An exploration of Black women’s motivations for pursuing sociology at Rhodes University
- Authors: Vezi, Indiphile Siyanda
- Date: 2023-10-13
- Subjects: Uncatalogued
- Language: English
- Type: Academic theses , Master's theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/425220 , vital:72220
- Description: Enbargoed. Expected release date 2025. , Thesis (MA) -- Faculty of Humanities, Sociology, 2023
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2023-10-13
- Authors: Vezi, Indiphile Siyanda
- Date: 2023-10-13
- Subjects: Uncatalogued
- Language: English
- Type: Academic theses , Master's theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/425220 , vital:72220
- Description: Enbargoed. Expected release date 2025. , Thesis (MA) -- Faculty of Humanities, Sociology, 2023
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2023-10-13
An exploration of social media as a key site for the expression of post-racial politics
- Authors: Bell, Joshua
- Date: 2019
- Subjects: Social media -- Political aspects -- South Africa , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1994- , South Africa -- In mass media
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/94049 , vital:30995
- Description: This research sets out to examine colourblind racism in contemporary South Africa, specifically, as expressed on social media networks. In South Africa, a nation lauded for its transition from Apartheid to liberal democracy, racism still continues to exist. In the new democracy, racism continues in old, familiar forms but it has been suggested that racism also assumes new and emergent forms such as ‘colourblind’ racism. This is evident in recent controversies involving local public figures and their expressions of ‘soft’, ‘colourblind’ racism on Facebook. It is the new platforms and modes of racism unique to democratic South Africa which this thesis attempts to explore. Specifically, this study is framed by ‘post-racialism’, a concept developed by scholars globally to capture the suggestion that in liberal democratic societies across the world, racism continues with racial inequality now underpinned by an ideology of colourblindness as opposed to overt policies of segregation. Colourblindness denies the relevance of race as a collective issue, proposing instead that other social factors such as class are more pertinent in considerations of social inequality. The purpose of colourblind narratives may be identified as the reduction of racism to mere individual action, denying systemic white privilege and historical responsibility for reparation as well as preventing racially subjugated groups from critically interrogating racial power and privilege (Goldberg, 2015: 28-30). Post-racial theorists agree that the projection of colourblind politics which claims to no longer ‘see race’ has instead served to secure the normalisation of white privilege and black subjugation (Bonilla-Silva et al, 2004: 559-560). The purported existence of colourblind /post-racial racism and its impact requires exploration in the context of South Africa today. In expanding on the definition of racism, we are able to see that racism is an adaptive system of power that is able to reproduce and reconceptualise itself to changes within society. As modalities of racism have evolved, so have the platforms for its propagation. This research offers social media as a site of exploration for post-racial narratives. The case studies of Penny Sparrow, Helen Zille and Mabel Jansen are presented in this study as exemplars of post-racial liberalism, denial and exclusion. This research calls for the expansion of racial understanding so as to contest racial power structures as a continuing systemic issue in contemporary South Africa.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2019
- Authors: Bell, Joshua
- Date: 2019
- Subjects: Social media -- Political aspects -- South Africa , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1994- , South Africa -- In mass media
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/94049 , vital:30995
- Description: This research sets out to examine colourblind racism in contemporary South Africa, specifically, as expressed on social media networks. In South Africa, a nation lauded for its transition from Apartheid to liberal democracy, racism still continues to exist. In the new democracy, racism continues in old, familiar forms but it has been suggested that racism also assumes new and emergent forms such as ‘colourblind’ racism. This is evident in recent controversies involving local public figures and their expressions of ‘soft’, ‘colourblind’ racism on Facebook. It is the new platforms and modes of racism unique to democratic South Africa which this thesis attempts to explore. Specifically, this study is framed by ‘post-racialism’, a concept developed by scholars globally to capture the suggestion that in liberal democratic societies across the world, racism continues with racial inequality now underpinned by an ideology of colourblindness as opposed to overt policies of segregation. Colourblindness denies the relevance of race as a collective issue, proposing instead that other social factors such as class are more pertinent in considerations of social inequality. The purpose of colourblind narratives may be identified as the reduction of racism to mere individual action, denying systemic white privilege and historical responsibility for reparation as well as preventing racially subjugated groups from critically interrogating racial power and privilege (Goldberg, 2015: 28-30). Post-racial theorists agree that the projection of colourblind politics which claims to no longer ‘see race’ has instead served to secure the normalisation of white privilege and black subjugation (Bonilla-Silva et al, 2004: 559-560). The purported existence of colourblind /post-racial racism and its impact requires exploration in the context of South Africa today. In expanding on the definition of racism, we are able to see that racism is an adaptive system of power that is able to reproduce and reconceptualise itself to changes within society. As modalities of racism have evolved, so have the platforms for its propagation. This research offers social media as a site of exploration for post-racial narratives. The case studies of Penny Sparrow, Helen Zille and Mabel Jansen are presented in this study as exemplars of post-racial liberalism, denial and exclusion. This research calls for the expansion of racial understanding so as to contest racial power structures as a continuing systemic issue in contemporary South Africa.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2019
An investigation into the components of motivation so far as these determine employee stability and work satisfaction amongst Europeans and Africans engaged in the same occupational grading in the copper mining industry of Zambia
- Authors: Coetzee, J A G
- Date: 1968
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: vital:3383 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1013334
- Description: From introduction: The aim of this study is to analyse the motivational system, so far as this regulates and orients the stability and work satisfactions of Europeans and Africans, in a supervisory occupational category engaged in industrial-mining in the Copper Mining Company of Rhokana, Zambia , during a period of six years, ending in 1963 .
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1968
- Authors: Coetzee, J A G
- Date: 1968
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: vital:3383 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1013334
- Description: From introduction: The aim of this study is to analyse the motivational system, so far as this regulates and orients the stability and work satisfactions of Europeans and Africans, in a supervisory occupational category engaged in industrial-mining in the Copper Mining Company of Rhokana, Zambia , during a period of six years, ending in 1963 .
