Negotiating a comprehensive long-term relationship between South Africa and the European Union: from free trade to trade and development
- Authors: Cross, Peter John
- Date: 1997
- Subjects: Economic development -- South Africa -- 1994- , European Economic Community , European Economic Community countries -- Foreign economic relations -- South Africa , South Africa -- Foreign relations -- European Economic Community countries
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2768 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002978 , Economic development -- South Africa -- 1994- , European Economic Community , European Economic Community countries -- Foreign economic relations -- South Africa , South Africa -- Foreign relations -- European Economic Community countries
- Description: On 10 May 1994 the European Union offeredSouth Africa a package of measures to ... send a strong political signal to the incoming govemment and to the South African population, thus proving its firm determination to support the transition towards democracy and its willingness to contribute to the reconstruction and economic development of South Africa after the elections. This package consisted of two parts: 1. A series of short term implementations to take place with immediate effect to help South Africa's development and transition, and 2. An offer to negotiate a comprehensive long-term relationship with South Africa should the new government so request. South Africa accepted the European Union's offer to negotiate a long-term relationship, and in response requested membership of the structure governing the Union's relations with the rest of the countries in Sub-Saharan Africa and some countries in the Caribbean and Pacific, namely the Lomé Convention. Due to various incompatibilities South Africa was not allowed to join this organisation. In its place the European Union offered to negotiate an agreement with South Africa that would lead to a Free Trade Area. This agreement was in keeping with the rules as laid down by the World Trade Organisation. It envisaged the lowering of tariffs and trade barriers between the Union and South Africa over a period not exceeding 12 years, allowing for asymmetry in terms of time constraints in implementation only. South Africa saw this type of agreement as inconsistent with the desire expressed by the European Union to support the countries development and the integration of the Southern African region. In its place South Africa proposed a new concept in trade agreement, this concept, known as the Trade and Development Agreement, embodied both trade liberalisation and support for development. This agreement would introduce a new paradigm of thought to govern trade between developed countries and developing countries within the World Trade Organisation's rules. This paper explores the events that unfolded in these negotiations. It attempts to discover whether, in the current global environment, it is possible, or beneficial, for the developed world to act in an altruistic manner towards another state in order to assist its development.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1997
- Authors: Cross, Peter John
- Date: 1997
- Subjects: Economic development -- South Africa -- 1994- , European Economic Community , European Economic Community countries -- Foreign economic relations -- South Africa , South Africa -- Foreign relations -- European Economic Community countries
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2768 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002978 , Economic development -- South Africa -- 1994- , European Economic Community , European Economic Community countries -- Foreign economic relations -- South Africa , South Africa -- Foreign relations -- European Economic Community countries
- Description: On 10 May 1994 the European Union offeredSouth Africa a package of measures to ... send a strong political signal to the incoming govemment and to the South African population, thus proving its firm determination to support the transition towards democracy and its willingness to contribute to the reconstruction and economic development of South Africa after the elections. This package consisted of two parts: 1. A series of short term implementations to take place with immediate effect to help South Africa's development and transition, and 2. An offer to negotiate a comprehensive long-term relationship with South Africa should the new government so request. South Africa accepted the European Union's offer to negotiate a long-term relationship, and in response requested membership of the structure governing the Union's relations with the rest of the countries in Sub-Saharan Africa and some countries in the Caribbean and Pacific, namely the Lomé Convention. Due to various incompatibilities South Africa was not allowed to join this organisation. In its place the European Union offered to negotiate an agreement with South Africa that would lead to a Free Trade Area. This agreement was in keeping with the rules as laid down by the World Trade Organisation. It envisaged the lowering of tariffs and trade barriers between the Union and South Africa over a period not exceeding 12 years, allowing for asymmetry in terms of time constraints in implementation only. South Africa saw this type of agreement as inconsistent with the desire expressed by the European Union to support the countries development and the integration of the Southern African region. In its place South Africa proposed a new concept in trade agreement, this concept, known as the Trade and Development Agreement, embodied both trade liberalisation and support for development. This agreement would introduce a new paradigm of thought to govern trade between developed countries and developing countries within the World Trade Organisation's rules. This paper explores the events that unfolded in these negotiations. It attempts to discover whether, in the current global environment, it is possible, or beneficial, for the developed world to act in an altruistic manner towards another state in order to assist its development.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1997
Negotiating the line between information and panic: a case study of vanguard’s coverage of the ebola outbreak in Nigeria
- Authors: Akingbade, Olutobi Elijah
- Date: 2017
- Subjects: Digital media -- Marketing , Marketing -- Technological innovations , Internet marketing , Carbonated beverages -- Marketing , Coca Cola (Trademark) -- Marketing , Social media -- Economic aspects , Soft drink industry -- Internet marketing , Health behavior in adolescence , Advertising -- Carbonated beverages , Obesity in adolescence , Drinking behavior
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/5903 , vital:20986
- Description: This study titled ‘Negotiating the line between information and panic: A case study of Vanguard’s coverage of the Ebola Outbreak in Nigeria’ investigates and evaluates Vanguard’s coverage of the 2014 Ebola Virus Disease (EVD) outbreak in Nigeria. This study was conducted to understand how Vanguard negotiated the line between the dissemination of actual EVD information and the possibility of creating panic and fear during the coverage of the outbreak. Using qualitative content analysis and interview embedded within a qualitative research design, the study was carried out against the backdrop of relevant literature that asserts that the mass media is an important carrier, prime mover and producer of tensions, anxieties, fears and panics while the print media specifically is argued to have as part of its history the business of irrational fear mongering and the creation of panic about social problems. Vanguard, rated as one of the ten largest newspapers in Nigeria, was purposively selected for this study. Vanguard did substantial reporting and dissemination of the 2014 EVD outbreak and it was possible to draw on the availability and accessibility of the electronic archives of the EVD articles. Using the theory of moral panic, the normative theories of the media and theories about essential constituents of journalism culture as a theoretical framework, the study reveals that Vanguard’s coverage of the 2014 EVD outbreak was challenging and more demanding compared to coverage of previous outbreaks of viral diseases in Nigeria by the print medium. The study shows that lack of sufficient understanding of the science that underlies EVD, the initial exclusion of the media from the national response to contain the outbreak, and the lack of sufficient proactive measures by government and the print medium were powerful factors in how the epidemic was reported. The study also shows an interesting dimension in Vanguard’s early and latter coverage of the EVD outbreak while it lasted in Nigeria. This dimension reveals a high number of EVD articles with the propensity to inspire fear and panic in the early days of the coverage compared to EVD articles with the propensity to douse fear and panic in the early and latter days of the outbreak. The study shows that while the challenges encountered stem from Ebola’s mode of transmission, lack of scientific and medically proven cure and early coverage amidst uncertainties, the inherent tensions and anxieties that characterised the outbreak coupled with Vanguard’s fire brigade approach led to the relatively high number of EVD articles with the propensity to inspire fear and panic. The study recommends the mass media’s inclusion in national responses to epidemics and ongoing training for health journalists to update their knowledge base about emerging and infectious diseases. The study also recommends for further study a reception analysis to enhance the socio-cultural understanding of how the EVD articles were received.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2017
- Authors: Akingbade, Olutobi Elijah
- Date: 2017
- Subjects: Digital media -- Marketing , Marketing -- Technological innovations , Internet marketing , Carbonated beverages -- Marketing , Coca Cola (Trademark) -- Marketing , Social media -- Economic aspects , Soft drink industry -- Internet marketing , Health behavior in adolescence , Advertising -- Carbonated beverages , Obesity in adolescence , Drinking behavior
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/5903 , vital:20986
- Description: This study titled ‘Negotiating the line between information and panic: A case study of Vanguard’s coverage of the Ebola Outbreak in Nigeria’ investigates and evaluates Vanguard’s coverage of the 2014 Ebola Virus Disease (EVD) outbreak in Nigeria. This study was conducted to understand how Vanguard negotiated the line between the dissemination of actual EVD information and the possibility of creating panic and fear during the coverage of the outbreak. Using qualitative content analysis and interview embedded within a qualitative research design, the study was carried out against the backdrop of relevant literature that asserts that the mass media is an important carrier, prime mover and producer of tensions, anxieties, fears and panics while the print media specifically is argued to have as part of its history the business of irrational fear mongering and the creation of panic about social problems. Vanguard, rated as one of the ten largest newspapers in Nigeria, was purposively selected for this study. Vanguard did substantial reporting and dissemination of the 2014 EVD outbreak and it was possible to draw on the availability and accessibility of the electronic archives of the EVD articles. Using the theory of moral panic, the normative theories of the media and theories about essential constituents of journalism culture as a theoretical framework, the study reveals that Vanguard’s coverage of the 2014 EVD outbreak was challenging and more demanding compared to coverage of previous outbreaks of viral diseases in Nigeria by the print medium. The study shows that lack of sufficient understanding of the science that underlies EVD, the initial exclusion of the media from the national response to contain the outbreak, and the lack of sufficient proactive measures by government and the print medium were powerful factors in how the epidemic was reported. The study also shows an interesting dimension in Vanguard’s early and latter coverage of the EVD outbreak while it lasted in Nigeria. This dimension reveals a high number of EVD articles with the propensity to inspire fear and panic in the early days of the coverage compared to EVD articles with the propensity to douse fear and panic in the early and latter days of the outbreak. The study shows that while the challenges encountered stem from Ebola’s mode of transmission, lack of scientific and medically proven cure and early coverage amidst uncertainties, the inherent tensions and anxieties that characterised the outbreak coupled with Vanguard’s fire brigade approach led to the relatively high number of EVD articles with the propensity to inspire fear and panic. The study recommends the mass media’s inclusion in national responses to epidemics and ongoing training for health journalists to update their knowledge base about emerging and infectious diseases. The study also recommends for further study a reception analysis to enhance the socio-cultural understanding of how the EVD articles were received.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2017
