Acrobat 9.54 Paper Capture Plug-in
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2009
How are the messages of the official grade ten sexuality education curriculum at a former model C girls' high school in South Africa mediated by student sexual cultures?
- Mthatyana, Andisiwe Tutula Zinzi
- Authors: Mthatyana, Andisiwe Tutula Zinzi
- Date: 2014
- Subjects: Sex instruction -- South Africa , Sex instruction -- Cross-cultural studies , Teenage pregnancy -- South Africa , High school girls -- Sexual behavior -- South Africa , Multicultural education -- South Africa , Model C schools (South Africa) , Girls' schools -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MSocSc
- Identifier: vital:2883 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1013262
- Description: The increase in teenage pregnancy among school going learners is reported in the media as a crisis. Politicians and other stakeholders have also raised their views and concerns about pregnancy. In particular, these views and concerns perceive teenage pregnancy among school going learners as a cancer that needs a remedy because it has negative consequences for the learners, in particular the girl child. However, for all the sense of public crisis concerning sexuality and schooling, the voices of young people themselves regarding their own sexual subjectivity are seldom heard. This study focused on how girls in a former model C all girls high school negotiate and make sense of the meaning of the messages that they receive from the formal curriculum. The concept of student sexual cultures was employed in this study. Student sexual cultures are the informal groups that exist in the school and the girls take part in it. It is in these groups that the girls learn about sexuality and also make sense of their own gendered identities. This study employed ethnographic techniques of classroom observation coupled with in-depth interviews, focus groups and solicited narratives in order to understand how the participants experience and "take up" the messages they receive in the formal sexuality education component of the Life Orientation (LO) curriculum. The data was collected over a period of three months and was analysed using a directed content analysis. Four dominant themes emerged from the study. Firstly, the data reveals the school is a space of competing and conflicting discourses of sexuality and the learners are involved in a constant negotiation of the meanings of the messages. Secondly, the data shows the contested and confirmations of learners subjectivity. It shows that learners are regarded as sexual beings both in the formal and informal school cultures but there are limitations around one's sexual subjectivities. Thirdly, the data reveals that the school is a site in which a variety of femininities are reproduced, contested and struggled over. Femininities are constructed in the complex context of the school thus the school emerges as a site in which multiple femininities intersect with class, race and sexuality. Lastly, this study argues for the incorporation of the discourse of erotics in the formal curriculum which allows young people's voices to be heard. This approach (discourse of erotics) can be seen as a process of becoming, which focuses on possibilities of improving sexuality education as opposed to an imposed sexual model that is applied to young people and assumed to be the solution to young people's sexuality.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2014
- Authors: Mthatyana, Andisiwe Tutula Zinzi
- Date: 2014
- Subjects: Sex instruction -- South Africa , Sex instruction -- Cross-cultural studies , Teenage pregnancy -- South Africa , High school girls -- Sexual behavior -- South Africa , Multicultural education -- South Africa , Model C schools (South Africa) , Girls' schools -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MSocSc
- Identifier: vital:2883 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1013262
- Description: The increase in teenage pregnancy among school going learners is reported in the media as a crisis. Politicians and other stakeholders have also raised their views and concerns about pregnancy. In particular, these views and concerns perceive teenage pregnancy among school going learners as a cancer that needs a remedy because it has negative consequences for the learners, in particular the girl child. However, for all the sense of public crisis concerning sexuality and schooling, the voices of young people themselves regarding their own sexual subjectivity are seldom heard. This study focused on how girls in a former model C all girls high school negotiate and make sense of the meaning of the messages that they receive from the formal curriculum. The concept of student sexual cultures was employed in this study. Student sexual cultures are the informal groups that exist in the school and the girls take part in it. It is in these groups that the girls learn about sexuality and also make sense of their own gendered identities. This study employed ethnographic techniques of classroom observation coupled with in-depth interviews, focus groups and solicited narratives in order to understand how the participants experience and "take up" the messages they receive in the formal sexuality education component of the Life Orientation (LO) curriculum. The data was collected over a period of three months and was analysed using a directed content analysis. Four dominant themes emerged from the study. Firstly, the data reveals the school is a space of competing and conflicting discourses of sexuality and the learners are involved in a constant negotiation of the meanings of the messages. Secondly, the data shows the contested and confirmations of learners subjectivity. It shows that learners are regarded as sexual beings both in the formal and informal school cultures but there are limitations around one's sexual subjectivities. Thirdly, the data reveals that the school is a site in which a variety of femininities are reproduced, contested and struggled over. Femininities are constructed in the complex context of the school thus the school emerges as a site in which multiple femininities intersect with class, race and sexuality. Lastly, this study argues for the incorporation of the discourse of erotics in the formal curriculum which allows young people's voices to be heard. This approach (discourse of erotics) can be seen as a process of becoming, which focuses on possibilities of improving sexuality education as opposed to an imposed sexual model that is applied to young people and assumed to be the solution to young people's sexuality.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2014
How does security limit the right to protest? : a study examining the securitised response to protest in South Africa
- Authors: Royeppen, Andrea Leigh
- Date: 2014
- Subjects: Protest movements -- South Africa , Political violence -- South Africa , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 21st century , Civil rights -- South Africa , Police power -- South Africa , Abuse of administrative power -- South Africa , Police -- Complaints against -- South Africa , Right to strike -- South Africa , Democracy -- South Africa , Political leadership -- South Africa -- 21st century , Political participation -- South Africa , African National Congress , South African Police Service
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2878 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1013071
- Description: In South Africa, the right to protest is under constant threat as a result of the state response. Increasing cases of forceful policing and sometimes unlawful procedural prohibitions of protest attest to this. This study aims to firstly describe this situation through securitisation theory, essentially arguing that South Africa has become a securitised state. It also aims to understand how this is sustained by the state and why the state needs to use a securitised response to maintain power. Interviews were conducted with members of different communities and organisations. Their responses helped to illustrate the frustration of the right to protest or brutal policing during a protest. This provided primary evidence to support the claims of the study. The research shows that claims to protest are being delegitimised under the guise of security as protestors are being constructed as threats to the state. This is further substantiated by looking at how the reorganisation and remililtarisation of the South African Police perpetuates the criminalisation of protestors which necessitates a forceful response from the state. Furthermore, it shows that there is a distinct relationship between the prohibition of protest and the recent increase in ‘violent’ protests which legitimate forceful policing thereby creating a state sustained cycle of violence. The larger implication of this treatment is that these protestors are treated as non- citizens who are definitively excluded from participating in governance. In understanding why this is taking place, it is clear that a securtitised response is an attempt to maintain power by dispelling any threats to power, a response which is seen to have a long history in the African National Congress (ANC) when examining the politics of the ANC during exile. Maintaining power in this way distracts from the larger agenda of the state, which this thesis argues, is to mask the unraveling of the ANC’s hegemony and inability to maintain national unity. In other words, the increasing dissatisfaction of some of the citizenry which has manifested through protest greatly undermines the legitimacy of the government to provide for its people.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2014