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1968
An investigation into the survival strategies of the rural elderly in Zimbabwe: a case study of Hobodo ward in Mangwe District in Zimbabwe
- Authors: Marazi, Tafara
- Date: 2016
- Subjects: Rural elderly -- Zimbabwe , Elderly poor -- Zimbabwe , Ophans -- Services for -- Zimbabwe , AIDS (Disease) -- Zimbabwe , Child welfare -- Zimbabwe
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: vital:3407 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1020605
- Description: The thesis focuses on the survival mechanisms of the rural poor elderly in Zimbabwe. The situation of the rural elderly is looked at in the context of the ravaging HIV/AIDS pandemic. The focus is specifically directed on the increasing numbers of orphans who are generated following the rampant deaths of their parents (sexually active individuals). With Africa failing to effectively withstand the forcefulness of the pandemic, the community structures in Zimbabwe are being heavily shaken to the detriment of all social groups. It is within this continuum that the research is laid out to investigate the situation on the ground. In this case, a fieldwork exercise was carried out in the Hobodo ward of Mangwe district in Zimbabwe. An intensive and in-depth examination of the critical situation was pursued under the case study model. To make the study more focused, the elderly were placed under investigation with regards to their new role of providing familial care for the orphans. The manner in which they face such a towering task under strained resources and limited knowhow was explored. The well-being of the orphans was also investigated in close relation to the welfare efforts of the elderly guardians. The investigations were made in respect of the contribution of the local resources towards the innovativeness of the elderly guardians. The adaptivity of the elderly and the versatility of the orphans were examined within the confines of the social and the economic capitals of the Hobodo ward. It is within the natural, social and economic capital dimensions of the Hobodo rural locality that the applicability of the sustainable livelihoods framework in explaining the dire social situation of the elderly and the orphans was brought under spotlight. The study was pursued through the qualitative research paradigm. This was done to capture the social perceptions, beliefs and the innovative capabilities of the elderly in their natural environment; and under the fieldwork setting. Several data collection techniques were employed to unveil the subject under study. These included interviews, questionnaires, participant observations, focus group discussions. Sampling was used to produce the research framework. Participants in the research were largely identified through random sampling. In special circumstances, purposive sampling was used. Tape recording and note taking were largely used to capture the responses of the research participants.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2016
- Authors: Marazi, Tafara
- Date: 2016
- Subjects: Rural elderly -- Zimbabwe , Elderly poor -- Zimbabwe , Ophans -- Services for -- Zimbabwe , AIDS (Disease) -- Zimbabwe , Child welfare -- Zimbabwe
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: vital:3407 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1020605
- Description: The thesis focuses on the survival mechanisms of the rural poor elderly in Zimbabwe. The situation of the rural elderly is looked at in the context of the ravaging HIV/AIDS pandemic. The focus is specifically directed on the increasing numbers of orphans who are generated following the rampant deaths of their parents (sexually active individuals). With Africa failing to effectively withstand the forcefulness of the pandemic, the community structures in Zimbabwe are being heavily shaken to the detriment of all social groups. It is within this continuum that the research is laid out to investigate the situation on the ground. In this case, a fieldwork exercise was carried out in the Hobodo ward of Mangwe district in Zimbabwe. An intensive and in-depth examination of the critical situation was pursued under the case study model. To make the study more focused, the elderly were placed under investigation with regards to their new role of providing familial care for the orphans. The manner in which they face such a towering task under strained resources and limited knowhow was explored. The well-being of the orphans was also investigated in close relation to the welfare efforts of the elderly guardians. The investigations were made in respect of the contribution of the local resources towards the innovativeness of the elderly guardians. The adaptivity of the elderly and the versatility of the orphans were examined within the confines of the social and the economic capitals of the Hobodo ward. It is within the natural, social and economic capital dimensions of the Hobodo rural locality that the applicability of the sustainable livelihoods framework in explaining the dire social situation of the elderly and the orphans was brought under spotlight. The study was pursued through the qualitative research paradigm. This was done to capture the social perceptions, beliefs and the innovative capabilities of the elderly in their natural environment; and under the fieldwork setting. Several data collection techniques were employed to unveil the subject under study. These included interviews, questionnaires, participant observations, focus group discussions. Sampling was used to produce the research framework. Participants in the research were largely identified through random sampling. In special circumstances, purposive sampling was used. Tape recording and note taking were largely used to capture the responses of the research participants.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2016
An investigation of the role of conflict in the stratificationary process of the African in the copper mining industry of Northern Rhodesia between the years, 1943-1961
- Authors: Coetzee, J A G
- Date: 1964
- Subjects: Social conflict -- Zambia , Conflict management -- Zambia , Copper industry and trade -- Zambia
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:3382 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1013332
- Description: The aim of this study is to investigate the role of CONFLICT in the stratificationary process of the African in the Copper Mining Industry of Northern Rhodesia between the years 1943 - 1961. The hypothesis and assumptions which it is desired to prove can be classified as falling into four categories: 1. that which accepts human beings as individuals acting in group structures, each group having its appropriate goals and ends forming discernable patterned action systems; 2. that these groups can be reconstructed to show variable patterns of action which might be either accommodative or initially contradictory as conflicts emerge within the system; 3. that items 1 and 2 above can be objectivised by empirical materials and that they change in time, and, in so doing, are modified in structure-functional relations; 4. that conflict is the process which animates the patterns and prescribes new goals and ends within the patterned activity systems. An indefinite number of causality factors are possible in explaining social change, but we confine ourselves to the concept CONFLICT, with special reference to the Copperbelt of Northern Rhodesia. The economic factors operating, together with the political and social factors, producing a typical stratification of the African in the industry, sofar as this reveals changing patterns of progressive and aggressive goal thrusts and redefinition of the social positions of the contesting participants, are dealt with in the appropriate sections of this investigation. The model has been developed in relation to the study of the total social system with special emphasis on their overtly political and economical aspects. Part 1, in its entirety, deals with the theory of conflict. It also contains our own development of the theme. The empirical data are contained in parts 2, 3, with a section on envisaged future social developments. The conclusion, to this investigation, forms the last part , with an exhaustive testing of the TEN-POINT HYPOTHESIS given at the end of Part 1.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1964
- Authors: Coetzee, J A G
- Date: 1964
- Subjects: Social conflict -- Zambia , Conflict management -- Zambia , Copper industry and trade -- Zambia
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:3382 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1013332