New spaces and old stories: the Luminance woman, black womanhood and the illusion of the “new” South Africa
- Alweendo, Ndapwa Magano Nelao
- Authors: Alweendo, Ndapwa Magano Nelao
- Date: 2017
- Subjects: Luminance stores (South Africa) , Dhlomo, Khanyi , Dlamini, Judy , Women, Black -- South Africa -- Social life and customes , Women, Black -- South Africa -- Social conditions , Clothing trade -- South Africa , Social classes -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MSocSc
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/42619 , vital:25220
- Description: This study examines ideas of black womanhood in post-apartheid South Africa. The opening of the Luminance boutique in 2013, previously owned by South African businesswoman and media mogul Khanyi Dhlomo in Johannesburg’s ultra-exclusive Hyde Park Corner, has been articulated as representing a rupture in the public and private performance of black womanhood. Luminance has positioned itself as a provider of world-class style and beauty and has embraced a narrative of black women’s empowerment in the process. The study is based on narrative semistructured interviews conducted Johannesburg with black women who have shopped at the boutique and women who believe themselves as having a meaningful connection to the store. The literature on black women, both internationally and in South Africa, acknowledges that black women experience multiple and intersecting oppressions of race, class and gender, among others. Located within black feminist theory, the study argues that the Luminance woman does represent some rupture in the historic understanding of black womanhood in South Africa. This woman is an elite player in both the corporate world and the world of luxury consumption, and is certainly entering spaces to which black women have historically been denied access. However, this study argues that there is a danger in reducing this woman to an oversimplified character, allowing responses to her to ignore the complexities of her reality in favour of the simplicity of her story, and ignore the structural socioeconomic challenges that continue to shape the lives of all black women in postapartheid South Africa. In this regard, the Luminance woman, while on the surface appearing to be an empowering new iteration of womanhood that should inspire other black woman, contributes to the erasure of her particular marginal experiences, and the oppression of black women in general. The story of the Luminance women contributes to a narrative of individual hard work and determination that frames her as a respectable example of what the “new” South Africa has delivered for its citizens. This woman is a model example of a South African who has succeeded because she took advantage of the opportunities supposedly afforded to all in the post-1994 era. It is therefore argued that praise of the Luminance woman serves a dual purpose: to reinforce the myth of equal opportunity in South Africa, and to lessen the legitimacy of marginalised groups’ experiences of oppression, especially black women who continue to constitute the poor majority.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2017
- Authors: Alweendo, Ndapwa Magano Nelao
- Date: 2017
- Subjects: Luminance stores (South Africa) , Dhlomo, Khanyi , Dlamini, Judy , Women, Black -- South Africa -- Social life and customes , Women, Black -- South Africa -- Social conditions , Clothing trade -- South Africa , Social classes -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MSocSc
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/42619 , vital:25220
- Description: This study examines ideas of black womanhood in post-apartheid South Africa. The opening of the Luminance boutique in 2013, previously owned by South African businesswoman and media mogul Khanyi Dhlomo in Johannesburg’s ultra-exclusive Hyde Park Corner, has been articulated as representing a rupture in the public and private performance of black womanhood. Luminance has positioned itself as a provider of world-class style and beauty and has embraced a narrative of black women’s empowerment in the process. The study is based on narrative semistructured interviews conducted Johannesburg with black women who have shopped at the boutique and women who believe themselves as having a meaningful connection to the store. The literature on black women, both internationally and in South Africa, acknowledges that black women experience multiple and intersecting oppressions of race, class and gender, among others. Located within black feminist theory, the study argues that the Luminance woman does represent some rupture in the historic understanding of black womanhood in South Africa. This woman is an elite player in both the corporate world and the world of luxury consumption, and is certainly entering spaces to which black women have historically been denied access. However, this study argues that there is a danger in reducing this woman to an oversimplified character, allowing responses to her to ignore the complexities of her reality in favour of the simplicity of her story, and ignore the structural socioeconomic challenges that continue to shape the lives of all black women in postapartheid South Africa. In this regard, the Luminance woman, while on the surface appearing to be an empowering new iteration of womanhood that should inspire other black woman, contributes to the erasure of her particular marginal experiences, and the oppression of black women in general. The story of the Luminance women contributes to a narrative of individual hard work and determination that frames her as a respectable example of what the “new” South Africa has delivered for its citizens. This woman is a model example of a South African who has succeeded because she took advantage of the opportunities supposedly afforded to all in the post-1994 era. It is therefore argued that praise of the Luminance woman serves a dual purpose: to reinforce the myth of equal opportunity in South Africa, and to lessen the legitimacy of marginalised groups’ experiences of oppression, especially black women who continue to constitute the poor majority.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2017
New ways of understanding: a governmentality analysis of basic education policy in post-apartheid South Africa
- Authors: Prinsloo, Estelle Helena
- Date: 2013
- Subjects: South Africa -- Department of Basic Education , Basic education -- Government policy -- Research -- South Africa , Post-apartheid era -- Education -- South Africa , Educational change -- Research -- South Africa , South Africa -- Social conditions
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2751 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1001384
- Description: Social problems that are identified by government policy are articulated in ways that confer the responsibility of their management onto the state. In this way, policy reform serves as a means to justify political rule, as the ‘answers’ to policy failures are located within the realm of state intervention. This role of policy is maintained by the traditional definition of policy as it enables policies to be presented as the outcome of ‘necessary’ actions taken by state institutions to better the wellbeing of citizens. Since 1994, mainstream research on basic education policy in South Africa has employed traditional understandings of policy and its function. In doing so, these inquiries have failed to question the very idea of policy itself. They have also neglected to identify the productive role played by policy in the practice of power. To illuminate the necessary limits of policy reform, an alternative approach to analyse basic education policy is necessary. This thesis premises policy as discourse and advances a governmentality analysis of basic education policy during the first fifteen years of democracy (1994-2009) in South Africa. By drawing on the work of Michel Foucault, the study argues that government – ‘those actions upon the actions of others’ – during this period in South Africa was informed by both a liberal and a neo-liberal mentality of rule. The tensions between these two rationalities contributed to the continuation of apartheid’s socio-economic inequalities in the postapartheid era; an outcome buttressed by the contradictory impulses within basic education policy. By considering policy as a productive translation of governmental reasoning, the boundaries of intervention for future policy reforms are highlighted. These show that the inequalities that were perpetuated during the first fifteen years of democracy justify policy responses similar to those responsible for their production
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2013
- Authors: Prinsloo, Estelle Helena
- Date: 2013
- Subjects: South Africa -- Department of Basic Education , Basic education -- Government policy -- Research -- South Africa , Post-apartheid era -- Education -- South Africa , Educational change -- Research -- South Africa , South Africa -- Social conditions
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2751 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1001384
- Description: Social problems that are identified by government policy are articulated in ways that confer the responsibility of their management onto the state. In this way, policy reform serves as a means to justify political rule, as the ‘answers’ to policy failures are located within the realm of state intervention. This role of policy is maintained by the traditional definition of policy as it enables policies to be presented as the outcome of ‘necessary’ actions taken by state institutions to better the wellbeing of citizens. Since 1994, mainstream research on basic education policy in South Africa has employed traditional understandings of policy and its function. In doing so, these inquiries have failed to question the very idea of policy itself. They have also neglected to identify the productive role played by policy in the practice of power. To illuminate the necessary limits of policy reform, an alternative approach to analyse basic education policy is necessary. This thesis premises policy as discourse and advances a governmentality analysis of basic education policy during the first fifteen years of democracy (1994-2009) in South Africa. By drawing on the work of Michel Foucault, the study argues that government – ‘those actions upon the actions of others’ – during this period in South Africa was informed by both a liberal and a neo-liberal mentality of rule. The tensions between these two rationalities contributed to the continuation of apartheid’s socio-economic inequalities in the postapartheid era; an outcome buttressed by the contradictory impulses within basic education policy. By considering policy as a productive translation of governmental reasoning, the boundaries of intervention for future policy reforms are highlighted. These show that the inequalities that were perpetuated during the first fifteen years of democracy justify policy responses similar to those responsible for their production
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2013
NGOs and the depoliticisation of development : the case of GADRA education in Grahamstown
- Authors: Nqaba, Patronella Pinky
- Date: 2015
- Subjects: GADRA Education (Grahamstown, South Africa) , Non-governmental organizations -- South Africa -- Grahamstown , Non-governmental organizations -- Political aspects , Education -- South Africa -- History , Right to education -- South Africa , Educational change -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2890 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1017865
- Description: Non-governmental organisations (NGOs) have been criticised for depoliticising development through focusing on alleviating suffering rather than on addressing the root causes of poverty and underdevelopment. This research explores whether and how NGOs can act in ways that do not depoliticise development. The research focuses on education NGOs and in particular on the NGO GADRA education in Grahamstown, South Africa, to provide insights into ways in which politically conscious leadership of NGOs attempt to deal with the contradictions that are inherent in this field of work. This research provides a brief history of the South African Education system as a means to set a basis for the discussion of the role of education NGOs in the country. Furthermore it looks at the work that is done by GADRA education in the Grahamstown community. The thesis makes the argument that education NGOs can act in ways that do not depoliticise development because by providing access to education for people who are structurally excluded from education, they contribute to shifting power. This research found that although the leadership of GADRA Education acknowledge that they are confronted with great challenges in terms of how to bring about changes in the education system, they are hopeful that advocating for quality education will bring about the potential for the disruption of power relations as they exist between the state organs and the public.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2015