- Authors: Royeppen, Andrea Leigh
- Date: 2014
- Subjects: Protest movements -- South Africa , Political violence -- South Africa , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 21st century , Civil rights -- South Africa , Police power -- South Africa , Abuse of administrative power -- South Africa , Police -- Complaints against -- South Africa , Right to strike -- South Africa , Democracy -- South Africa , Political leadership -- South Africa -- 21st century , Political participation -- South Africa , African National Congress , South African Police Service
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2878 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1013071
- Description: In South Africa, the right to protest is under constant threat as a result of the state response. Increasing cases of forceful policing and sometimes unlawful procedural prohibitions of protest attest to this. This study aims to firstly describe this situation through securitisation theory, essentially arguing that South Africa has become a securitised state. It also aims to understand how this is sustained by the state and why the state needs to use a securitised response to maintain power. Interviews were conducted with members of different communities and organisations. Their responses helped to illustrate the frustration of the right to protest or brutal policing during a protest. This provided primary evidence to support the claims of the study. The research shows that claims to protest are being delegitimised under the guise of security as protestors are being constructed as threats to the state. This is further substantiated by looking at how the reorganisation and remililtarisation of the South African Police perpetuates the criminalisation of protestors which necessitates a forceful response from the state. Furthermore, it shows that there is a distinct relationship between the prohibition of protest and the recent increase in ‘violent’ protests which legitimate forceful policing thereby creating a state sustained cycle of violence. The larger implication of this treatment is that these protestors are treated as non- citizens who are definitively excluded from participating in governance. In understanding why this is taking place, it is clear that a securtitised response is an attempt to maintain power by dispelling any threats to power, a response which is seen to have a long history in the African National Congress (ANC) when examining the politics of the ANC during exile. Maintaining power in this way distracts from the larger agenda of the state, which this thesis argues, is to mask the unraveling of the ANC’s hegemony and inability to maintain national unity. In other words, the increasing dissatisfaction of some of the citizenry which has manifested through protest greatly undermines the legitimacy of the government to provide for its people.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2014
Inadequate menstrual health management and human rights
- Authors: Hartley, Gemma-Maé
- Date: 2022-10-14
- Subjects: Uncatalogued
- Language: English
- Type: Academic theses , Master's theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/422506 , vital:71953
- Description: Various human rights bodies have suggested that Inadequate Menstrual Health Management (MHM) could contribute to violations of human rights or, at the very least, is connected to the fulfilment of human rights. Despite recognition of this, there has not been thorough analysis of whether inadequate MHM is a violation of human rights, particularly in political discussions on the philosophy of human rights. Using a liberal cosmopolitan framework, this thesis attempts to bridge this gap and, ultimately, to argue that inadequate MHM constitutes a violation of human rights. This assertion brings with it various complications due to the heavily contested nature of human rights, their correlative duties, and the requirements for a lack of fulfilment to be considered a violation. I address each complication in turn. I argue that the traditional approach to human rights violations fails to consider the various ways that human rights are violated in our contemporary, globalised world. I suggest that structural violations of human rights should not be ruled out, particularly when we consider severe poverty and its by-products. Ultimately, the question of inadequate MHM is concerned with the content of human rights. If inadequate MHM were a violation, it would be a violation of women’s socio-economic rights. However, both group rights and socio-economic rights are contested. This thesis therefore justifies these rights. Group-differentiated rights are argued to be necessary for substantive equality. This is particularly the case when we consider the various risks women face simply because they are women. Women therefore need special protections and provisions for their human rights to be fulfilled. Socio-economic rights are necessary for the well-being and dignity of individuals everywhere. We can justify them even if they are costly, vague, and demanding on states, as critics argue they are. Therefore, if we can accept socio-economic rights and women’s rights, we can argue that inadequate MHM is a structural violation of human rights. Thinking about inadequate MHM in this way means we can respond to it with a level of urgency. This has the potential to improve the well-being, development, and dignity of women. , Thesis (MA) -- Faculty of Humanities, Political and International Studies, 2023
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2022-10-14
- Authors: Hartley, Gemma-Maé
- Date: 2022-10-14
- Subjects: Uncatalogued
- Language: English
- Type: Academic theses , Master's theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/422506 , vital:71953
- Description: Various human rights bodies have suggested that Inadequate Menstrual Health Management (MHM) could contribute to violations of human rights or, at the very least, is connected to the fulfilment of human rights. Despite recognition of this, there has not been thorough analysis of whether inadequate MHM is a violation of human rights, particularly in political discussions on the philosophy of human rights. Using a liberal cosmopolitan framework, this thesis attempts to bridge this gap and, ultimately, to argue that inadequate MHM constitutes a violation of human rights. This assertion brings with it various complications due to the heavily contested nature of human rights, their correlative duties, and the requirements for a lack of fulfilment to be considered a violation. I address each complication in turn. I argue that the traditional approach to human rights violations fails to consider the various ways that human rights are violated in our contemporary, globalised world. I suggest that structural violations of human rights should not be ruled out, particularly when we consider severe poverty and its by-products. Ultimately, the question of inadequate MHM is concerned with the content of human rights. If inadequate MHM were a violation, it would be a violation of women’s socio-economic rights. However, both group rights and socio-economic rights are contested. This thesis therefore justifies these rights. Group-differentiated rights are argued to be necessary for substantive equality. This is particularly the case when we consider the various risks women face simply because they are women. Women therefore need special protections and provisions for their human rights to be fulfilled. Socio-economic rights are necessary for the well-being and dignity of individuals everywhere. We can justify them even if they are costly, vague, and demanding on states, as critics argue they are. Therefore, if we can accept socio-economic rights and women’s rights, we can argue that inadequate MHM is a structural violation of human rights. Thinking about inadequate MHM in this way means we can respond to it with a level of urgency. This has the potential to improve the well-being, development, and dignity of women. , Thesis (MA) -- Faculty of Humanities, Political and International Studies, 2023
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2022-10-14
Inkcitha nzila nobomi obutsha (The release of the widow and life after mourning): Xhosa widows and citizenship
- Jimlongo, Gcotyelwa Nomxolisi
- Authors: Jimlongo, Gcotyelwa Nomxolisi
- Date: 2021-10-29