- Description: The aim of this study is to investigate the role of CONFLICT in the stratificationary process of the African in the Copper Mining Industry of Northern Rhodesia between the years 1943 - 1961. The hypothesis and assumptions which it is desired to prove can be classified as falling into four categories: 1. that which accepts human beings as individuals acting in group structures, each group having its appropriate goals and ends forming discernable patterned action systems; 2. that these groups can be reconstructed to show variable patterns of action which might be either accommodative or initially contradictory as conflicts emerge within the system; 3. that items 1 and 2 above can be objectivised by empirical materials and that they change in time, and, in so doing, are modified in structure-functional relations; 4. that conflict is the process which animates the patterns and prescribes new goals and ends within the patterned activity systems. An indefinite number of causality factors are possible in explaining social change, but we confine ourselves to the concept CONFLICT, with special reference to the Copperbelt of Northern Rhodesia. The economic factors operating, together with the political and social factors, producing a typical stratification of the African in the industry, sofar as this reveals changing patterns of progressive and aggressive goal thrusts and redefinition of the social positions of the contesting participants, are dealt with in the appropriate sections of this investigation. The model has been developed in relation to the study of the total social system with special emphasis on their overtly political and economical aspects. Part 1, in its entirety, deals with the theory of conflict. It also contains our own development of the theme. The empirical data are contained in parts 2, 3, with a section on envisaged future social developments. The conclusion, to this investigation, forms the last part , with an exhaustive testing of the TEN-POINT HYPOTHESIS given at the end of Part 1.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1964
Attitudes and perceptions of marriage and divorce among Indian Muslim students
- Authors: Naidoo, Suraya
- Date: 2001
- Subjects: Muslim families -- Social life and customs , Muslim students -- Attitudes
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MSocSc
- Identifier: vital:3289 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003077 , Muslim families -- Social life and customs , Muslim students -- Attitudes
- Description: This study explores the question of religion and ethnicity as a source of family diversity and ideology. An ideal-typical "traditional Muslim family ideology" was developed and tested. Eight Indian Muslim students at Rhodes University were asked about their attitudes and perceptions of marriage and family life, to determine the particular type of family ideology that these students embraced. Family-related issues such as marriage; the division of labour; gender roles; the extended family system; divorce; and polygamy were addressed. On the basis of the research results, it was found that these students largely adopted the "traditional Muslim family ideology". Religion and ethnicity were found to play an important role, in the make-up of these students' perception of marriage and family life, and a strong preference for the extended family was shown.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2001
- Authors: Naidoo, Suraya
- Date: 2001
- Subjects: Muslim families -- Social life and customs , Muslim students -- Attitudes
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MSocSc
- Identifier: vital:3289 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003077 , Muslim families -- Social life and customs , Muslim students -- Attitudes
- Description: This study explores the question of religion and ethnicity as a source of family diversity and ideology. An ideal-typical "traditional Muslim family ideology" was developed and tested. Eight Indian Muslim students at Rhodes University were asked about their attitudes and perceptions of marriage and family life, to determine the particular type of family ideology that these students embraced. Family-related issues such as marriage; the division of labour; gender roles; the extended family system; divorce; and polygamy were addressed. On the basis of the research results, it was found that these students largely adopted the "traditional Muslim family ideology". Religion and ethnicity were found to play an important role, in the make-up of these students' perception of marriage and family life, and a strong preference for the extended family was shown.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2001
Being a black mine worker in South Africa: the case of Anglo Platinum Mine
- Authors: Maseko, Robert
- Date: 2016
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/651 , vital:19978
- Description: This thesis presents a decolonial perspective on the experience of being a black mineworker in post-apartheid South Africa with specific reference to the Platinum Belt. It seeks to understand what it means to be a black mineworker by unmasking and analysing the existence and prevalence of coloniality in contemporary South Africa despite the end of formal colonialism (i.e. apartheid). As a world-wide system, coloniality has different dimensions which all speak to and highlight continuities between the period of colonialism and the post-colonial period. These dimensions are coloniality of power, coloniality of being and coloniality of knowledge. The power structure of coloniality produces and reproduces the identity of the black mineworker in present-day South Africa as a sub-ontological being devoid of an authentic humanity such that the mineworker is depicted as incapable of rational thought and knowledge. The existential condition of the black mineworker is symptomatic of the generic experience of being a racialised subject of colour in the current global power structure predicated on the dominance and hegemony of Western-centred modernity. The black mineworker exists on the darker side of Western-centred modernity, living a life of wretchedness and continuing to suffer the colonial wound in the absence of formal colonialism and apartheid. The mineworker is disposable and dispensable and lives and works in the shadow of death. In pursuing this course of reasoning, I deploy the epistemic method of ‘shifting the geography of reason’ in order to read the experience of mineworkers in South Africa from the locus of enunciation of the oppressed subject within the scheme of a colonial power differential based on a hierarchy of humanity. This method allows me to speak with and from the perspective of the black mineworkers in the Platinum Belt as opposed to speaking for and about them. I reach the conclusion that being a platinum mineworker in post-apartheid South Africa is a racial and market determined identity of colonialised subjectivity that relegates the dominated subject (the black mineworker) to the realm of the subhuman. In setting the context for this claim, I trace the origins and development of the black mineworker in South Africa with reference to historical processes such as dispossession and proletarianisation. Empirically, the thesis is rooted in a contemporary case study of mainly Anglo Platinum Mine, which involved comprehensive fieldwork focusing on the present lived realities of platinum mineworkers. The dignity and humanity of these black mineworkers has still not returned despite twenty years of democratic rule in South Africa, such that race remains a crucial organising principle in postapartheid South Africa.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2016
- Authors: Maseko, Robert
- Date: 2016
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/651 , vital:19978