- Authors: Nqaba, Patronella Pinky
- Date: 2015
- Subjects: GADRA Education (Grahamstown, South Africa) , Non-governmental organizations -- South Africa -- Grahamstown , Non-governmental organizations -- Political aspects , Education -- South Africa -- History , Right to education -- South Africa , Educational change -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2890 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1017865
- Description: Non-governmental organisations (NGOs) have been criticised for depoliticising development through focusing on alleviating suffering rather than on addressing the root causes of poverty and underdevelopment. This research explores whether and how NGOs can act in ways that do not depoliticise development. The research focuses on education NGOs and in particular on the NGO GADRA education in Grahamstown, South Africa, to provide insights into ways in which politically conscious leadership of NGOs attempt to deal with the contradictions that are inherent in this field of work. This research provides a brief history of the South African Education system as a means to set a basis for the discussion of the role of education NGOs in the country. Furthermore it looks at the work that is done by GADRA education in the Grahamstown community. The thesis makes the argument that education NGOs can act in ways that do not depoliticise development because by providing access to education for people who are structurally excluded from education, they contribute to shifting power. This research found that although the leadership of GADRA Education acknowledge that they are confronted with great challenges in terms of how to bring about changes in the education system, they are hopeful that advocating for quality education will bring about the potential for the disruption of power relations as they exist between the state organs and the public.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2015
Non-governmental organizations, the state and the politics of rural development in Kenya with particular reference to Western Province
- Authors: Matanga, Frank Khachina
- Date: 2002
- Subjects: Non-governmental organizations -- Kenya , Rural development -- Kenya
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: vital:2803 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003013 , Non-governmental organizations -- Kenya , Rural development -- Kenya
- Description: In recent decades, Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs) have increasingly taken on development and political roles in Africa. This has partly been attributed to the New Policy Agenda (NPA) mounted by the international donors. The NPA is predicated on neo-liberal thinking advocating for an enlarged development role for the private sector and a minimalist state. This relatively new shift in development thought has been motivated by the declining capacity of the African state to deliver development and guarantee a liberal political system. This study, therefore, set out to empirically examine whether NGOs are capable of effectively playing their new-found development and political roles. The study was based on Kenya with the Western Province constituting the core research area. The fact that the Kenyan state has been gradually disengaging from the development process has created a vacuum of which the NGOs have attempted to fill. Equally important has been the observation that, for the greater part of the post-colonial period, the state has been largely authoritarian and therefore prompting a segment of civil society to take on political roles in an effort to force it to liberalize and democratize. Urban NGOs in particular, have been the most confrontational to the state with some remarkable success. Unlike their urban counterparts, rural-based NGOs have tended to be more developmental and play a politics of collaboration with the state. Many of the latter NGOs, although playing a significant role in rural development, have been co-opted into patron-client networks. Factors that influence NGOs= posture towards the state include the nature of their leadership, the extent of their nternational connections, and the level of resources at their disposal. The study=s principal conclusion, is that, in as much as NGOs and overall civil society have provided a basis for development and opposition to the state, there is an urgent and growing need for them to shift from a position of dependency, whether domestic or international, to relative autonomy. Only then, will their contributions be sustainable in society.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2002
- Authors: Matanga, Frank Khachina
- Date: 2002
- Subjects: Non-governmental organizations -- Kenya , Rural development -- Kenya
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: vital:2803 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003013 , Non-governmental organizations -- Kenya , Rural development -- Kenya
- Description: In recent decades, Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs) have increasingly taken on development and political roles in Africa. This has partly been attributed to the New Policy Agenda (NPA) mounted by the international donors. The NPA is predicated on neo-liberal thinking advocating for an enlarged development role for the private sector and a minimalist state. This relatively new shift in development thought has been motivated by the declining capacity of the African state to deliver development and guarantee a liberal political system. This study, therefore, set out to empirically examine whether NGOs are capable of effectively playing their new-found development and political roles. The study was based on Kenya with the Western Province constituting the core research area. The fact that the Kenyan state has been gradually disengaging from the development process has created a vacuum of which the NGOs have attempted to fill. Equally important has been the observation that, for the greater part of the post-colonial period, the state has been largely authoritarian and therefore prompting a segment of civil society to take on political roles in an effort to force it to liberalize and democratize. Urban NGOs in particular, have been the most confrontational to the state with some remarkable success. Unlike their urban counterparts, rural-based NGOs have tended to be more developmental and play a politics of collaboration with the state. Many of the latter NGOs, although playing a significant role in rural development, have been co-opted into patron-client networks. Factors that influence NGOs= posture towards the state include the nature of their leadership, the extent of their nternational connections, and the level of resources at their disposal. The study=s principal conclusion, is that, in as much as NGOs and overall civil society have provided a basis for development and opposition to the state, there is an urgent and growing need for them to shift from a position of dependency, whether domestic or international, to relative autonomy. Only then, will their contributions be sustainable in society.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2002
Participatory human development in post-apartheid South Africa: a discussion of the 2006/7 Tantyi Youth Empowerment Project
- Authors: Kulundu, Injairu M
- Date: 2010
- Subjects: Spirals Trust (South Africa) Community development -- South Africa -- Citizen participation Economic development projects -- South Africa -- Citizen participation Youth in development -- South Africa Non-governmental organizations -- South Africa Post-apartheid era -- South Africa South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1994-
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2791 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003001
- Description: This thesis relates the work of a non-governmental organisation, The Spirals Trust, to discussions on human and participatory development. The focus of the study is one of The Spirals Trust’s projects, the 2006/7 Tantyi Youth Empowerment Project, which is discussed in relation to theoretical material on human development and participatory development. Collectively these perspectives are defined in this thesis as ‘participatory human development’. The 2006/7 Tantyi Youth Empowerment Project illustrates some of the challenges that face the practice of participatory human development. Workshops and focus group interviews were conducted with participants who were part of the 2006/7 Tantyi Youth Empowerment Project in order to draw out their experiences of the project. Questions were created from themes that emerged from the participants’ discussion of their experiences and these questions were then posed to members of staff of The Spirals Trust. The experiences of both the participants and the staff members are discussed in order to explore issues that emerge in the practice of participatory human development in the 2006/7 Tantyi Youth Empowerment Project. The results highlight the challenges of putting into action the tenets of participatory human development. Feedback showed that a focus on personal development can help cultivate the ethic of participation. The effort that this entailed on the part of facilitators is discussed. The importance of exposing and continually working with power dynamics that may emerge in projects of this nature is revealed and the eroding influence of bureaucratic compliance in projects like this one is explored. The study also suggests that there is a need to promote development initiatives that challenge the political status quo rather than just finding ways to incorporate the marginalised more effectively into current systems. New questions that the research poses to the practice of participatory human development are considered in conjunction with suggestions for further research.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2010
- Authors: Kulundu, Injairu M
- Date: 2010
- Subjects: Spirals Trust (South Africa) Community development -- South Africa -- Citizen participation Economic development projects -- South Africa -- Citizen participation Youth in development -- South Africa Non-governmental organizations -- South Africa Post-apartheid era -- South Africa South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1994-
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2791 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003001
- Description: This thesis relates the work of a non-governmental organisation, The Spirals Trust, to discussions on human and participatory development. The focus of the study is one of The Spirals Trust’s projects, the 2006/7 Tantyi Youth Empowerment Project, which is discussed in relation to theoretical material on human development and participatory development. Collectively these perspectives are defined in this thesis as ‘participatory human development’. The 2006/7 Tantyi Youth Empowerment Project illustrates some of the challenges that face the practice of participatory human development. Workshops and focus group interviews were conducted with participants who were part of the 2006/7 Tantyi Youth Empowerment Project in order to draw out their experiences of the project. Questions were created from themes that emerged from the participants’ discussion of their experiences and these questions were then posed to members of staff of The Spirals Trust. The experiences of both the participants and the staff members are discussed in order to explore issues that emerge in the practice of participatory human development in the 2006/7 Tantyi Youth Empowerment Project. The results highlight the challenges of putting into action the tenets of participatory human development. Feedback showed that a focus on personal development can help cultivate the ethic of participation. The effort that this entailed on the part of facilitators is discussed. The importance of exposing and continually working with power dynamics that may emerge in projects of this nature is revealed and the eroding influence of bureaucratic compliance in projects like this one is explored. The study also suggests that there is a need to promote development initiatives that challenge the political status quo rather than just finding ways to incorporate the marginalised more effectively into current systems. New questions that the research poses to the practice of participatory human development are considered in conjunction with suggestions for further research.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2010
Perceptions of Ulwaluko in a Liberal Democratic State: is multiculturalism beneficial to AmaXhosa women in the Eastern Cape province of South Africa?