- Subjects: Widows South Africa Eastern Cape , Women, Black South Africa Eastern Cape , Xhosa (African people) South Africa Eastern Cape , Widows Social conditions , Widowhood Psychological aspects South Africa Eastern Cape , Widowhood Economic aspects South Africa Eastern Cape , Widowhood Social aspects South Africa Eastern Cape , Mourning customs South Africa Eastern Cape , Feminist economics South Africa Eastern Cape
- Language: English
- Type: Master's theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/192220 , vital:45206
- Description: This study examines the everyday conceptions and navigations of citizenship by Xhosa widows. It examines widows’ own understandings and experiences of citizenship once the official mourning period, known amongst amaXhosa as ukuzila, has ended. The study draws from 14 interviews with Xhosa widows from the Amalinda, Tsholomnqa, Mdantsane, Magcumeni, KwaNonkcampa, and Dimbaza areas in the Eastern Cape, South Africa. This thesis contextualises claims to widowhood in the context of democratic South Africa, and the various ways in which widowed women conceptualise their lives after ukuzila. While ukuzila itself is written about in the literature, the contentious claims to widowhood and the ways in which women come to make sense of their lives in the post-mourning period remains largely unexplored. Interviews were conducted with women who had undertaken customary and/or civil marriages, had divorced or separated from their partners, or had cohabited. They reveal that widowhood is tenuous and as such, remains contested and contestable. The study demonstrates that much of the claims to widowhood are made because of the undeniable labour that women perform during the partnerships, where they are the primary economic providers. The study shows that whether in the formal and informal sector, women have been central in building the economic livelihoods of their families. In the post-mourning period, the theme of ukuhlala (to stay) that is articulated by widows, shows that they choose to remain in their marital homes to protect what they have laboured for. The findings demonstrate that the key to ‘good’ widowhood is intricately linked to ‘good’ motherhood. For Xhosa widows, much of their decision-making, and livelihood strategies, rests on how they craft good livelihoods for their families. These include a negotiation of feminist economies with woman-centred networks, a reliance on spirituality, as well as negotiations for dignity and respect within the homestead through the protection and maintenance of what they have built over the years. , Thesis (MA) -- Faculty of Humanities, Political and International Studies, 2021
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2021-10-29
- Authors: Jimlongo, Gcotyelwa Nomxolisi
- Date: 2021-10-29
- Subjects: Widows South Africa Eastern Cape , Women, Black South Africa Eastern Cape , Xhosa (African people) South Africa Eastern Cape , Widows Social conditions , Widowhood Psychological aspects South Africa Eastern Cape , Widowhood Economic aspects South Africa Eastern Cape , Widowhood Social aspects South Africa Eastern Cape , Mourning customs South Africa Eastern Cape , Feminist economics South Africa Eastern Cape
- Language: English
- Type: Master's theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/192220 , vital:45206
- Description: This study examines the everyday conceptions and navigations of citizenship by Xhosa widows. It examines widows’ own understandings and experiences of citizenship once the official mourning period, known amongst amaXhosa as ukuzila, has ended. The study draws from 14 interviews with Xhosa widows from the Amalinda, Tsholomnqa, Mdantsane, Magcumeni, KwaNonkcampa, and Dimbaza areas in the Eastern Cape, South Africa. This thesis contextualises claims to widowhood in the context of democratic South Africa, and the various ways in which widowed women conceptualise their lives after ukuzila. While ukuzila itself is written about in the literature, the contentious claims to widowhood and the ways in which women come to make sense of their lives in the post-mourning period remains largely unexplored. Interviews were conducted with women who had undertaken customary and/or civil marriages, had divorced or separated from their partners, or had cohabited. They reveal that widowhood is tenuous and as such, remains contested and contestable. The study demonstrates that much of the claims to widowhood are made because of the undeniable labour that women perform during the partnerships, where they are the primary economic providers. The study shows that whether in the formal and informal sector, women have been central in building the economic livelihoods of their families. In the post-mourning period, the theme of ukuhlala (to stay) that is articulated by widows, shows that they choose to remain in their marital homes to protect what they have laboured for. The findings demonstrate that the key to ‘good’ widowhood is intricately linked to ‘good’ motherhood. For Xhosa widows, much of their decision-making, and livelihood strategies, rests on how they craft good livelihoods for their families. These include a negotiation of feminist economies with woman-centred networks, a reliance on spirituality, as well as negotiations for dignity and respect within the homestead through the protection and maintenance of what they have built over the years. , Thesis (MA) -- Faculty of Humanities, Political and International Studies, 2021
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2021-10-29
International relations and change: a Kuhnian interpretation
- Authors: Schoeman, Jacobus
- Date: 2005
- Subjects: Kuhn, Thomas S Kuhn, Thomas S -- Criticism and interpretation International relations International relations -- Philosophy Knowledge, Theory of
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: vital:2830 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003040
- Description: Using notions of change developed by Thomas Kuhn, the thesis argues that the rise of globalisation and the end of the Cold War presented the Westphalian or state-centric paradigm of international relations with a Kuhnian paradigm “crisis”. As a result, both the theory and the practice of international relations are in the midst of (what Kuhn calls) a “paradigm shift”. Emerging from this shift is (what is described in this work as) “Access World” and “Denial World” – a particular global configuration of the practice of international relations. Kuhn’s idea of “incommensurability” seems to typify the relationship between the two components of this bifurcated configuration of the international. Both intellectual risk-taking and political courage are required if the ontological struggle raging between “Access World” and “Denial World” is to be settled. This will pave the way for a new paradigm to emerge. Kuhn provides us with the insight that, to achieve this ontological breakthrough, a fundamental change in our vision of the discipline of International Relations, but also of the world of everyday international relations, is required. This entails recasting the study of International Relations as an emancipatory project and by recognising the centrality of human beings in the practice of international relations. Only if this is done, will we be able to arrive at a cosmopolitan political bargain that is appropriate for the 21st century.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2005
- Authors: Schoeman, Jacobus
- Date: 2005
- Subjects: Kuhn, Thomas S Kuhn, Thomas S -- Criticism and interpretation International relations International relations -- Philosophy Knowledge, Theory of
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: vital:2830 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003040
- Description: Using notions of change developed by Thomas Kuhn, the thesis argues that the rise of globalisation and the end of the Cold War presented the Westphalian or state-centric paradigm of international relations with a Kuhnian paradigm “crisis”. As a result, both the theory and the practice of international relations are in the midst of (what Kuhn calls) a “paradigm shift”. Emerging from this shift is (what is described in this work as) “Access World” and “Denial World” – a particular global configuration of the practice of international relations. Kuhn’s idea of “incommensurability” seems to typify the relationship between the two components of this bifurcated configuration of the international. Both intellectual risk-taking and political courage are required if the ontological struggle raging between “Access World” and “Denial World” is to be settled. This will pave the way for a new paradigm to emerge. Kuhn provides us with the insight that, to achieve this ontological breakthrough, a fundamental change in our vision of the discipline of International Relations, but also of the world of everyday international relations, is required. This entails recasting the study of International Relations as an emancipatory project and by recognising the centrality of human beings in the practice of international relations. Only if this is done, will we be able to arrive at a cosmopolitan political bargain that is appropriate for the 21st century.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2005