- Description: This thesis presents a decolonial perspective on the experience of being a black mineworker in post-apartheid South Africa with specific reference to the Platinum Belt. It seeks to understand what it means to be a black mineworker by unmasking and analysing the existence and prevalence of coloniality in contemporary South Africa despite the end of formal colonialism (i.e. apartheid). As a world-wide system, coloniality has different dimensions which all speak to and highlight continuities between the period of colonialism and the post-colonial period. These dimensions are coloniality of power, coloniality of being and coloniality of knowledge. The power structure of coloniality produces and reproduces the identity of the black mineworker in present-day South Africa as a sub-ontological being devoid of an authentic humanity such that the mineworker is depicted as incapable of rational thought and knowledge. The existential condition of the black mineworker is symptomatic of the generic experience of being a racialised subject of colour in the current global power structure predicated on the dominance and hegemony of Western-centred modernity. The black mineworker exists on the darker side of Western-centred modernity, living a life of wretchedness and continuing to suffer the colonial wound in the absence of formal colonialism and apartheid. The mineworker is disposable and dispensable and lives and works in the shadow of death. In pursuing this course of reasoning, I deploy the epistemic method of ‘shifting the geography of reason’ in order to read the experience of mineworkers in South Africa from the locus of enunciation of the oppressed subject within the scheme of a colonial power differential based on a hierarchy of humanity. This method allows me to speak with and from the perspective of the black mineworkers in the Platinum Belt as opposed to speaking for and about them. I reach the conclusion that being a platinum mineworker in post-apartheid South Africa is a racial and market determined identity of colonialised subjectivity that relegates the dominated subject (the black mineworker) to the realm of the subhuman. In setting the context for this claim, I trace the origins and development of the black mineworker in South Africa with reference to historical processes such as dispossession and proletarianisation. Empirically, the thesis is rooted in a contemporary case study of mainly Anglo Platinum Mine, which involved comprehensive fieldwork focusing on the present lived realities of platinum mineworkers. The dignity and humanity of these black mineworkers has still not returned despite twenty years of democratic rule in South Africa, such that race remains a crucial organising principle in postapartheid South Africa.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2016
Between reproductive rights and access to reproductive healthcare services: narratives of reproductive rights activists in South Africa
- Authors: Jacobs, Marc
- Date: 2017
- Subjects: Reproductive rights -- South Africa , Reproductive rights -- Political aspects -- South Africa , Human reproduction -- Law and legislation -- South Africa , Reproductive health -- South Africa , Abortion -- Government policy -- South Africa , South Africa. Choice of Termination of Pregnancy Act, 1996
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MSocSc
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/17707 , vital:22270
- Description: The motivation behind the research paper, “Between reproductive rights and access to reproductive healthcare services: Narratives of reproductive rights activists in South Africa” stems from the notion that civil society groups have often played a critical role in addressing social justice issues concerning women’s rights. Since 1996 after implementation of the Choice on Termination of Pregnancy (CTOP) Act, South Africa has frequently been praised for its progressive abortion laws that formally recognises women’s need for reproductive autonomy and equality. However, ineffective implementation has resulted in many women facing a combination of barriers to accessing reproductive healthcare services. Thus, resulting in some women opting for unsafe, illegal abortion services and placing their health and lives in danger. The purpose of the study, therefore, is to capture the perceptions of contemporary South African based reproductive rights activists and NGOs who engage in campaigns that seek to highlight the complex relationship between reproductive rights and access to such rights. Data for the study was collected through open-ended questionnaires in which participants provided their unique opinions as activists who regularly engage with the abortion and access issues in South Africa. Results from the study suggest that ineffective implementation of the CTOP Act can be attributed to a lack of political will to prioritise women’s sexual and reproductive rights, thereby further marginalising women in society. Results also point to the need for widespread support from civil society on women’s rights matters so that the State can more effectively be held accountable for catering to the most marginalised women in South African society.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2017
- Authors: Jacobs, Marc
- Date: 2017
- Subjects: Reproductive rights -- South Africa , Reproductive rights -- Political aspects -- South Africa , Human reproduction -- Law and legislation -- South Africa , Reproductive health -- South Africa , Abortion -- Government policy -- South Africa , South Africa. Choice of Termination of Pregnancy Act, 1996
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MSocSc
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/17707 , vital:22270
- Description: The motivation behind the research paper, “Between reproductive rights and access to reproductive healthcare services: Narratives of reproductive rights activists in South Africa” stems from the notion that civil society groups have often played a critical role in addressing social justice issues concerning women’s rights. Since 1996 after implementation of the Choice on Termination of Pregnancy (CTOP) Act, South Africa has frequently been praised for its progressive abortion laws that formally recognises women’s need for reproductive autonomy and equality. However, ineffective implementation has resulted in many women facing a combination of barriers to accessing reproductive healthcare services. Thus, resulting in some women opting for unsafe, illegal abortion services and placing their health and lives in danger. The purpose of the study, therefore, is to capture the perceptions of contemporary South African based reproductive rights activists and NGOs who engage in campaigns that seek to highlight the complex relationship between reproductive rights and access to such rights. Data for the study was collected through open-ended questionnaires in which participants provided their unique opinions as activists who regularly engage with the abortion and access issues in South Africa. Results from the study suggest that ineffective implementation of the CTOP Act can be attributed to a lack of political will to prioritise women’s sexual and reproductive rights, thereby further marginalising women in society. Results also point to the need for widespread support from civil society on women’s rights matters so that the State can more effectively be held accountable for catering to the most marginalised women in South African society.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2017
Between the 'sectional' and the 'national' : oil, grassroots discontent and civic discourse in Nigeria
- Authors: Akpan, Wilson Ndarake
- Date: 2006
- Subjects: Petroleum industry and trade -- Nigeria Revenue -- Nigeria Nigeria -- Social conditions Nigeria -- Economic conditions Niger River Delta (Nigeria) -- Environmental conditions
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: vital:3294 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003082
- Description: This thesis examines the social character of petroleum-related grassroots struggles in Nigeria’s oil-producing region. It does this against the background of the dominant scholarly narratives that portray the struggles as: a) a disguised pursuit of an ethnic/sectional agenda, b) a 'minority rights' project, and c) a minority province’s protest against 'selective' environmental 'victimisation' by the majority ethnic nationalities. While the dominant scholarly analyses of the struggles are based on the activities of the better known activist organisations operating in the oil region, this thesis focuses primarily on the everyday 'grammar' of discontent and lived worlds of ordinary people vis-à-vis upstream petroleum operations and petroleum resource utilisation. The aim has been to gain an understanding of the forces driving community struggles in the oil region and their wider societal significance. Examined alongside the narratives of ordinary people are the legal/institutional framework for upstream petroleum operations and the operational practices of the oil-producing companies. Using primary data obtained through ethnography, focus group discussions, in-depth interviews and visual sociology, as well as relevant secondary data, the researcher constructs a discourse matrix, showing how grassroots narratives in selected oilproducing communities intersect with contemporary civic discourses in the wider Nigerian context. The thesis highlights the theoretical and policy difficulties that arise when the social basis of petroleum-related grassroots struggles and ordinary people’s narratives are explained using an essentialist idiom. It reveals, above all, the conditions under which so-called 'locale-specific' struggles in a multi-ethnic, oil-rich African country can become a campaign for the emancipation of ordinary people in the wider society. This research extends the existing knowledge on citizen mobilisation, extractive capitalism, transnational corporate behaviour, and Nigeria’s contemporary development predicament. It sheds light on some of the processes through which ordinary people are forcing upon the state a change agenda that could drive the country along a more socially sensitive development and democratisation trajectory.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2006