- Authors: Gogela, Kholisa B
- Date: 2018
- Subjects: Initiation rites -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , Circumcision -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , Stigma (Social psychology) -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , Xhosa (African people) -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , Women -- Attitudes , Multiculturalism -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , Women's rights -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , Male domination (Social structure) -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , Sex discrimination against women -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , Ulwaluko
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/61780 , vital:28059
- Description: This exploratory qualitative study sought to investigate the views and perceptions of women on their experiences of ulwaluko, a traditional rite practised by amaXhosa in the Eastern Cape province of South Africa. Ulwaluko is also known as isiko lokwaluka or ukoluka in isiXhosa. The concept refers not only to the act of circumcision that occurs during the initiation ritual but the entire process a boy goes through in observing this practice. Ulwaluko is performed in the belief that it will transform boys into accountable and responsible citizens of the society who are fully committed and dedicated to the tenets and standards of nation building. All amaXhosa boys are expected to undergo this tradition to be considered men. Failure to go to the initiation school usually results in social stigma and complete banishment by the society. There is an abundance of literature on studies that have been conducted on male circumcision (and not ulwaluko) which is performed for hygiene and religious purposes worldwide. With regards to ulwaluko of amaXhosa, research studies that have been conducted appear to lean mainly towards biomedical and public health aspects of the ritual. There seems to be an even bigger proportion of studies whose objective was to examine the relationship between circumcision and HIV/AIDS. From the literature review, it was not difficult to observe the pervasive paucity of research studies on women in relation to initiation (and that of amaXhosa in particular), with regards to their inclusion or exclusion in the practice, their feelings, perceptions, experiences and attitudes towards the custom. It is for this reason that I found it crucial to conduct this study. The main research question I sought to answer in this investigation was: are the human rights and gender equality rights of women, as entrenched in the multicultural principles that underpin South Africa’s liberal, democratic order, adequately protected? In other words, could the individual rights of women (or gender rights) that are endorsed by liberalism, be deferred in the interest of respecting traditions and cultural values associated with ulwaluko? And if they are, I further ask: could the deferral of such rights be legitimate in the face of South Africa’s legal framework? The nature of this study places it in the qualitative paradigm, and interpretive phenomenology was the most appropriate research design to carry out the investigation. Multiculturalism is a principle at the centre of liberalism, and as a framework for this study, I contrast and reconcile it with feminism. While multiculturalism is concerned with protecting traditions and cultures of minority groups, feminism is concerned about women’s emancipation. I used the non-probability purposive sampling to select participants who were rich in information; and I made use of community structures to gain entry into research sites and to seek permission to carry out the investigation. I conducted the pilot study in Mdantsane, a township in the Buffalo City Municipality; and I gathered data in two research sites, namely: Flagstaff in Mpondondoland and Grahamstown in the Makana Local Municipality. I employed two qualitative methods to collect information, namely: focus group discussions (FGDs) and semi-structured in-depth interviews. A total of 70 participants took part in the study. 60 women participated in 8 focus groups and 10 participated in-depth interviews. Their ages ranged between 31 and 82 years. I recorded all the FGDs and semi-structured in-depth interviews that I conducted, for ease of transcription and translation. To interprete and analyze data, I applied the general inductive approach which I later substantiated with the use of NVivo 8, a computer assisted qualitative data analysis (CAQDAS). This resulted in the identification of four themes and their related sub-themes which I compared and contrasted with literature review and the theoretical framework, so as to make sense of the information I generated from the data collection process. I also discussed the results in line with the four goals of the study. The findings of this inquiry suggest a number of factors about ulwaluko, the following being the most significant: that firstly, although the rite is espoused and celebrated by some women as a significant cultural practice among amaXhosa, for others it is synonymous with patriarchy and hegemony. Secondly, women felt largely excluded, claiming that they were relegated to a subordinate position in society. For this reason, as well as because of the biomedical and other socio-political concerns associated with the practice, some women resented the custom. Thirdly, participants were divided about whether the practice should be continued or abolished; and these differences manifested within and between different regions. Fourthly, the results also demonstrated that the norms and values applied in ulwaluko are in contravention of the fundamental principles of a liberal state in that universal human rights are infringed upon through exclusionary practices. In this case the woman’s voice is muted; and this results in the denial of human agency. The study however, also revealed the emergence of shifting patterns in some parts of the province where an effort to include women appears to be taking place. Fifth and last, the enquiry demonstrated that ulwaluko is deeply entrenched among amaXhosa; that it has stood the test of time and is unlikely to be discontinued. Based on the results, I recommend that creative and transformative ways of addressing the evident clash between the provision of individual rights by the state and the recognition of ulwaluko as a cultural practice (which is perceived by some as harmful to women) be sought. To achieve this objective I make the following recommendations: 1) establishment and utilization of gender equality programmes; 2) modification of values and norms of the custom; 3) representation of women in decision-making structures; 4) establishment of collaborative networks; 5) widening of access to services (such as chapter nine institutions and national gender machinery); 6) documentation and sharing of effective and inclusive practices as well as; 7) creating awareness on initiation legislation.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2018
- Authors: Gogela, Kholisa B
- Date: 2018
- Subjects: Initiation rites -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , Circumcision -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , Stigma (Social psychology) -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , Xhosa (African people) -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , Women -- Attitudes , Multiculturalism -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , Women's rights -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , Male domination (Social structure) -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , Sex discrimination against women -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , Ulwaluko
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/61780 , vital:28059
- Description: This exploratory qualitative study sought to investigate the views and perceptions of women on their experiences of ulwaluko, a traditional rite practised by amaXhosa in the Eastern Cape province of South Africa. Ulwaluko is also known as isiko lokwaluka or ukoluka in isiXhosa. The concept refers not only to the act of circumcision that occurs during the initiation ritual but the entire process a boy goes through in observing this practice. Ulwaluko is performed in the belief that it will transform boys into accountable and responsible citizens of the society who are fully committed and dedicated to the tenets and standards of nation building. All amaXhosa boys are expected to undergo this tradition to be considered men. Failure to go to the initiation school usually results in social stigma and complete banishment by the society. There is an abundance of literature on studies that have been conducted on male circumcision (and not ulwaluko) which is performed for hygiene and religious purposes worldwide. With regards to ulwaluko of amaXhosa, research studies that have been conducted appear to lean mainly towards biomedical and public health aspects of the ritual. There seems to be an even bigger proportion of studies whose objective was to examine the relationship between circumcision and HIV/AIDS. From the literature review, it was not difficult to observe the pervasive paucity of research studies on women in relation to initiation (and that of amaXhosa in particular), with regards to their inclusion or exclusion in the practice, their feelings, perceptions, experiences and attitudes towards the custom. It is for this reason that I found it crucial to conduct this study. The main research question I sought to answer in this investigation was: are the human rights and gender equality rights of women, as entrenched in the multicultural principles that underpin South Africa’s liberal, democratic order, adequately protected? In other words, could the individual rights of women (or gender rights) that are endorsed by liberalism, be deferred in the interest of respecting traditions and cultural values associated with ulwaluko? And if they are, I further ask: could the deferral of such rights be legitimate in the face of South Africa’s legal framework? The nature of this study places it in the qualitative paradigm, and interpretive phenomenology was the most appropriate research design to carry out the investigation. Multiculturalism is a principle at the centre of liberalism, and as a framework for this study, I contrast and reconcile it with feminism. While multiculturalism is concerned with protecting traditions and cultures of minority groups, feminism is concerned about women’s emancipation. I used the non-probability purposive sampling to select participants who were rich in information; and I made use of community structures to gain entry into research sites and to seek permission to carry out the investigation. I conducted the pilot study in Mdantsane, a township in the Buffalo City Municipality; and I gathered data in two research sites, namely: Flagstaff in Mpondondoland and Grahamstown in the Makana Local Municipality. I employed two qualitative methods to collect information, namely: focus group discussions (FGDs) and semi-structured in-depth interviews. A total of 70 participants took part in the study. 60 women participated in 8 focus groups and 10 participated in-depth interviews. Their ages ranged between 31 and 82 years. I recorded all the FGDs and semi-structured in-depth interviews that I conducted, for ease of transcription and translation. To interprete and analyze data, I applied the general inductive approach which I later substantiated with the use of NVivo 8, a computer assisted qualitative data analysis (CAQDAS). This resulted in the identification of four themes and their related sub-themes which I compared and contrasted with literature review and the theoretical framework, so as to make sense of the information I generated from the data collection process. I also discussed the results in line with the four goals of the study. The findings of this inquiry suggest a number of factors about ulwaluko, the following being the most significant: that firstly, although the rite is espoused and celebrated by some women as a significant cultural practice among amaXhosa, for others it is synonymous with patriarchy and hegemony. Secondly, women felt largely excluded, claiming that they were relegated to a subordinate position in society. For this reason, as well as because of the biomedical and other socio-political concerns associated with the practice, some women resented the custom. Thirdly, participants were divided about whether the practice should be continued or abolished; and these differences manifested within and between different regions. Fourthly, the results also demonstrated that the norms and values applied in ulwaluko are in contravention of the fundamental principles of a liberal state in that universal human rights are infringed upon through exclusionary practices. In this case the woman’s voice is muted; and this results in the denial of human agency. The study however, also revealed the emergence of shifting patterns in some parts of the province where an effort to include women appears to be taking place. Fifth and last, the enquiry demonstrated that ulwaluko is deeply entrenched among amaXhosa; that it has stood the test of time and is unlikely to be discontinued. Based on the results, I recommend that creative and transformative ways of addressing the evident clash between the provision of individual rights by the state and the recognition of ulwaluko as a cultural practice (which is perceived by some as harmful to women) be sought. To achieve this objective I make the following recommendations: 1) establishment and utilization of gender equality programmes; 2) modification of values and norms of the custom; 3) representation of women in decision-making structures; 4) establishment of collaborative networks; 5) widening of access to services (such as chapter nine institutions and national gender machinery); 6) documentation and sharing of effective and inclusive practices as well as; 7) creating awareness on initiation legislation.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2018