Israel and Palestine: some critical international relations perspectives on the 'two-state' solution
- Authors: Pienaar, Ashwin Mark
- Date: 2010
- Subjects: Arab-Israeli conflict Jewish-Arab relations Nationalism -- Israel Nationalism -- Palestine Land settlement -- West Bank Land settlement -- Gaza Strip Realism Liberalism Palestinian Arabs -- Politics and government -- 20th century Israel -- Politics and government -- 20th century Israel -- Foreign relations -- Palestine Palestine -- Foreign relations -- Israel
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2820 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003030
- Description: This research questions whether Israel and Palestine should be divided into two states. Viewed through the International Relations (IR) theories of Realism and Liberalism, the ‘Two-State’ solution is the orthodox policy for Israel and Palestine. But Israelis and Palestinians are interspersed and share many of the same resources making it difficult to create two states. So, this research critiques the aforementioned IR theories which underpin the ‘Two-State’ solution. The conclusion reached is that there ought to be new thinking on how to resolve the Israel-Palestine issue.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2010
Israel and Palestine: some critical international relations perspectives on the 'two-state' solution
- Authors: Pienaar, Ashwin Mark
- Date: 2010
- Subjects: Arab-Israeli conflict Jewish-Arab relations Nationalism -- Israel Nationalism -- Palestine Land settlement -- West Bank Land settlement -- Gaza Strip Realism Liberalism Palestinian Arabs -- Politics and government -- 20th century Israel -- Politics and government -- 20th century Israel -- Foreign relations -- Palestine Palestine -- Foreign relations -- Israel
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2820 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003030
- Description: This research questions whether Israel and Palestine should be divided into two states. Viewed through the International Relations (IR) theories of Realism and Liberalism, the ‘Two-State’ solution is the orthodox policy for Israel and Palestine. But Israelis and Palestinians are interspersed and share many of the same resources making it difficult to create two states. So, this research critiques the aforementioned IR theories which underpin the ‘Two-State’ solution. The conclusion reached is that there ought to be new thinking on how to resolve the Israel-Palestine issue.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2010
Joice Mujuru and the Zanu-PF Women’s League 1973-2014: opportunities and limits of maternal dignity (musha mukadzi) and self-preservation
- Authors: Mataruse, Sisasenkosi
- Date: 2022-04-07
- Subjects: Mujuru, Amai Joice T R (Amai Joice Teurai Ropa) , ZANU Women's League , Women and democracy Zimbabwe , Women Political activity Zimbabwe , Political leadership Zimbabwe , Sexism in political culture Zimbabwe , Patriarchy Zimbabwe , Women Zimbabwe Social conditions , Maternal dignity (musha mukadzi)
- Language: English
- Type: Academic theses , Master's theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/292748 , vital:57012
- Description: The foundations of African feminisms are intertwined with the historical liberation of the African continent. Joice Mujuru’s five decades in Zimbabwean political parties are no different in showing the gendered nature of the fight against the intersectional oppressions of nation, race, class and gender. The research aimed to examine the political life of Joice Mujuru between 1973 and 2018 in various political roles and what this might mean for how women political leaders participate and make decisions as autonomous individuals within political parties in Zimbabwe. This study is a political biography of Joice Mujuru’s ideas and leadership in political parties in Zimbabwe since 1973, when she joined the Zimbabwe African National Union – Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF) as a guerilla of its military wing, the Zimbabwe African National Liberation Army (ZANLA). Mujuru was the only woman in the first ZANU-PF cabinet in 1980. She served the Zimbabwean government in different cabinet positions and became the first female vice-president in 2004, until her ousting in 2014. This study is based on an interview with Mujuru, and nine interviews with one Member of Parliament, two independent political party candidates, three academics, two CSO activists, the leader of LEAD political party in Zimbabwe and personal communication with a celebrated Zimbabwean writer. The study uses the concept of “patriarchal bargain” (Kandiyoti, 1988; Makhunga, 2016) and “femocracy” (Mama, 1995b) to show that Mujuru’s participation in political parties has been shaped by compromising and negotiating a complex web of patriarchal constraints for acceptance and respect. This study shows that wifehood and motherhood, the idea of musha mukadzi (‘woman as home’), stands out as a defining factor for Mujuru in her identity formation as a political party leader and how she views the roles of other women in Zimbabwean political parties and politics. I term this political identity maternal dignity, which is a collective set of ideas of maternal respect determining women’s participation in political parties. The study shows that Mujuru uses dominant ideas of maternal dignity as a tool of self-presentation and self-preservation to survive as a political leader. Mujuru’s expulsion from ZANU-PF and her subsequent leadership in other political parties demonstrates the ways in which maternal dignity limits women from shaping alternative ideas of leadership outside of respectable womanhood. Through a political biography of Mujuru, the study reaches the conclusion that post-independence Zimbabwe offers limited space for women’s leadership, whether those women have liberation history credentials or not. The strategy of maternal dignity that Mujuru has used to navigate her political career is a “patriarchal bargain” with limited possibilities for women’s meaningful participation, and the transformation of political parties and governance in Zimbabwe. , Thesis (MA) -- Faculty of Humanities, Political and International Studies, 2022
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2022-04-07
- Authors: Mataruse, Sisasenkosi
- Date: 2022-04-07
- Subjects: Mujuru, Amai Joice T R (Amai Joice Teurai Ropa) , ZANU Women's League , Women and democracy Zimbabwe , Women Political activity Zimbabwe , Political leadership Zimbabwe , Sexism in political culture Zimbabwe , Patriarchy Zimbabwe , Women Zimbabwe Social conditions , Maternal dignity (musha mukadzi)
- Language: English
- Type: Academic theses , Master's theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/292748 , vital:57012
- Description: The foundations of African feminisms are intertwined with the historical liberation of the African continent. Joice Mujuru’s five decades in Zimbabwean political parties are no different in showing the gendered nature of the fight against the intersectional oppressions of nation, race, class and gender. The research aimed to examine the political life of Joice Mujuru between 1973 and 2018 in various political roles and what this might mean for how women political leaders participate and make decisions as autonomous individuals within political parties in Zimbabwe. This study is a political biography of Joice Mujuru’s ideas and leadership in political parties in Zimbabwe since 1973, when she joined the Zimbabwe African National Union – Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF) as a guerilla of its military wing, the Zimbabwe African National Liberation Army (ZANLA). Mujuru was the only woman in the first ZANU-PF cabinet in 1980. She served the Zimbabwean government in different cabinet positions and became the first female vice-president in 2004, until her ousting in 2014. This study is based on an interview with Mujuru, and nine interviews with one Member of Parliament, two independent political party candidates, three academics, two CSO activists, the leader of LEAD political party in Zimbabwe and personal communication with a celebrated Zimbabwean writer. The study uses the concept of “patriarchal bargain” (Kandiyoti, 1988; Makhunga, 2016) and “femocracy” (Mama, 1995b) to show that Mujuru’s participation in political parties has been shaped by compromising and negotiating a complex web of patriarchal constraints for acceptance and respect. This study shows that wifehood and motherhood, the idea of musha mukadzi (‘woman as home’), stands out as a defining factor for Mujuru in her identity formation as a political party leader and how she views the roles of other women in Zimbabwean political parties and politics. I term this political identity maternal dignity, which is a collective set of ideas of maternal respect determining women’s participation in political parties. The study shows that Mujuru uses dominant ideas of maternal dignity as a tool of self-presentation and self-preservation to survive as a political leader. Mujuru’s expulsion from ZANU-PF and her subsequent leadership in other political parties demonstrates the ways in which maternal dignity limits women from shaping alternative ideas of leadership outside of respectable womanhood. Through a political biography of Mujuru, the study reaches the conclusion that post-independence Zimbabwe offers limited space for women’s leadership, whether those women have liberation history credentials or not. The strategy of maternal dignity that Mujuru has used to navigate her political career is a “patriarchal bargain” with limited possibilities for women’s meaningful participation, and the transformation of political parties and governance in Zimbabwe. , Thesis (MA) -- Faculty of Humanities, Political and International Studies, 2022