- Authors: Akpan, Wilson Ndarake
- Date: 2006
- Subjects: Petroleum industry and trade -- Nigeria Revenue -- Nigeria Nigeria -- Social conditions Nigeria -- Economic conditions Niger River Delta (Nigeria) -- Environmental conditions
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: vital:3294 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003082
- Description: This thesis examines the social character of petroleum-related grassroots struggles in Nigeria’s oil-producing region. It does this against the background of the dominant scholarly narratives that portray the struggles as: a) a disguised pursuit of an ethnic/sectional agenda, b) a 'minority rights' project, and c) a minority province’s protest against 'selective' environmental 'victimisation' by the majority ethnic nationalities. While the dominant scholarly analyses of the struggles are based on the activities of the better known activist organisations operating in the oil region, this thesis focuses primarily on the everyday 'grammar' of discontent and lived worlds of ordinary people vis-à-vis upstream petroleum operations and petroleum resource utilisation. The aim has been to gain an understanding of the forces driving community struggles in the oil region and their wider societal significance. Examined alongside the narratives of ordinary people are the legal/institutional framework for upstream petroleum operations and the operational practices of the oil-producing companies. Using primary data obtained through ethnography, focus group discussions, in-depth interviews and visual sociology, as well as relevant secondary data, the researcher constructs a discourse matrix, showing how grassroots narratives in selected oilproducing communities intersect with contemporary civic discourses in the wider Nigerian context. The thesis highlights the theoretical and policy difficulties that arise when the social basis of petroleum-related grassroots struggles and ordinary people’s narratives are explained using an essentialist idiom. It reveals, above all, the conditions under which so-called 'locale-specific' struggles in a multi-ethnic, oil-rich African country can become a campaign for the emancipation of ordinary people in the wider society. This research extends the existing knowledge on citizen mobilisation, extractive capitalism, transnational corporate behaviour, and Nigeria’s contemporary development predicament. It sheds light on some of the processes through which ordinary people are forcing upon the state a change agenda that could drive the country along a more socially sensitive development and democratisation trajectory.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2006
Biofuels and rural development: A case study of the Mapfura-Makhura Incubator and small-scale farmers in the Limpopo Province
- Authors: Mothupi, Frans Makwena
- Date: 2016
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MSocSc
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/1488 , vital:20062
- Description: The primary objective of the study is to examine the livelihood impact of biofuel production on small-scale rural farmers participating in the MMI project in the local districts in Limpopo province. The study is theoretically underpinned by the sustainable livelihoods framework which provides a nuanced analysis of the complex nature of poverty and livelihoods. The framework was used to examine how MMI as a structure with its own processes (incubator model) plays a role in creating a means for farmers to have more access to livelihood assets which would help them achieve improved livelihoods outcome. The findings of this study reflect what has already been articulated in literature about small-scale biofuel projects. This study shows that MMI’s incubator plays an important role for 73% of the farmers to access all of the livelihood assets and ultimately improving their farm income and food security. Furthermore, 90% of the participants admitted to have received support from MMI in a number of ways. This includes the provision of farming inputs, labour and access to markets in addition to training, mentoring and coaching. The study also found that despite the overwhelming support, both MMI and farmers face a number of challenges. Farmers still lack adequate farming inputs, transport, access to markets and vulnerability to natural disasters. MMI faces challenges in raising funds to provide inputs to all their incubatees and lack of adequate mechanization. Lack of transportation affects both farmers and MMI in that farmers find it difficult to access MMI service. In the same light, MMI has found it difficult to reach farmers for post-incubation, coaching and mentoring or delivering inputs; this can be challenging and a costly process. MMI’s biofuel production project has the capability for improving rural livelihoods through agriculture. The study concludes by recommending that MMI should improve its own capacity in order for them to better the lives of the farmers they assist. This study is significant for contributing to a field which has received less academic and research attention in South Africa. Its scholarly contribution will enhance the existing body of knowledge on biofuels and rural development in South Africa
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2016
- Authors: Mothupi, Frans Makwena
- Date: 2016
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MSocSc
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/1488 , vital:20062
- Description: The primary objective of the study is to examine the livelihood impact of biofuel production on small-scale rural farmers participating in the MMI project in the local districts in Limpopo province. The study is theoretically underpinned by the sustainable livelihoods framework which provides a nuanced analysis of the complex nature of poverty and livelihoods. The framework was used to examine how MMI as a structure with its own processes (incubator model) plays a role in creating a means for farmers to have more access to livelihood assets which would help them achieve improved livelihoods outcome. The findings of this study reflect what has already been articulated in literature about small-scale biofuel projects. This study shows that MMI’s incubator plays an important role for 73% of the farmers to access all of the livelihood assets and ultimately improving their farm income and food security. Furthermore, 90% of the participants admitted to have received support from MMI in a number of ways. This includes the provision of farming inputs, labour and access to markets in addition to training, mentoring and coaching. The study also found that despite the overwhelming support, both MMI and farmers face a number of challenges. Farmers still lack adequate farming inputs, transport, access to markets and vulnerability to natural disasters. MMI faces challenges in raising funds to provide inputs to all their incubatees and lack of adequate mechanization. Lack of transportation affects both farmers and MMI in that farmers find it difficult to access MMI service. In the same light, MMI has found it difficult to reach farmers for post-incubation, coaching and mentoring or delivering inputs; this can be challenging and a costly process. MMI’s biofuel production project has the capability for improving rural livelihoods through agriculture. The study concludes by recommending that MMI should improve its own capacity in order for them to better the lives of the farmers they assist. This study is significant for contributing to a field which has received less academic and research attention in South Africa. Its scholarly contribution will enhance the existing body of knowledge on biofuels and rural development in South Africa
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2016
Black and white women: a socio-historical study of domestic workers and their employers in the Eastern Cape