Perspectives on China's rise in Namibia: the effects on foreign policy and domestic politics
- Amadhila, Nelago Ndapandula Ndanyanyukwa
- Authors: Amadhila, Nelago Ndapandula Ndanyanyukwa
- Date: 2012
- Subjects: Namibia -- Relations -- China China -- Relations -- Namibia Namibia -- Politics and government -- Chinese influences Namibia -- Economic conditions -- Chinese influences
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2758 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002968
- Description: This thesis analyses the different levels at which China’s presence in Namibia affects Namibia’s domestic politics and foreign policy from a constructivist viewpoint. Constructivist theory is used to examine the different perceptions of the Chinese in Namibia and how these inform Namibian politics and Sino-Namibian relations. These perceptions are formed at different levels of society in formal and informal relations, state-to-state, state-to-business,business-to-business and individual-to-group relations. The way in which perceptions of Chinese involvement in Namibia at the grassroots level of society differ from those at the top increasingly has an effect on domestic Namibian politics and, as such, Sino-Namibian relations. This identifies official and non-official perceptions of China’s political, economic and social presence to determine the effects of grassroots on China vis-à-vis official perceptions in Namibian politics and the effects of grassroots views on Namibian politics and on official views and state behaviour towards China and China’s presence in the country.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2012
- Authors: Amadhila, Nelago Ndapandula Ndanyanyukwa
- Date: 2012
- Subjects: Namibia -- Relations -- China China -- Relations -- Namibia Namibia -- Politics and government -- Chinese influences Namibia -- Economic conditions -- Chinese influences
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2758 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002968
- Description: This thesis analyses the different levels at which China’s presence in Namibia affects Namibia’s domestic politics and foreign policy from a constructivist viewpoint. Constructivist theory is used to examine the different perceptions of the Chinese in Namibia and how these inform Namibian politics and Sino-Namibian relations. These perceptions are formed at different levels of society in formal and informal relations, state-to-state, state-to-business,business-to-business and individual-to-group relations. The way in which perceptions of Chinese involvement in Namibia at the grassroots level of society differ from those at the top increasingly has an effect on domestic Namibian politics and, as such, Sino-Namibian relations. This identifies official and non-official perceptions of China’s political, economic and social presence to determine the effects of grassroots on China vis-à-vis official perceptions in Namibian politics and the effects of grassroots views on Namibian politics and on official views and state behaviour towards China and China’s presence in the country.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2012
Political correctness and freedom of expression
- Authors: Embling, Geoffrey
- Date: 2017
- Subjects: Political correctness , Freedom of speech , Political correctness -- South Africa , Freedom of speech -- South Africa , Censorship , Censorship -- South Africa , South Africa -- Politics and government , Political satire, South African , Fanatacism , Toleration
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/40873 , vital:25035
- Description: A brief history of political correctness is discussed along with various definitions of it, ranging from political correctness being a benign attempt to prevent offense and avert discrimination to stronger views equating it with Communist censorship or branding it as "cultural Marxism". The aim of the research is to discover what political correctness is, how it relates to freedom of expression and what wider implications and effects it has on society. The moral foundations of rights and free speech in particular are introduced in order to set a framework to determine what authority people and governments have to censor others' expression. Different philosophical views on the limits of free speech are discussed, and arguments for and against hate speech are analysed and related to political correctness. The thesis looks at political correctness on university campuses, which involves speech codes, antidiscrimination legislation and changing the Western canon to a more multicultural syllabus. The recent South African university protests involving issues such as white privilege, university fees and rape are discussed and related to political correctness. The thesis examines the role of political correctness in the censorship of humour, it discusses the historical role of satire in challenging dogmatism and it looks at the psychology behind intolerance. Political correctness appeals to tolerance, which is sometimes elevated at the expense of truth. Truth and tolerance are therefore weighed up, along with their altered definitions in today's relativistic society. The last part of the thesis looks at South Africa's unique brand of political correctness, along with Black Economic Empowerment, colonialism and white guilt, and the research concludes that political correctness is a distinct form of censorship which has developed in modern democracies. The new forms of justice and morality seen in political correctness are distortions of left-wing liberalism, which appeal to different values to those of traditional liberalism.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2017
- Authors: Embling, Geoffrey
- Date: 2017
- Subjects: Political correctness , Freedom of speech , Political correctness -- South Africa , Freedom of speech -- South Africa , Censorship , Censorship -- South Africa , South Africa -- Politics and government , Political satire, South African , Fanatacism , Toleration
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/40873 , vital:25035
- Description: A brief history of political correctness is discussed along with various definitions of it, ranging from political correctness being a benign attempt to prevent offense and avert discrimination to stronger views equating it with Communist censorship or branding it as "cultural Marxism". The aim of the research is to discover what political correctness is, how it relates to freedom of expression and what wider implications and effects it has on society. The moral foundations of rights and free speech in particular are introduced in order to set a framework to determine what authority people and governments have to censor others' expression. Different philosophical views on the limits of free speech are discussed, and arguments for and against hate speech are analysed and related to political correctness. The thesis looks at political correctness on university campuses, which involves speech codes, antidiscrimination legislation and changing the Western canon to a more multicultural syllabus. The recent South African university protests involving issues such as white privilege, university fees and rape are discussed and related to political correctness. The thesis examines the role of political correctness in the censorship of humour, it discusses the historical role of satire in challenging dogmatism and it looks at the psychology behind intolerance. Political correctness appeals to tolerance, which is sometimes elevated at the expense of truth. Truth and tolerance are therefore weighed up, along with their altered definitions in today's relativistic society. The last part of the thesis looks at South Africa's unique brand of political correctness, along with Black Economic Empowerment, colonialism and white guilt, and the research concludes that political correctness is a distinct form of censorship which has developed in modern democracies. The new forms of justice and morality seen in political correctness are distortions of left-wing liberalism, which appeal to different values to those of traditional liberalism.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2017
Political party institutionalization : a case study of Kenya
- Mutizwa-Mangiza, Shingai Price
- Authors: Mutizwa-Mangiza, Shingai Price
- Date: 2014
- Subjects: Kenya -- Politics and government , Political parties -- Kenya , Kenya -- History , Kenya -- Colonial influence
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: vital:2881 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1013258
- Description: This thesis explores the nature and extent of political party institutionalization in Kenya. More specifically, it focuses on the four dimensions of party institutionalization, namely organizational systemness, value-infusion, decisional autonomy and reification. The study itself is largely located within the historical-institutionalist school of thought, with particular emphasis on the path dependency strand of this theoretical framework. However, the study also employs a political economy approach. It recognizes that the development trajectory of party politics in Kenya did not evolve in a vacuum but within a particular historical-institutional and political-economic context. The thesis advances the notion that those current low levels of party institutionalization that are evident in almost all parties, and the relatively peripheral role that they have in Kenya's governance can be traced to Kenya's colonial and post-colonial political history, the resource poor environment and the onset of globalization.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2014
- Authors: Mutizwa-Mangiza, Shingai Price
- Date: 2014
- Subjects: Kenya -- Politics and government , Political parties -- Kenya , Kenya -- History , Kenya -- Colonial influence
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: vital:2881 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1013258
- Description: This thesis explores the nature and extent of political party institutionalization in Kenya. More specifically, it focuses on the four dimensions of party institutionalization, namely organizational systemness, value-infusion, decisional autonomy and reification. The study itself is largely located within the historical-institutionalist school of thought, with particular emphasis on the path dependency strand of this theoretical framework. However, the study also employs a political economy approach. It recognizes that the development trajectory of party politics in Kenya did not evolve in a vacuum but within a particular historical-institutional and political-economic context. The thesis advances the notion that those current low levels of party institutionalization that are evident in almost all parties, and the relatively peripheral role that they have in Kenya's governance can be traced to Kenya's colonial and post-colonial political history, the resource poor environment and the onset of globalization.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2014
Pushing the bounds of possibility: South African academics narrate their experiences of having agency to effect transformation
- Authors: Idahosa, Grace Ese-Osa
- Date: 2017
- Subjects: Education, Higher -- South Africa , Education, Higher -- Social aspects -- South Africa , Educational change -- South Africa , Higher education and state -- South Africa , Rhodes University
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/5845 , vital:20981
- Description: Over 20 years after the first democratic elections, the institutional cultures and structures of many South African universities remain un-transformed; they are embedded with racist and sexist discourses and attitudes that allow for the marginalisation and exclusion of students and staff (Department of Education 2008; Soudien 2010; van Wyk and Alexander 2010; Akoojee and Nkomo 2007; Hemson and Singh 2010). In order to effect change, research has noted the importance of leadership and staff involvement in the transformation process (Van-Der Westhuizen 2006; Portnoi 2009; Niemann 2010; Viljoen and Rothmann 2002). These studies argue that both leaders and staff members must be interested, and actively involved in, the transformation process. This suggests that the extent to which leaders and individual staff members have agency to effect transformatory practices determines the success of transformation policies. But what motivates this interest in transformation? While a number of studies have focused on the imperative to transform, few studies have focused on the role of individual agency in the transformation process. After all the world and in some ways structural properties are given to us and at the same time ‘actively constituted by us’ (van Manen 1997, XI). Drawing on interviews with academic staff members at one university in South Africa, this study uses a hermeneutic phenomenological approach to understand the nature of having agency to enable transformation drawing on the experiences of academic staff members. In the context of studies on the agency- structure divide and the need for a structural and cultural change in universities in South Africa, the project aimed to find out how transformation happens, when it does happen. I was interested in how individual agents are able to use their agency to ensure transformation amid limiting and rigid structures and cultures in the university. Given the fact that structures are only revealed in human action, the individual experience of transformation at once gives insight into the dominant structures, the social context and how their capacity to act was deployed to enable a change in such structures - at least in their own experience and understanding. This may help our understanding of transformation and what is needed to effect the transformation of deeply embedded apartheid legacies in university structures and cultures. This study aimed to reveal moments at which individuals embedded in what have been identified as rigid structures and cultures perceive themselves as having had the agency to interrupt and transform them despite their rigid nature. The study was interested in what characterises these moments and what individual and institutional contexts make them more or less possible/likely.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2017