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2022-04-07
Landscapes of division: social movements and the politics of urban and rural space in the Grahamstown region of the Eastern Cape
- Authors: O’Halloran, Paddy
- Date: 2016
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/3950 , vital:20572
- Description: This thesis investigates the politics of two grassroots social movements, the Unemployed People’s Movement (UPM), based in Grahamstown, and the Rural People’s Movement (RPM), based in the rural areas near Peddie, forty miles east. Observing that urban and rural are political designations, the primary question of this thesis is: Do the politics of these social movements challenge the conception of urban and rural as discrete political spaces? To some extent, it responds to and complicates Mamdani’s theory of a bifurcated state in post-apartheid South Africa in which urban zones are the site of civil society and rural zones the site of traditional authorities, and only the former a democratised space (1996). Three themes—race, space, and citizenship—are employed and interrogated in the process of answering the principal question. Broadly historical in nature, and understanding the present political context to be a product of historical processes, the thesis begins with an historical study of the Grahamstown region from the time of the town’s founding in 1812 until the end of apartheid in 1994, keeping the three key themes in focus. Then the politics of UPM and RPM are explored through a series of interviews aimed at understanding the context and experience of movement members and seeking their insight into the question of urban and rural space. Their responses are presented as a dialogue employing a theoretical strategy from Aguilar (2014) that distinguishes between and provides a framework to measure the ‘practical scope’ and the ‘interior horizon’ of movements. The thesis concludes with a discussion of important themes arising in the interviews: citizenship, NGOs, and political parties, and, of course, space. The backdrop to this concluding discussion is the xenophobic violence which occurred in Grahamstown in October 2015, helping situate the research and themes within the broader context of South African politics.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2016
- Authors: O’Halloran, Paddy
- Date: 2016
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/3950 , vital:20572
- Description: This thesis investigates the politics of two grassroots social movements, the Unemployed People’s Movement (UPM), based in Grahamstown, and the Rural People’s Movement (RPM), based in the rural areas near Peddie, forty miles east. Observing that urban and rural are political designations, the primary question of this thesis is: Do the politics of these social movements challenge the conception of urban and rural as discrete political spaces? To some extent, it responds to and complicates Mamdani’s theory of a bifurcated state in post-apartheid South Africa in which urban zones are the site of civil society and rural zones the site of traditional authorities, and only the former a democratised space (1996). Three themes—race, space, and citizenship—are employed and interrogated in the process of answering the principal question. Broadly historical in nature, and understanding the present political context to be a product of historical processes, the thesis begins with an historical study of the Grahamstown region from the time of the town’s founding in 1812 until the end of apartheid in 1994, keeping the three key themes in focus. Then the politics of UPM and RPM are explored through a series of interviews aimed at understanding the context and experience of movement members and seeking their insight into the question of urban and rural space. Their responses are presented as a dialogue employing a theoretical strategy from Aguilar (2014) that distinguishes between and provides a framework to measure the ‘practical scope’ and the ‘interior horizon’ of movements. The thesis concludes with a discussion of important themes arising in the interviews: citizenship, NGOs, and political parties, and, of course, space. The backdrop to this concluding discussion is the xenophobic violence which occurred in Grahamstown in October 2015, helping situate the research and themes within the broader context of South African politics.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2016
Lived experience of positional suffering for room attendants at Rhodes University: insights for the transformation agenda
- Authors: Toli, Vuyolwethu
- Date: 2017
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MSocSc
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/7890 , vital:21320
- Description: Taking insights from the domestic work literature both locally and internationally, this study explores the lived experiences of room attendants who work as cleaners in the students’ residences at Rhodes University. The study focuses on the housekeeping division of Rhodes University. Data was generated from in-depth individual interviews and focus groups with 26 women and 3 men participants (aged between 28 and 60) who work as room attendants, and who were recruited from the residences across the university. The phenomenological approach allowed the participants to articulate in-depth, their experiences of working as room attendants in intimate spaces. This study used a triangulated conceptual framework, which amalgamated the concepts of pain, social space and intersectionality, and exploitation under the umbrella concept of positional suffering. Within a higher education transformation agenda which has marginalised the experiences of unskilled workers at the university, the study seeks to bring insights to the understanding of transformation at Rhodes University through the experiences of the being-in-the-world of room attendants.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2017
- Authors: Toli, Vuyolwethu
- Date: 2017
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MSocSc
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/7890 , vital:21320
- Description: Taking insights from the domestic work literature both locally and internationally, this study explores the lived experiences of room attendants who work as cleaners in the students’ residences at Rhodes University. The study focuses on the housekeeping division of Rhodes University. Data was generated from in-depth individual interviews and focus groups with 26 women and 3 men participants (aged between 28 and 60) who work as room attendants, and who were recruited from the residences across the university. The phenomenological approach allowed the participants to articulate in-depth, their experiences of working as room attendants in intimate spaces. This study used a triangulated conceptual framework, which amalgamated the concepts of pain, social space and intersectionality, and exploitation under the umbrella concept of positional suffering. Within a higher education transformation agenda which has marginalised the experiences of unskilled workers at the university, the study seeks to bring insights to the understanding of transformation at Rhodes University through the experiences of the being-in-the-world of room attendants.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2017
Lizalise Idinga Lakho [Honour Thy Promise]: The Methodist Church Women’s Manyano, the Bifurcated Public Sphere, Divine Strength, Ubufazi and Motherhood in Post-Apartheid South Africa
- Authors: Ngcobozi, Lihle
- Date: 2017
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/17717 , vital:22271