- Authors: Cock, Jacklyn
- Date: 1981
- Subjects: Household employees -- South Africa Working class -- South Africa Women, Black -- Employment -- South Africa South Africa -- Race relations
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: vital:3287 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003075
- Description: Domestic service constitutes one of the largest sources of employment for black women in South Africa. Yet it is a largely unstudied occupation. There has been no previous investigation of domestic workers in the Eastern Cape, and to date only two comprehensive studies of domestic workers in other areas of South Africa. This neglect is significant, for such inquiry involves questioning the accepted pattern of inequalities on which the entire social order is based.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1981
- Authors: Cock, Jacklyn
- Date: 1981
- Subjects: Household employees -- South Africa Working class -- South Africa Women, Black -- Employment -- South Africa South Africa -- Race relations
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: vital:3287 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003075
- Description: Domestic service constitutes one of the largest sources of employment for black women in South Africa. Yet it is a largely unstudied occupation. There has been no previous investigation of domestic workers in the Eastern Cape, and to date only two comprehensive studies of domestic workers in other areas of South Africa. This neglect is significant, for such inquiry involves questioning the accepted pattern of inequalities on which the entire social order is based.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1981
Call centres as a vehicle to improve customer satisfaction in local government: a case study of front line workers in the Nelson Mandela Metropolitan Municipality
- Authors: Magoqwana, Babalwa Mirianda
- Date: 2009
- Subjects: Nelson Mandela Metropolitan Municipality (Eastern Cape, South Africa) Local government -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape -- Case studies Local government -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape -- Case studies Public administration -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape -- Case studies Work environment -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape -- Case studies Customer services -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape -- Case studies Customer satisfaction -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape -- Case studies Municipal services -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape -- Case studies Call center agents -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape -- Case studies
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MSocSc
- Identifier: vital:3340 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1004339
- Description: This dissertation provides an account of 'Batho Pele' (People First) and 'new public management' as applied in two government call-centres in the Eastern Cape. Focusing on the workers at these call-centres, this research examines the workplace organisation of these call-centres based in the Nelson Mandela Metropolitan Municipality. The study involved interviews with managers, call-centre operators and trade unionists. The findings show how the work environment is not conducive to the goals of customer satisfaction as presented in the Batho Pele policies. The research investigates the conditions of workers as one explanatory factor for poor call-centre service. If workers are a key element in the success of the 'new public management', their work environment and conditions have to facilitate their job satisfaction and their improved customer service. The research demonstrated the evident lack of professionalism in the call-centre, customer care designed as a matter of compliance rather the need to change the culture and the persistent lack of discipline and supervision. The call centre operator's experiences include issues of surveillance, stress, emotional labour, lack of training, internal conflicts and bad 'customer service' as perceived by the citizens of the Metro.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2009
- Authors: Magoqwana, Babalwa Mirianda
- Date: 2009
- Subjects: Nelson Mandela Metropolitan Municipality (Eastern Cape, South Africa) Local government -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape -- Case studies Local government -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape -- Case studies Public administration -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape -- Case studies Work environment -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape -- Case studies Customer services -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape -- Case studies Customer satisfaction -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape -- Case studies Municipal services -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape -- Case studies Call center agents -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape -- Case studies
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MSocSc
- Identifier: vital:3340 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1004339
- Description: This dissertation provides an account of 'Batho Pele' (People First) and 'new public management' as applied in two government call-centres in the Eastern Cape. Focusing on the workers at these call-centres, this research examines the workplace organisation of these call-centres based in the Nelson Mandela Metropolitan Municipality. The study involved interviews with managers, call-centre operators and trade unionists. The findings show how the work environment is not conducive to the goals of customer satisfaction as presented in the Batho Pele policies. The research investigates the conditions of workers as one explanatory factor for poor call-centre service. If workers are a key element in the success of the 'new public management', their work environment and conditions have to facilitate their job satisfaction and their improved customer service. The research demonstrated the evident lack of professionalism in the call-centre, customer care designed as a matter of compliance rather the need to change the culture and the persistent lack of discipline and supervision. The call centre operator's experiences include issues of surveillance, stress, emotional labour, lack of training, internal conflicts and bad 'customer service' as perceived by the citizens of the Metro.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2009
Careerism and capitalism as women’s emancipation: a critical analysis of Rand Merchant Bank’s ‘Athena Programme', South Africa
- Authors: Mosesi, Poloko Prudence
- Date: 2019
- Subjects: Rand Merchant Bank (South Africa) , Women in economic development -- South Africa , Women in finance -- South Africa , Neoliberalism -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Masters , MSocSc
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/140344 , vital:37881
- Description: Against the backdrop of debates on feminism and neo– liberalism, this thesis presents a critical analysis of Rand Merchant Bank’s (RMB) Athena programme in South Africa – an award– winning programme run by women, which aims to develop women as senior managers – and of the type of feminism it represents, using a Marxist feminist theoretical framework. Rand Merchant Bank’s is one of the largest investment banks in Africa, part of the giant First Rand Group (FRG) alongside First National Bank (FNB) group. The thesis, based on a detailed case study using qualitative methods, argues that Athena is a very much product of its time: it advances the argument that if more women were in position of power, women in general would be free, and it views the problem of women’s oppression with an individualist lens, which focuses on attitudes and confidence. Athena, like many initiatives of the neo– liberal era, such as Sandberg’s Lean– In philosophy and the Nike Foundation’s ‘Girl Effect’ promote individual understanding and emancipation of women, which sees emancipation in terms of creating a neo– liberal subject that operates more effectively within a capitalist framework, sees capitalism as the solution – rather than the cause – of women’s unequal circumstance and ignores structural issues like class. In effect, Athena argues that the free market and big corporations are neutral tools that can answer the question of women equality, if only women had the correct attitudes, and so long as corporate hierarchies and profits are accepted as fair, and women are seen as an untapped resource that can be used in a ‘smart economics.’ What all these initiatives have in common is shifting the burden and responsibility to women without proper interrogation of the systems that perpetuate inequalities, and a trickle– down theory, according to which more women capitalists and more women in the ruling class will empower the women in the working class.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2019