- Authors: Idahosa, Grace Ese-Osa
- Date: 2017
- Subjects: Education, Higher -- South Africa , Education, Higher -- Social aspects -- South Africa , Educational change -- South Africa , Higher education and state -- South Africa , Rhodes University
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/5845 , vital:20981
- Description: Over 20 years after the first democratic elections, the institutional cultures and structures of many South African universities remain un-transformed; they are embedded with racist and sexist discourses and attitudes that allow for the marginalisation and exclusion of students and staff (Department of Education 2008; Soudien 2010; van Wyk and Alexander 2010; Akoojee and Nkomo 2007; Hemson and Singh 2010). In order to effect change, research has noted the importance of leadership and staff involvement in the transformation process (Van-Der Westhuizen 2006; Portnoi 2009; Niemann 2010; Viljoen and Rothmann 2002). These studies argue that both leaders and staff members must be interested, and actively involved in, the transformation process. This suggests that the extent to which leaders and individual staff members have agency to effect transformatory practices determines the success of transformation policies. But what motivates this interest in transformation? While a number of studies have focused on the imperative to transform, few studies have focused on the role of individual agency in the transformation process. After all the world and in some ways structural properties are given to us and at the same time ‘actively constituted by us’ (van Manen 1997, XI). Drawing on interviews with academic staff members at one university in South Africa, this study uses a hermeneutic phenomenological approach to understand the nature of having agency to enable transformation drawing on the experiences of academic staff members. In the context of studies on the agency- structure divide and the need for a structural and cultural change in universities in South Africa, the project aimed to find out how transformation happens, when it does happen. I was interested in how individual agents are able to use their agency to ensure transformation amid limiting and rigid structures and cultures in the university. Given the fact that structures are only revealed in human action, the individual experience of transformation at once gives insight into the dominant structures, the social context and how their capacity to act was deployed to enable a change in such structures - at least in their own experience and understanding. This may help our understanding of transformation and what is needed to effect the transformation of deeply embedded apartheid legacies in university structures and cultures. This study aimed to reveal moments at which individuals embedded in what have been identified as rigid structures and cultures perceive themselves as having had the agency to interrupt and transform them despite their rigid nature. The study was interested in what characterises these moments and what individual and institutional contexts make them more or less possible/likely.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2017
Pyramidal deliberative democracy
- Authors: Danielsen, James
- Date: 2019
- Subjects: Democracy , Information technology -- Political aspects , Internet in public administration , Political participation -- Computer network resources , World politics
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/74502 , vital:30309
- Description: This dissertation has two main objectives. First, to outline an ICT-facilitated model of democracy called ‘pyramidal democracy’ that reconciles deliberative democracy with mass engagement. Second, to suggest how this model of democracy might engender the democratisation of the global economy and thus the provision of a basic level of economic security for all global citizens. At the core of the model is the pyramidal deliberative network, a means of organising citizens into small online deliberative groups and linking these groups together by means of an iterative process of delegate-selection and group-formation. The pyramidal network enables citizens to aggregate their preferences in a deliberative manner, and then project social power by authorizing the delegates at the top-tier of the pyramidal network to communicate their social demands to elected officials or to other points of authority. The envisioned outcome is the democratisation of the public sphere by means of the proliferation of deliberative networks in the government, market, and civil society spheres. Transnational pyramidal networks may make it feasible to instantiate a new citizen-based schema of global governance and, thereby, facilitate the reform of the United Nations and enable a transition towards global peace, sustainability, and distributive justice. Distributive justice might be achieved by means of implementing the six components of a democratised economy: participatory budgeting, fee-and-dividend taxes, a basic income, monetary reform, workplace democracy, and the sharing economy. Taken together, these components might enable the universal provision of a social minimum – a universal basic income sufficient for basic security and real freedom. Taken to its logical conclusion, a democratised economy may also enable a transition towards a post-scarcity economic order characterised by a maximal stock of humanmade and natural capital that would not exceed the sustainable carrying capacity of the earth.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2019
- Authors: Danielsen, James
- Date: 2019
- Subjects: Democracy , Information technology -- Political aspects , Internet in public administration , Political participation -- Computer network resources , World politics
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/74502 , vital:30309
- Description: This dissertation has two main objectives. First, to outline an ICT-facilitated model of democracy called ‘pyramidal democracy’ that reconciles deliberative democracy with mass engagement. Second, to suggest how this model of democracy might engender the democratisation of the global economy and thus the provision of a basic level of economic security for all global citizens. At the core of the model is the pyramidal deliberative network, a means of organising citizens into small online deliberative groups and linking these groups together by means of an iterative process of delegate-selection and group-formation. The pyramidal network enables citizens to aggregate their preferences in a deliberative manner, and then project social power by authorizing the delegates at the top-tier of the pyramidal network to communicate their social demands to elected officials or to other points of authority. The envisioned outcome is the democratisation of the public sphere by means of the proliferation of deliberative networks in the government, market, and civil society spheres. Transnational pyramidal networks may make it feasible to instantiate a new citizen-based schema of global governance and, thereby, facilitate the reform of the United Nations and enable a transition towards global peace, sustainability, and distributive justice. Distributive justice might be achieved by means of implementing the six components of a democratised economy: participatory budgeting, fee-and-dividend taxes, a basic income, monetary reform, workplace democracy, and the sharing economy. Taken together, these components might enable the universal provision of a social minimum – a universal basic income sufficient for basic security and real freedom. Taken to its logical conclusion, a democratised economy may also enable a transition towards a post-scarcity economic order characterised by a maximal stock of humanmade and natural capital that would not exceed the sustainable carrying capacity of the earth.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2019
Regional thickening as game-changing: examining transnational activities of gender and women-focused civil society actors for region-building in Southern Africa
- Authors: Nedziwe, Cecilia Lwiindi
- Date: 2019
- Subjects: International relations , Southern Africa Development Community , Regionalism -- Africa, Southern , Africa, Southern -- Foreign relations -- 1994- , Women in development -- Africa, Southern , Women -- Social conditions -- Africa, Southern , Women -- Political activity -- Africa, Southern , Women in public life -- Africa, Southern , Civil society -- Africa, Southern
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/95420 , vital:31154
- Description: This thesis argues that norms, in general, have proliferated in a neo-liberalising context since the 1990s, in particular norms on gender, and how they have changed to indicate new agency and influence, amounts to game change. Despite growing transnational activities, regionalisation and the increasing interface between state and non-state regionalism in a transnational context since the advent of liberalisation and democratisation, analyses in regional International Relations (IR) studies, so far, largely maintain linear logic. The increasing non-state processes, and their connection to state processes in norm creation, norm adaptation, norm diffusion and implementation around broad questions of security including in the area of gender, amount to regional thickening. Regional thickening revealed in terms of increasing regionalisation, regionalism, and region-ness whose effect is game-changing challenges mainstream linear approaches in regional IR studies. Game-changing here, refers to, processes promoting the development of norms mentioned above in the interest of contributing to improved security across a region. This study is focused on Southern Africa, defined here, as the Southern African Development Community (SADC) region. This study’s analytical approach is informed by alternatives to mainstream approaches, emphasising processes, rather than linearity inherent in regional IR studies. By privileging the actual game-changing processes, interactions, and agency around the norm development cycle, this study examines how regional thickening in a transnational context promotes game-changing activities, promoting the development of the norm cycle, seeking to have improved security. A mixed method approach involving gathering of information from multiple primary and secondary sources are used. The study found transnational activities and regionalisation of gender and women-focused civil society actors, game-changing. These civil society actors organised in two ways. First, by way of advocacy and in seeking representation within intergovernmental policymaking structures at a regional level. Second, by way of organising around transnational communities in a transnational context in the interest of addressing gendered insecurities at localised levels. Regional thickening as game-changing here pointed to a growing recognition and participation of civil society actors in intergovernmental policymaking spaces as having created a groundswell for game change at localised levels. This led to policy development, adaptation, diffusion, and implementation by both state and non-state actors contributing to norm changes, improved social policies, and to greater security. The actual changes emerging from these actors’ activities on the ground are in terms of unlearning patriarchal behaviours, opening up development for women, and increasing their living standards, education, health, and their freedom. In assessing the transnational environment on gendered insecurity in Southern Africa, this thesis developed an innovative framework of regional thickening as game-changing. This framework plots how game-changing developed, evolved, and its importance in addressing gendered insecurity. The thesis has proposed that game-changing transnational activities and regionalisation that change, and diffuse norms to break learnt behaviour, have helped disrupt rigid institutionalisation, and are aiding to bring non-linear discourses to the fore.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2019
- Authors: Nedziwe, Cecilia Lwiindi
- Date: 2019
- Subjects: International relations , Southern Africa Development Community , Regionalism -- Africa, Southern , Africa, Southern -- Foreign relations -- 1994- , Women in development -- Africa, Southern , Women -- Social conditions -- Africa, Southern , Women -- Political activity -- Africa, Southern , Women in public life -- Africa, Southern , Civil society -- Africa, Southern
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/95420 , vital:31154