- Description: This study examines the socio-political role of the Christian church based women’s Manyano organisations in post-apartheid South Africa. Specifically, the study examines the ways in which the women’s Manyano organisations offer black women a site for the performance of citizenship. The study is based on life history interviews conducted with seventeen members of the Methodist Church Women’s Manyano of the Lamontville Circuit in Kwa-Zulu Natal. The study shows that dominant literature on Manyano women is primarily located in the historiography of the formation of Manyano groups within the historical development of the black church from the moment of missionary contact in South Africa. This literature shows that the missionaries used the coming together of black women in the church to promote ideas of devout domesticity that are based on Anglophone Victorian womanhood. This literature also shows that the structural constraints of colonisation and apartheid transformed the black church into a counterpublic space which focused largely on the liberation of the black majority from political, economic, and social exclusion from the colonial and apartheid public sphere. These constraints also transformed the role of women’s Manyano organisations to become an important space from which black women came to resist and defeat apartheid. This study shows that this historical framing of women’s Manyano groups has shaped their role in post-apartheid South Africa. Located in the African feminist theory, the study argues that Manyano women’s publicness is not limited to gendered expressions of the public and private sphere. Instead, Manyano women demonstrate that their publicness in post-apartheid South Africa ought to be understood through a combination of the varied identities that they straddle, such as those of a politically and culturally defined womanhood and communally based motherhood, which express their understanding and performance of citizenship. The thesis, therefore, argues that the contemporary role and functioning of Manyanos is located within both the hegemonic public sphere that is granted by the civil liberties of the new South Africa, and the historical black bifurcated counterpublic -which combined offer black women the ability to devise strategies to confront present-day socioeconomic challenges such as structural poverty that shapes the lives of the majority of black women in post-apartheid South Africa. The study contributes, therefore, to the reconstruction of the concept of the public sphere through the use of Manyano women’s dynamic position in post-apartheid South Africa. It shows that the dualist nature of Manyano women’s position and identity allows for a multifaceted approach in the understanding of citizenship for Manyano women today. Furthermore, and importantly, the study shows that the complex roles that Manyano women navigate within the different spheres complicate the interpretations of womanhood and motherhood as understood in dominant (white western) feminist theory in ways that often lead to the delegitimisation and erasure of Manyano women’s contributions to ideas about post-apartheid feminisms.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2017
- Authors: Ngcobozi, Lihle
- Date: 2017
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/17717 , vital:22271
- Description: This study examines the socio-political role of the Christian church based women’s Manyano organisations in post-apartheid South Africa. Specifically, the study examines the ways in which the women’s Manyano organisations offer black women a site for the performance of citizenship. The study is based on life history interviews conducted with seventeen members of the Methodist Church Women’s Manyano of the Lamontville Circuit in Kwa-Zulu Natal. The study shows that dominant literature on Manyano women is primarily located in the historiography of the formation of Manyano groups within the historical development of the black church from the moment of missionary contact in South Africa. This literature shows that the missionaries used the coming together of black women in the church to promote ideas of devout domesticity that are based on Anglophone Victorian womanhood. This literature also shows that the structural constraints of colonisation and apartheid transformed the black church into a counterpublic space which focused largely on the liberation of the black majority from political, economic, and social exclusion from the colonial and apartheid public sphere. These constraints also transformed the role of women’s Manyano organisations to become an important space from which black women came to resist and defeat apartheid. This study shows that this historical framing of women’s Manyano groups has shaped their role in post-apartheid South Africa. Located in the African feminist theory, the study argues that Manyano women’s publicness is not limited to gendered expressions of the public and private sphere. Instead, Manyano women demonstrate that their publicness in post-apartheid South Africa ought to be understood through a combination of the varied identities that they straddle, such as those of a politically and culturally defined womanhood and communally based motherhood, which express their understanding and performance of citizenship. The thesis, therefore, argues that the contemporary role and functioning of Manyanos is located within both the hegemonic public sphere that is granted by the civil liberties of the new South Africa, and the historical black bifurcated counterpublic -which combined offer black women the ability to devise strategies to confront present-day socioeconomic challenges such as structural poverty that shapes the lives of the majority of black women in post-apartheid South Africa. The study contributes, therefore, to the reconstruction of the concept of the public sphere through the use of Manyano women’s dynamic position in post-apartheid South Africa. It shows that the dualist nature of Manyano women’s position and identity allows for a multifaceted approach in the understanding of citizenship for Manyano women today. Furthermore, and importantly, the study shows that the complex roles that Manyano women navigate within the different spheres complicate the interpretations of womanhood and motherhood as understood in dominant (white western) feminist theory in ways that often lead to the delegitimisation and erasure of Manyano women’s contributions to ideas about post-apartheid feminisms.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2017
Losing, using, refusing, cruising : first-generation South African women academics narrate the complexity of marginality
- Authors: Idahosa, Grace Ese-Osa
- Date: 2014
- Subjects: Women in higher education -- Research -- South Africa , Women college teachers -- Research -- South Africa , Sex discrimination in higher education -- Research -- South Africa , Feminism and higher education -- South Africa , Marginality, Social -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2880 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1013148
- Description: While existing literature shows a considerable increase in the numbers of women in academia research on the experiences of women in universities has noted their continued occupation of lower status academic positions in relation to their male counterparts. As the ladder gets higher, the number of women seems to drop. These studies indicate the marginalization of women in academic settings, highlighting the various forms of subtle and overt discrimination and exclusion women face in academic work environments. In this study I ask how academic women in South Africa narrate their experience of being ‘outside in’ the teaching machine. It has been argued that intertwined sexist, patriarchal and phallocentric knowledges and practices in academic institutions produce various forms of discrimination, inequality, oppression and marginalization. Academic women report feeling invisible and retreating to the margins so as to avoid victimization and discrimination. Others have pointed to the tension between the ‘tenure clock’ and the ‘biological clock’ as a source of anxiety among academic women. Where a masculinised presentation of the self is adopted as a solution to this dilemma, the devaluation of the feminine in the academic space is confirmed. However, experiences of academic women are not identical. In the context of studies showing the importance of existing personal and social resources, prior experience and having mentors and role models in the negotiation of inequality and discrimination, I document the narratives of women academics who are the first in their families to graduate with a university degree. These first-generation academic women are therefore least likely to have access to social and cultural resources and prior experiences that can render the academic space more hospitable for the marginalised. Employing Spivak’s deconstruction of the concept of marginalisation as my primary interpretive lens, I explore the way in which, in their narratives, first-generation academic women negotiate marginality. These narratives depict a marginality that might be described, following Spivak, as ‘outside/in’, that is, as complex and involving moments of accommodation and resistance, losses and gains, pain and pride.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2014
- Authors: Idahosa, Grace Ese-Osa
- Date: 2014
- Subjects: Women in higher education -- Research -- South Africa , Women college teachers -- Research -- South Africa , Sex discrimination in higher education -- Research -- South Africa , Feminism and higher education -- South Africa , Marginality, Social -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2880 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1013148