- Authors: Mosesi, Poloko Prudence
- Date: 2019
- Subjects: Rand Merchant Bank (South Africa) , Women in economic development -- South Africa , Women in finance -- South Africa , Neoliberalism -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Masters , MSocSc
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/140344 , vital:37881
- Description: Against the backdrop of debates on feminism and neo– liberalism, this thesis presents a critical analysis of Rand Merchant Bank’s (RMB) Athena programme in South Africa – an award– winning programme run by women, which aims to develop women as senior managers – and of the type of feminism it represents, using a Marxist feminist theoretical framework. Rand Merchant Bank’s is one of the largest investment banks in Africa, part of the giant First Rand Group (FRG) alongside First National Bank (FNB) group. The thesis, based on a detailed case study using qualitative methods, argues that Athena is a very much product of its time: it advances the argument that if more women were in position of power, women in general would be free, and it views the problem of women’s oppression with an individualist lens, which focuses on attitudes and confidence. Athena, like many initiatives of the neo– liberal era, such as Sandberg’s Lean– In philosophy and the Nike Foundation’s ‘Girl Effect’ promote individual understanding and emancipation of women, which sees emancipation in terms of creating a neo– liberal subject that operates more effectively within a capitalist framework, sees capitalism as the solution – rather than the cause – of women’s unequal circumstance and ignores structural issues like class. In effect, Athena argues that the free market and big corporations are neutral tools that can answer the question of women equality, if only women had the correct attitudes, and so long as corporate hierarchies and profits are accepted as fair, and women are seen as an untapped resource that can be used in a ‘smart economics.’ What all these initiatives have in common is shifting the burden and responsibility to women without proper interrogation of the systems that perpetuate inequalities, and a trickle– down theory, according to which more women capitalists and more women in the ruling class will empower the women in the working class.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2019
Cash transfers and poverty reduction in South Africa: a case study of old age pensions
- Authors: Kasere, Gayle Farai
- Date: 2012
- Subjects: Poverty -- Economic aspects -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape Poverty -- Grahamstown -- Eastern Cape Social security -- South Africa Pensions -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MSocSc
- Identifier: vital:3321 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003109
- Description: Social assistance in the form of cash grants is a large and fiscally costly component of anti-poverty policy in South Africa. A critical question arises: Are the grants effective tools for reducing poverty in South Africa and, moreover, how significant is their impact on poverty? As a measure of reducing poverty, the government has expanded the social grants system since the advent of the new democracy in 1994. The country's social grant system is quite comprehensive and it is intended to cover vulnerable individuals over their life course from childhood to adulthood and into old age. Policy discourse surrounding the grants centres on the sustainability of the system and its implications for socio-economic development and poverty alleviation. It is therefore important that the significance of grants is identified and assessed particularly in relation to very poor households. This dissertation focuses specifically on one particular grant, namely, the old age pension. It does so in the context of the sustainable livelihoods conceptual framework and the history of the social grant system in South Africa. Statistical data collected by the South African government as well as more localised evidence gathered in the Eastern Cape town of Grahamstown is used to ascertain the significance of old age pensions for poverty reduction. While there is some evidence to suggest that pensions contribute to poverty reduction, this does not translate into poverty alleviation. In fact, there is some unevenness in the impact of pensions on poverty. In this regard, the decision-making structures in poor households regularly influence the way pension money is allocated and used within households. Grant money is normally shared in extended households, such that the pension does not simply benefit the recipient but the recipient's household as a whole. Although there is cause for concern regarding the propensity of social grants to affect people's behaviour negatively, there is a case to be made for retaining grants as an important, though not the only, form of anti-poverty strategy. This highlights the need for continued research on the social grant system and pensions more specifically.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2012
- Authors: Kasere, Gayle Farai
- Date: 2012
- Subjects: Poverty -- Economic aspects -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape Poverty -- Grahamstown -- Eastern Cape Social security -- South Africa Pensions -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MSocSc
- Identifier: vital:3321 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003109
- Description: Social assistance in the form of cash grants is a large and fiscally costly component of anti-poverty policy in South Africa. A critical question arises: Are the grants effective tools for reducing poverty in South Africa and, moreover, how significant is their impact on poverty? As a measure of reducing poverty, the government has expanded the social grants system since the advent of the new democracy in 1994. The country's social grant system is quite comprehensive and it is intended to cover vulnerable individuals over their life course from childhood to adulthood and into old age. Policy discourse surrounding the grants centres on the sustainability of the system and its implications for socio-economic development and poverty alleviation. It is therefore important that the significance of grants is identified and assessed particularly in relation to very poor households. This dissertation focuses specifically on one particular grant, namely, the old age pension. It does so in the context of the sustainable livelihoods conceptual framework and the history of the social grant system in South Africa. Statistical data collected by the South African government as well as more localised evidence gathered in the Eastern Cape town of Grahamstown is used to ascertain the significance of old age pensions for poverty reduction. While there is some evidence to suggest that pensions contribute to poverty reduction, this does not translate into poverty alleviation. In fact, there is some unevenness in the impact of pensions on poverty. In this regard, the decision-making structures in poor households regularly influence the way pension money is allocated and used within households. Grant money is normally shared in extended households, such that the pension does not simply benefit the recipient but the recipient's household as a whole. Although there is cause for concern regarding the propensity of social grants to affect people's behaviour negatively, there is a case to be made for retaining grants as an important, though not the only, form of anti-poverty strategy. This highlights the need for continued research on the social grant system and pensions more specifically.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2012
Challenges of post-apartheid state-owned company pension fund reform: a case study of the controversy around the Transnet-Transport Pension Fund
- Authors: Goqoza, Noluyolo Juliet
- Date: 2015
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Masters , MSocSc
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/54766 , vital:26610