- Description: This thesis argues that norms, in general, have proliferated in a neo-liberalising context since the 1990s, in particular norms on gender, and how they have changed to indicate new agency and influence, amounts to game change. Despite growing transnational activities, regionalisation and the increasing interface between state and non-state regionalism in a transnational context since the advent of liberalisation and democratisation, analyses in regional International Relations (IR) studies, so far, largely maintain linear logic. The increasing non-state processes, and their connection to state processes in norm creation, norm adaptation, norm diffusion and implementation around broad questions of security including in the area of gender, amount to regional thickening. Regional thickening revealed in terms of increasing regionalisation, regionalism, and region-ness whose effect is game-changing challenges mainstream linear approaches in regional IR studies. Game-changing here, refers to, processes promoting the development of norms mentioned above in the interest of contributing to improved security across a region. This study is focused on Southern Africa, defined here, as the Southern African Development Community (SADC) region. This study’s analytical approach is informed by alternatives to mainstream approaches, emphasising processes, rather than linearity inherent in regional IR studies. By privileging the actual game-changing processes, interactions, and agency around the norm development cycle, this study examines how regional thickening in a transnational context promotes game-changing activities, promoting the development of the norm cycle, seeking to have improved security. A mixed method approach involving gathering of information from multiple primary and secondary sources are used. The study found transnational activities and regionalisation of gender and women-focused civil society actors, game-changing. These civil society actors organised in two ways. First, by way of advocacy and in seeking representation within intergovernmental policymaking structures at a regional level. Second, by way of organising around transnational communities in a transnational context in the interest of addressing gendered insecurities at localised levels. Regional thickening as game-changing here pointed to a growing recognition and participation of civil society actors in intergovernmental policymaking spaces as having created a groundswell for game change at localised levels. This led to policy development, adaptation, diffusion, and implementation by both state and non-state actors contributing to norm changes, improved social policies, and to greater security. The actual changes emerging from these actors’ activities on the ground are in terms of unlearning patriarchal behaviours, opening up development for women, and increasing their living standards, education, health, and their freedom. In assessing the transnational environment on gendered insecurity in Southern Africa, this thesis developed an innovative framework of regional thickening as game-changing. This framework plots how game-changing developed, evolved, and its importance in addressing gendered insecurity. The thesis has proposed that game-changing transnational activities and regionalisation that change, and diffuse norms to break learnt behaviour, have helped disrupt rigid institutionalisation, and are aiding to bring non-linear discourses to the fore.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2019
Religious nationalism and negotiation : Islamic identity and the resolution of the Israel/Palestine conflic
- Authors: De Villiers, Shirley
- Date: 2004
- Subjects: Arab-Israeli conflict Palestinian Arabs -- Civil rights -- Israel Nationalism -- Middle East Religion and politics -- Middle East Jewish-Arab relations Nationalism -- Religious aspects -- Islam -- History -- 20th century
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2873 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1007815
- Description: The use of violence in the Israel/Palestine conflict has been justified and legitimised by an appeal to religion. Militant Islamist organisations like Ramas have become central players in the Palestinian political landscape as a result of the popular support that they enjoy. This thesis aims to investigate the reasons for this support by analysing the Israel/Palestine conflict in terms of Ruman Needs Theory. According to this Theory, humans have essential needs that need to be fulfilled in order to ensure survival and development. Among these needs, the need for identity and recognition of identity is of vital importance. This thesis thus explores the concept of identity as a need, and investigates this need as it relates to inter-group conflict. In situating this theory in the Israel/Palestine conflict, the study exammes how organisations like Ramas have Islamised Palestinian national identity in order to garner political support. The central contention, then, is that the primary identity group of the Palestinian population is no longer nationalist, but Islamic/nationalist. In Islamising the conflict with Israel as well as Palestinian identity, Ramas has been able to justify its often indiscriminate use of violence by appealing to religion. The conflict is thus perceived to be one between two absolutes - that of Islam versus Judaism. In considering the conflict as one of identities struggling for survival in a climate of perceived threat, any attempt at resolution of the conflict needs to include a focus on needs-based issues. The problem-solving approach to negotiation allows for parties to consider issues of identity, recognition and security needs, and thus ensures that the root causes of conflicts are addressed, The contention is that this approach is vital to any conflict resolution strategy where identity needs are at stake, and it provides the grounding for the success of more traditional zero-sum bargaining methods. A recognition of Islamic identity in negotiation processes in Israel/Palestine may thus make for a more comprehensive conflict resolution strategy, and make the outcomes of negotiations more acceptable to the people of Palestine, thus undermining the acceptance of violence that exists at present.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2004
- Authors: De Villiers, Shirley
- Date: 2004
- Subjects: Arab-Israeli conflict Palestinian Arabs -- Civil rights -- Israel Nationalism -- Middle East Religion and politics -- Middle East Jewish-Arab relations Nationalism -- Religious aspects -- Islam -- History -- 20th century
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2873 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1007815
- Description: The use of violence in the Israel/Palestine conflict has been justified and legitimised by an appeal to religion. Militant Islamist organisations like Ramas have become central players in the Palestinian political landscape as a result of the popular support that they enjoy. This thesis aims to investigate the reasons for this support by analysing the Israel/Palestine conflict in terms of Ruman Needs Theory. According to this Theory, humans have essential needs that need to be fulfilled in order to ensure survival and development. Among these needs, the need for identity and recognition of identity is of vital importance. This thesis thus explores the concept of identity as a need, and investigates this need as it relates to inter-group conflict. In situating this theory in the Israel/Palestine conflict, the study exammes how organisations like Ramas have Islamised Palestinian national identity in order to garner political support. The central contention, then, is that the primary identity group of the Palestinian population is no longer nationalist, but Islamic/nationalist. In Islamising the conflict with Israel as well as Palestinian identity, Ramas has been able to justify its often indiscriminate use of violence by appealing to religion. The conflict is thus perceived to be one between two absolutes - that of Islam versus Judaism. In considering the conflict as one of identities struggling for survival in a climate of perceived threat, any attempt at resolution of the conflict needs to include a focus on needs-based issues. The problem-solving approach to negotiation allows for parties to consider issues of identity, recognition and security needs, and thus ensures that the root causes of conflicts are addressed, The contention is that this approach is vital to any conflict resolution strategy where identity needs are at stake, and it provides the grounding for the success of more traditional zero-sum bargaining methods. A recognition of Islamic identity in negotiation processes in Israel/Palestine may thus make for a more comprehensive conflict resolution strategy, and make the outcomes of negotiations more acceptable to the people of Palestine, thus undermining the acceptance of violence that exists at present.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2004
Researching research culture: a case study of Rhodes University Humanities Faculty research culture
- Authors: Hwami, Rudo Fortunate
- Date: 2017
- Subjects: Rhodes University. Humanities Faculty , Rhodes University -- Graduate work , Rhodes University. Humanities Faculty -- Research , Research -- South Africa -- Makhanda
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MSocSc
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/7522 , vital:21269
- Description: This thesis explores the idea of research having organisational characteristics which are affected by the institutional culture but can not be defined as a subculture of the institutional culture. In particular, it examines how research culture(s) can be exclusionary and reproduce discriminatory practices. Using quantitative data in the form of Rhodes University Annual Reports and interviews conducted with 11 participants, the thesis documents the current research practices of the Faculty of Humanities at Rhodes University. Such practices incorporate multiple dimensions, including how research is done, who does research, what research is done and research funding rituals. The purpose of this study is to reveal how research cultures are constructed through the seemingly mundane and everyday research practices within a research community. Through the analysis of these everyday practices, participants’ experiences and theoretical arguments, this thesis found that research culture and institutional culture are separate entities, and that research culture plays a vital role in the formation of research practices.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2017
- Authors: Hwami, Rudo Fortunate
- Date: 2017
- Subjects: Rhodes University. Humanities Faculty , Rhodes University -- Graduate work , Rhodes University. Humanities Faculty -- Research , Research -- South Africa -- Makhanda
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MSocSc
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/7522 , vital:21269
- Description: This thesis explores the idea of research having organisational characteristics which are affected by the institutional culture but can not be defined as a subculture of the institutional culture. In particular, it examines how research culture(s) can be exclusionary and reproduce discriminatory practices. Using quantitative data in the form of Rhodes University Annual Reports and interviews conducted with 11 participants, the thesis documents the current research practices of the Faculty of Humanities at Rhodes University. Such practices incorporate multiple dimensions, including how research is done, who does research, what research is done and research funding rituals. The purpose of this study is to reveal how research cultures are constructed through the seemingly mundane and everyday research practices within a research community. Through the analysis of these everyday practices, participants’ experiences and theoretical arguments, this thesis found that research culture and institutional culture are separate entities, and that research culture plays a vital role in the formation of research practices.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2017
Security community building? : an assessment of Southern African regional integration in the post-apartheid era
- Authors: Lekhooa, Tumo
- Date: 2006
- Subjects: South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1994- , Africa, Southern -- Economic integration , National security -- Africa, Southern , Political stability -- Africa, Southern , Southern African Development Community
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2844 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1005958 , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1994- , Africa, Southern -- Economic integration , National security -- Africa, Southern , Political stability -- Africa, Southern , Southern African Development Community
- Description: The thesis traces Southern African security dimensions from the Cold War and the period of apartheid in South Africa to the post-apartheid era. It makes an attempt to investigate the prospects of Southern Africa becoming a security community and the processes and practices underlying these efforts. Using the constructivist theory approach to international relations, the thesis argues that the preoccupation with principles of sovereignty and non-interference, a lack of political will and the absence of common values that could help SADC institute binding rules and decision-making are the main blocks that prevent the region from asserting itself as a security community. All these militate against the idea of mutual accountability among SADC member states and have a negative impact on the institutional and functional capacity of SADC. This also prevents SADC from dealing with the emerging non-military human security threats in the region. In consideration of this, the thesis argues that the idea of security community building in Southern Africa remains not only a regional issue, but also requires the involvement of extra-regional actors.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2006
- Authors: Lekhooa, Tumo
- Date: 2006
- Subjects: South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1994- , Africa, Southern -- Economic integration , National security -- Africa, Southern , Political stability -- Africa, Southern , Southern African Development Community
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2844 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1005958 , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1994- , Africa, Southern -- Economic integration , National security -- Africa, Southern , Political stability -- Africa, Southern , Southern African Development Community