- Description: While existing literature shows a considerable increase in the numbers of women in academia research on the experiences of women in universities has noted their continued occupation of lower status academic positions in relation to their male counterparts. As the ladder gets higher, the number of women seems to drop. These studies indicate the marginalization of women in academic settings, highlighting the various forms of subtle and overt discrimination and exclusion women face in academic work environments. In this study I ask how academic women in South Africa narrate their experience of being ‘outside in’ the teaching machine. It has been argued that intertwined sexist, patriarchal and phallocentric knowledges and practices in academic institutions produce various forms of discrimination, inequality, oppression and marginalization. Academic women report feeling invisible and retreating to the margins so as to avoid victimization and discrimination. Others have pointed to the tension between the ‘tenure clock’ and the ‘biological clock’ as a source of anxiety among academic women. Where a masculinised presentation of the self is adopted as a solution to this dilemma, the devaluation of the feminine in the academic space is confirmed. However, experiences of academic women are not identical. In the context of studies showing the importance of existing personal and social resources, prior experience and having mentors and role models in the negotiation of inequality and discrimination, I document the narratives of women academics who are the first in their families to graduate with a university degree. These first-generation academic women are therefore least likely to have access to social and cultural resources and prior experiences that can render the academic space more hospitable for the marginalised. Employing Spivak’s deconstruction of the concept of marginalisation as my primary interpretive lens, I explore the way in which, in their narratives, first-generation academic women negotiate marginality. These narratives depict a marginality that might be described, following Spivak, as ‘outside/in’, that is, as complex and involving moments of accommodation and resistance, losses and gains, pain and pride.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2014
Malawi’s foreign policy decision-making: the 2012 Malawi-Tanzania boundary dispute
- Kaunda, Mapopa Charles Martin Sazamleke
- Authors: Kaunda, Mapopa Charles Martin Sazamleke
- Date: 2017
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/59225 , vital:27484
- Description: Expected release date-April 2019
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2017
- Authors: Kaunda, Mapopa Charles Martin Sazamleke
- Date: 2017
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/59225 , vital:27484
- Description: Expected release date-April 2019
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2017
Mapping Grahamstown's security governance network : prospects and problems for democratic policing
- Brereton, Catherine Margaret
- Authors: Brereton, Catherine Margaret
- Date: 2006
- Subjects: Democracy -- South Africa , Police -- South Africa , Police administration -- South Africa -- Grahamstown , Police-community relations -- South Africa -- Grahamstown , Crime prevention -- South Africa -- Grahamstown , Police patrol -- South Africa -- Grahamstown , Private security services -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2851 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1006323 , Democracy -- South Africa , Police -- South Africa , Police administration -- South Africa -- Grahamstown , Police-community relations -- South Africa -- Grahamstown , Crime prevention -- South Africa -- Grahamstown , Police patrol -- South Africa -- Grahamstown , Private security services -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape
- Description: The security of its citizens is often regarded as the democratic state's primary raison d'etre. However, with increasing crime and perceptions of insecurity among citizens, along with actual and perceived state policing inadequacies, citizens around the world have sought to make alternative arrangements for their security. The explosion of private alternatives to state policing has resulted in the need for the replacement of former static definitions of policing by more fluid understandings of what policing entails. Policing is no longer an activity undertaken exclusively by the 'state police.' Policing needs to be understood within a framework which recognises the existence of a variety of state, commercial, community groups and individuals which exist within loose and sometimes informal, sometimes formal, networks to provide for the security of citizens. Preceding the country's transition to democracy in 1994 'state' policing in South Africa was aimed at monitoring and suppressing the black population and as a result it conducted itself in a largely militaristic way. When the government of national unity assumed power in 1994 it was indisputable that the South African Police had to undergo major reform if it was to play an effective, co-operative and accountable role in a democratic South Africa. While state policing has unquestionably undergone enormous changes since the advent of democracy in 1994, so too has non-state policing. It is widely accepted that the dividing line between state and non-state policing in South Africa is increasingly blurred. Policing, by its very nature, holds the potential to threaten democracy. Consequently it is important that policing is democratically controlled. According to the Law Commission of Canada four values and principles - justice, equality, accountability, and efficiency - should support policing in a democracy. This thesis is a case study of policing in Grahamstown, a small city in South Africa's Eastern Cape province. It will be shown that the policing problem that currently plagues Grahamstown, and by extension South Africa, is not simply the result of a shortage of providers but rather a problem of co-coordinating and monitoring security governance to ensure that the city does not further develop into a society where the wealthy have greater access to security than the poor.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2006
- Authors: Brereton, Catherine Margaret
- Date: 2006
- Subjects: Democracy -- South Africa , Police -- South Africa , Police administration -- South Africa -- Grahamstown , Police-community relations -- South Africa -- Grahamstown , Crime prevention -- South Africa -- Grahamstown , Police patrol -- South Africa -- Grahamstown , Private security services -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2851 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1006323 , Democracy -- South Africa , Police -- South Africa , Police administration -- South Africa -- Grahamstown , Police-community relations -- South Africa -- Grahamstown , Crime prevention -- South Africa -- Grahamstown , Police patrol -- South Africa -- Grahamstown , Private security services -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape
- Description: The security of its citizens is often regarded as the democratic state's primary raison d'etre. However, with increasing crime and perceptions of insecurity among citizens, along with actual and perceived state policing inadequacies, citizens around the world have sought to make alternative arrangements for their security. The explosion of private alternatives to state policing has resulted in the need for the replacement of former static definitions of policing by more fluid understandings of what policing entails. Policing is no longer an activity undertaken exclusively by the 'state police.' Policing needs to be understood within a framework which recognises the existence of a variety of state, commercial, community groups and individuals which exist within loose and sometimes informal, sometimes formal, networks to provide for the security of citizens. Preceding the country's transition to democracy in 1994 'state' policing in South Africa was aimed at monitoring and suppressing the black population and as a result it conducted itself in a largely militaristic way. When the government of national unity assumed power in 1994 it was indisputable that the South African Police had to undergo major reform if it was to play an effective, co-operative and accountable role in a democratic South Africa. While state policing has unquestionably undergone enormous changes since the advent of democracy in 1994, so too has non-state policing. It is widely accepted that the dividing line between state and non-state policing in South Africa is increasingly blurred. Policing, by its very nature, holds the potential to threaten democracy. Consequently it is important that policing is democratically controlled. According to the Law Commission of Canada four values and principles - justice, equality, accountability, and efficiency - should support policing in a democracy. This thesis is a case study of policing in Grahamstown, a small city in South Africa's Eastern Cape province. It will be shown that the policing problem that currently plagues Grahamstown, and by extension South Africa, is not simply the result of a shortage of providers but rather a problem of co-coordinating and monitoring security governance to ensure that the city does not further develop into a society where the wealthy have greater access to security than the poor.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2006