- Description: The thesis traces Southern African security dimensions from the Cold War and the period of apartheid in South Africa to the post-apartheid era. It makes an attempt to investigate the prospects of Southern Africa becoming a security community and the processes and practices underlying these efforts. Using the constructivist theory approach to international relations, the thesis argues that the preoccupation with principles of sovereignty and non-interference, a lack of political will and the absence of common values that could help SADC institute binding rules and decision-making are the main blocks that prevent the region from asserting itself as a security community. All these militate against the idea of mutual accountability among SADC member states and have a negative impact on the institutional and functional capacity of SADC. This also prevents SADC from dealing with the emerging non-military human security threats in the region. In consideration of this, the thesis argues that the idea of security community building in Southern Africa remains not only a regional issue, but also requires the involvement of extra-regional actors.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2006
September 11 : catalyst for structural-genealogical narrative of a new world (Dis)order
- Authors: Buijs, Lorena Maria Elisa
- Date: 2005
- Subjects: September 11 Terrorist Attacks, 2001 , United States -- Politics and government -- 2001- , Terrorism -- Government policy -- United States , United States -- Foreign relations -- Middle East , Middle East -- Foreign relations -- United States , Islam and world politics , Terrorism -- Religious aspects -- Islam , Jihad
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2852 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1006463 , September 11 Terrorist Attacks, 2001 , United States -- Politics and government -- 2001- , Terrorism -- Government policy -- United States , United States -- Foreign relations -- Middle East , Middle East -- Foreign relations -- United States , Islam and world politics , Terrorism -- Religious aspects -- Islam , Jihad
- Description: The attacks of September 11, 2001, have changed America forever. In a horrific manner the vulnerability of the highly developed states was demonstrated and exposed in world politics. The event is ushering a new political era where far reaching shifts in international relations are under way. In the post Cold-War international world it appears that the ideological conflict between capitalism and socialism has been replaced by a new world order. One that has retained the binary conflict structure of the Cold War, except that this binary is now presented by political Islam and consumerist's capitalism (Martin, 2000:155). Indeed, in the previous bipolar world order, the acute distinction between capitalism and communism served to attenuate the discord in and between religions. This complex blurring of distinctions has been systematically heightened since the end of the Cold War, as it has allowed Western governments to maintain controlling interests outside of their dominions (Gupta, 2002:6) . This struggle has since been conceived in a variety of different, but related ways: A 'Clash of Civilizations' (Huntington 1996), or as an inescapable dialectic typical of the process of globalization itself (Barber, 1996:245). In the case of Huntington's (1996:19-20) genealogical narrative, he refers to global politics and the way in which the future will be reconfigured according to cultural identities. The division along these cultural lines, will furthermore "shape" the patterns of cohesion, disintegration, and conflict in the Post-Cold War world" (Huntington, 1996:20). Huntington's thesis is rather overriding in explaining the clash between the supposedly 'West' vs. 'Rest', whose interaction is historically determined. Yet, the genealogical narrative is not sufficient in taking into account the dynamics of globalization. Benjamin Barber's structural narrative, on the other hand, goes to great lengths to illustrate the paradoxical relationship between Jihad and McWorld, and how both forces tend to survive in a world that they inevitably create. By' acknowledging the relevance of both binaries (East/West), it is hoped to transcend them by presenting a structural-genealogical grand narrative, which will essentially allow one to understand Jihad as being a structural moment of the genealogical narrative. Given this general strategy, it will become perceptible that Jihad is one form of anti-globalization as the structural narratives become part of the genealogical and the genealogical part of the structural. In essence, then, this thesis is attempting to come to grips with the phenomenon of September 11, from a political-philosophical perspective. More specifically, this study will firstly be looking at two different, but related narratives that have emerged post-September 11, to make sense of the event. Given the structural-genealogical approach, the central concern in this study is consequently to look at two separate but related interests. The one pertains to history and the other to historiography.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2005
- Authors: Buijs, Lorena Maria Elisa
- Date: 2005
- Subjects: September 11 Terrorist Attacks, 2001 , United States -- Politics and government -- 2001- , Terrorism -- Government policy -- United States , United States -- Foreign relations -- Middle East , Middle East -- Foreign relations -- United States , Islam and world politics , Terrorism -- Religious aspects -- Islam , Jihad
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2852 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1006463 , September 11 Terrorist Attacks, 2001 , United States -- Politics and government -- 2001- , Terrorism -- Government policy -- United States , United States -- Foreign relations -- Middle East , Middle East -- Foreign relations -- United States , Islam and world politics , Terrorism -- Religious aspects -- Islam , Jihad
- Description: The attacks of September 11, 2001, have changed America forever. In a horrific manner the vulnerability of the highly developed states was demonstrated and exposed in world politics. The event is ushering a new political era where far reaching shifts in international relations are under way. In the post Cold-War international world it appears that the ideological conflict between capitalism and socialism has been replaced by a new world order. One that has retained the binary conflict structure of the Cold War, except that this binary is now presented by political Islam and consumerist's capitalism (Martin, 2000:155). Indeed, in the previous bipolar world order, the acute distinction between capitalism and communism served to attenuate the discord in and between religions. This complex blurring of distinctions has been systematically heightened since the end of the Cold War, as it has allowed Western governments to maintain controlling interests outside of their dominions (Gupta, 2002:6) . This struggle has since been conceived in a variety of different, but related ways: A 'Clash of Civilizations' (Huntington 1996), or as an inescapable dialectic typical of the process of globalization itself (Barber, 1996:245). In the case of Huntington's (1996:19-20) genealogical narrative, he refers to global politics and the way in which the future will be reconfigured according to cultural identities. The division along these cultural lines, will furthermore "shape" the patterns of cohesion, disintegration, and conflict in the Post-Cold War world" (Huntington, 1996:20). Huntington's thesis is rather overriding in explaining the clash between the supposedly 'West' vs. 'Rest', whose interaction is historically determined. Yet, the genealogical narrative is not sufficient in taking into account the dynamics of globalization. Benjamin Barber's structural narrative, on the other hand, goes to great lengths to illustrate the paradoxical relationship between Jihad and McWorld, and how both forces tend to survive in a world that they inevitably create. By' acknowledging the relevance of both binaries (East/West), it is hoped to transcend them by presenting a structural-genealogical grand narrative, which will essentially allow one to understand Jihad as being a structural moment of the genealogical narrative. Given this general strategy, it will become perceptible that Jihad is one form of anti-globalization as the structural narratives become part of the genealogical and the genealogical part of the structural. In essence, then, this thesis is attempting to come to grips with the phenomenon of September 11, from a political-philosophical perspective. More specifically, this study will firstly be looking at two different, but related narratives that have emerged post-September 11, to make sense of the event. Given the structural-genealogical approach, the central concern in this study is consequently to look at two separate but related interests. The one pertains to history and the other to historiography.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2005
Shifting Norms and Practices of International Criminal Justice: Exploring African State and Non-State Agency at the International Criminal Court
- Authors: Mtero, Shingirai
- Date: 2021-10-29
- Subjects: Uncatalogued
- Language: English
- Type: Doctoral theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/192875 , vital:45273
- Description: Thesis (PhD) -- Faculty of Humanities, Political and International Studies, 2021
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2021-10-29
- Authors: Mtero, Shingirai
- Date: 2021-10-29
- Subjects: Uncatalogued
- Language: English
- Type: Doctoral theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/192875 , vital:45273
- Description: Thesis (PhD) -- Faculty of Humanities, Political and International Studies, 2021
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2021-10-29
Social capital and first-generation South African students at Rhodes University
- Hlatshwayo, Mlamuli Nkosingphile
- Authors: Hlatshwayo, Mlamuli Nkosingphile
- Date: 2016
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MSocSc
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/1466 , vital:20060
- Description: The post-1994 democratic dispensation was presented with a challenge of how to improve equity of access for the incoming Black majority in institutions of higher learning (Cloete and Moja, 2005; Badat, 2010). Democratization of access to institutions of higher learning led to what has been called a “revolution” in the student demographics of higher education institutions in South Africa (Cloete and Moja, 2005). Many of the new entrants, particularly those entering historically white institutions, are from working backgrounds and are the first in their families to have the opportunity obtain a tertiary qualification – they are ‘first generation’ students. This thesis is interested in the experiences of first-generation working class students as they negotiate the terrain of an elite, historically white, South African university. While a prior body of research on first-generation students has focused primarily on the educational, cultural and economic deficits and challenges that these students experience, the present project was interested in the question of social capital in relation to these students. The thesis set out to explore what social networks these students do and do not have access to, and the various ways that they create, access and take advantage of alternative social networks in order to overcome their marginality in their everyday lived experiences at the university. In depth qualitative interviews with 31 participants were employed to gain an insight into the experiences of first-generation Black working class students at one university. The study finds that while first-generation students are not bereft of social capital, their networks are often inward-looking, based as they are on mutual recognition of markers of marginalisation and poverty which risks restricting these students to the margins of university life.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2016
- Authors: Hlatshwayo, Mlamuli Nkosingphile
- Date: 2016
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MSocSc
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/1466 , vital:20060
- Description: The post-1994 democratic dispensation was presented with a challenge of how to improve equity of access for the incoming Black majority in institutions of higher learning (Cloete and Moja, 2005; Badat, 2010). Democratization of access to institutions of higher learning led to what has been called a “revolution” in the student demographics of higher education institutions in South Africa (Cloete and Moja, 2005). Many of the new entrants, particularly those entering historically white institutions, are from working backgrounds and are the first in their families to have the opportunity obtain a tertiary qualification – they are ‘first generation’ students. This thesis is interested in the experiences of first-generation working class students as they negotiate the terrain of an elite, historically white, South African university. While a prior body of research on first-generation students has focused primarily on the educational, cultural and economic deficits and challenges that these students experience, the present project was interested in the question of social capital in relation to these students. The thesis set out to explore what social networks these students do and do not have access to, and the various ways that they create, access and take advantage of alternative social networks in order to overcome their marginality in their everyday lived experiences at the university. In depth qualitative interviews with 31 participants were employed to gain an insight into the experiences of first-generation Black working class students at one university. The study finds that while first-generation students are not bereft of social capital, their networks are often inward-looking, based as they are on mutual recognition of markers of marginalisation and poverty which risks restricting these students to the margins of university life.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2016