Marikana : taking a subaltern sphere of politics seriously
- Authors: Naicker, Camalita
- Date: 2014
- Subjects: Miners -- South Africa -- Rustenburg -- Social conditions -- 21st century , Mineral industries -- Political aspects -- South Africa , Violence -- South Africa -- Rustenburg , Massacres -- South Africa -- Rustenburg , Strikes and lockouts -- Miners -- South Africa , Political leadership -- South Africa , Industrial relations -- South Africa , Marxist criticism , Marikana (Rustenburg, South Africa)
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2886 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1015651
- Description: This thesis aims to open up the realm of what counts as political in the context of the Marikana strikes and subsequent massacre. It does primarily by taking into account the social, political and cultural context of Mpondo workers on the mines. Many narrow Marxist and liberal frameworks have circumscribed the conception of the ‘modern’ and the ‘political’ so much so that political organisation which falls outside of this conceptualisation is often regarded as ‘backward’ or ‘archaic’. It will provide an examination of the history, culture and custom of men, who have, for almost a hundred years migrated back and forth between South African mines and Mpondoland. This not only reveals differing modes of organising and engaging in political action, but also that the praxis of democracy takes many forms, some of which are different and opposed to what counts as democratic in Western liberal democracy. By considering what I argue, following some of the insights from the Subaltern Studies collective in India, to be a subaltern sphere of politics and history, it is possible to better understand the way workers organised and acted. The thesis also argues that most labour and nationalist historiography has been silent on the political contributions of women because of how Marxist/liberal analysis frames struggles through disciplined notions of work and resistance. Rather than objectifying workers as representatives of a homogenous and universal class of people devoid of context, the thesis has linked ‘the worker’ to the community from which s/he comes and community specific struggles, which are supported and sustained, often, by the parallel struggles of women in the community.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2014
- Authors: Naicker, Camalita
- Date: 2014
- Subjects: Miners -- South Africa -- Rustenburg -- Social conditions -- 21st century , Mineral industries -- Political aspects -- South Africa , Violence -- South Africa -- Rustenburg , Massacres -- South Africa -- Rustenburg , Strikes and lockouts -- Miners -- South Africa , Political leadership -- South Africa , Industrial relations -- South Africa , Marxist criticism , Marikana (Rustenburg, South Africa)
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2886 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1015651
- Description: This thesis aims to open up the realm of what counts as political in the context of the Marikana strikes and subsequent massacre. It does primarily by taking into account the social, political and cultural context of Mpondo workers on the mines. Many narrow Marxist and liberal frameworks have circumscribed the conception of the ‘modern’ and the ‘political’ so much so that political organisation which falls outside of this conceptualisation is often regarded as ‘backward’ or ‘archaic’. It will provide an examination of the history, culture and custom of men, who have, for almost a hundred years migrated back and forth between South African mines and Mpondoland. This not only reveals differing modes of organising and engaging in political action, but also that the praxis of democracy takes many forms, some of which are different and opposed to what counts as democratic in Western liberal democracy. By considering what I argue, following some of the insights from the Subaltern Studies collective in India, to be a subaltern sphere of politics and history, it is possible to better understand the way workers organised and acted. The thesis also argues that most labour and nationalist historiography has been silent on the political contributions of women because of how Marxist/liberal analysis frames struggles through disciplined notions of work and resistance. Rather than objectifying workers as representatives of a homogenous and universal class of people devoid of context, the thesis has linked ‘the worker’ to the community from which s/he comes and community specific struggles, which are supported and sustained, often, by the parallel struggles of women in the community.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2014
Masculine performance and enactment in the Rhodes University Rowing Club
- Authors: Dlamini, Thobile Lungile
- Date: 2017
- Subjects: Masculinity in sports -- South Africa , College sports -- South Africa , Male college athletes -- Psychology -- South Africa -- Case studies , Masculinity , Sex role , Rhodes University. Rowing Club , Rhodes University -- Students -- Psychology
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MSocSc
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/4315 , vital:20647
- Description: Drawing on the interactions between gender and power in the South African context, this study explores how masculinities are produced, reproduced and contested in one particular realm of social life, namely organised university sport. The study focuses on a rowing club at a historically white South African university (RURC). The narratives of ten male participants (aged between 19 and 23) who self-identified as heterosexual and were recruited from RURC, were utilised to make meaning of the process of identity construction of young males who participate in organised sport within the higher education sphere. The ethnographic aspect of the study, which spanned over three months, provided a window into the norms, values and rituals of the club and how these variously reinforce or interrupt the prevailing gender order. Employing Connell’s typology of masculinities as a lens, the study traces the lived construction of masculinity in the individual lives of the members of RURC as one sphere of university life in which masculinities are produced and contested. Within a wider culture that has been characterised as white, heteronormative and patriarchal, the study argues that although masculinities and masculine performances in the RURC are highly contested the practices of the club ultimately perpetuate an exclusionary, orthodox masculinity.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2017
- Authors: Dlamini, Thobile Lungile
- Date: 2017
- Subjects: Masculinity in sports -- South Africa , College sports -- South Africa , Male college athletes -- Psychology -- South Africa -- Case studies , Masculinity , Sex role , Rhodes University. Rowing Club , Rhodes University -- Students -- Psychology
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MSocSc
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/4315 , vital:20647
- Description: Drawing on the interactions between gender and power in the South African context, this study explores how masculinities are produced, reproduced and contested in one particular realm of social life, namely organised university sport. The study focuses on a rowing club at a historically white South African university (RURC). The narratives of ten male participants (aged between 19 and 23) who self-identified as heterosexual and were recruited from RURC, were utilised to make meaning of the process of identity construction of young males who participate in organised sport within the higher education sphere. The ethnographic aspect of the study, which spanned over three months, provided a window into the norms, values and rituals of the club and how these variously reinforce or interrupt the prevailing gender order. Employing Connell’s typology of masculinities as a lens, the study traces the lived construction of masculinity in the individual lives of the members of RURC as one sphere of university life in which masculinities are produced and contested. Within a wider culture that has been characterised as white, heteronormative and patriarchal, the study argues that although masculinities and masculine performances in the RURC are highly contested the practices of the club ultimately perpetuate an exclusionary, orthodox masculinity.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2017