- Description: This thesis examines the restructuring of the pension funds of Transnet, a South African state-owned company involved in transportation, from the 1990s. Two of its main pension funds, the Transport-Transnet Pension sub-Fund (TTPF) and the Transnet Second Defined Benefit Fund (TSDBF), have been surrounded by controversy, with major court actions brought by aggrieved pensioners in 2006-2012 and again from 2013, and smaller cases in 1997-1999 and 2004. (There were also a number of smaller cases, mostly unsuccessful, but the thesis will not examine them). The case that started in 2013 is the biggest class action in the country‟s history, and makes claims of serious mismanagement and bad faith against the Transnet management. But the fundamental grievance is that (according to the 2013 legal case) “more than 80% of pensioners earn less than R4 000.00 a month… 62 % earn less than R2 500.00… 45% of the pensioners earn less than the state‟s ordinary old-age pension” grant for the poor. Although that case is ongoing, this thesis examines the background and controversies that frame the case. It provides an overview of the history and development of the South African pensions system and South African state-owned companies; it examines how these have been shaped by the apartheid and post-apartheid periods, and by the rise of neo-liberalism; it examines the evolution of Transnet and its pensions systems, from the early days of the South African Railways and Harbours Administration (SAR&H, formed 1910), to its restructuring into the South African Transport Services (SATS) in 1982, and then into Transnet in 1990. The thesis shows that the operations of the TTPF and TSDBF, which are closed to new members, have had serious effects on pensioners that rely upon them. Pensions are very low (the main reason for the various court cases), and this is for a range of reasons. Annual increases in pensions are formally set at below-inflation levels, leading to falling real incomes. More pressure on pensioners‟ livelihoods has arisen from Transnet‟s cuts to other benefits, like the medical aid Transmed, provided to pensioners. While the schemes are solvent, the pensions generally started at a low base, partly because most pensioners were relatively poorly paid workers before retirement (and the pensions were linked to former salaries). There is also a racial dimension: while most white workers at SAR&H/ SATS and Transnet were poorly paid, black, Coloured and Indian workers were paid even worse, and, further, were only brought into the pension schemes late. Both TTPF and TSDBF are defined benefit funds, which means members are guaranteed specific benefits at retirement, with the employer obligated to inject funds to meet shortfalls where needed. Yet neither the state nor Transnet has been willing to take actions to lift the basic pensions, such as investments into the funds, or to make systematic ex gratia payments to bring the pensions to a reasonable level, to remove historic racial inequalities between pensioners, to increase medical aid co-payments or coverage or to otherwise address the pensioners‟ situation. It does not seem that the reason for the problems is that the two funds have been severely mismanaged or asset-stripped, as alleged in the 2013 class action: it must be noted that both funds report surpluses. But the surpluses are possible because the pensions are low and falling in real terms, and the numbers of pensioners declining due to deaths. It seems clear that Transnet is unable or unwilling to act to decisively improve the situation of the pensioners: ensuring a surplus on existing pension funds is a major goal. This is partly because Transnet itself has ongoing financial problems, and partly because it operates in the context of neo-liberal restructuring, like corporatisation, commercialisation and privatisation, which places limits on the additional funding of the funds. At the same time, the pensioners have very little real, as opposed to a nominal, say in the administration of the pension schemes, limiting their ability to affect the rules and administration or raise issues. The thesis seeks to use historical institutionalism, which sees policies and major institutions, including state-owned companies, as shaped by power and conflict, especially between classes. This is used to try and explain changing state policies and the changing role and actions of state-owned companies, as a way of understanding Transnet‟s actions, as well as its treatment of its pensioners.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2015
- Authors: Goqoza, Noluyolo Juliet
- Date: 2015
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Masters , MSocSc
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/54766 , vital:26610
- Description: This thesis examines the restructuring of the pension funds of Transnet, a South African state-owned company involved in transportation, from the 1990s. Two of its main pension funds, the Transport-Transnet Pension sub-Fund (TTPF) and the Transnet Second Defined Benefit Fund (TSDBF), have been surrounded by controversy, with major court actions brought by aggrieved pensioners in 2006-2012 and again from 2013, and smaller cases in 1997-1999 and 2004. (There were also a number of smaller cases, mostly unsuccessful, but the thesis will not examine them). The case that started in 2013 is the biggest class action in the country‟s history, and makes claims of serious mismanagement and bad faith against the Transnet management. But the fundamental grievance is that (according to the 2013 legal case) “more than 80% of pensioners earn less than R4 000.00 a month… 62 % earn less than R2 500.00… 45% of the pensioners earn less than the state‟s ordinary old-age pension” grant for the poor. Although that case is ongoing, this thesis examines the background and controversies that frame the case. It provides an overview of the history and development of the South African pensions system and South African state-owned companies; it examines how these have been shaped by the apartheid and post-apartheid periods, and by the rise of neo-liberalism; it examines the evolution of Transnet and its pensions systems, from the early days of the South African Railways and Harbours Administration (SAR&H, formed 1910), to its restructuring into the South African Transport Services (SATS) in 1982, and then into Transnet in 1990. The thesis shows that the operations of the TTPF and TSDBF, which are closed to new members, have had serious effects on pensioners that rely upon them. Pensions are very low (the main reason for the various court cases), and this is for a range of reasons. Annual increases in pensions are formally set at below-inflation levels, leading to falling real incomes. More pressure on pensioners‟ livelihoods has arisen from Transnet‟s cuts to other benefits, like the medical aid Transmed, provided to pensioners. While the schemes are solvent, the pensions generally started at a low base, partly because most pensioners were relatively poorly paid workers before retirement (and the pensions were linked to former salaries). There is also a racial dimension: while most white workers at SAR&H/ SATS and Transnet were poorly paid, black, Coloured and Indian workers were paid even worse, and, further, were only brought into the pension schemes late. Both TTPF and TSDBF are defined benefit funds, which means members are guaranteed specific benefits at retirement, with the employer obligated to inject funds to meet shortfalls where needed. Yet neither the state nor Transnet has been willing to take actions to lift the basic pensions, such as investments into the funds, or to make systematic ex gratia payments to bring the pensions to a reasonable level, to remove historic racial inequalities between pensioners, to increase medical aid co-payments or coverage or to otherwise address the pensioners‟ situation. It does not seem that the reason for the problems is that the two funds have been severely mismanaged or asset-stripped, as alleged in the 2013 class action: it must be noted that both funds report surpluses. But the surpluses are possible because the pensions are low and falling in real terms, and the numbers of pensioners declining due to deaths. It seems clear that Transnet is unable or unwilling to act to decisively improve the situation of the pensioners: ensuring a surplus on existing pension funds is a major goal. This is partly because Transnet itself has ongoing financial problems, and partly because it operates in the context of neo-liberal restructuring, like corporatisation, commercialisation and privatisation, which places limits on the additional funding of the funds. At the same time, the pensioners have very little real, as opposed to a nominal, say in the administration of the pension schemes, limiting their ability to affect the rules and administration or raise issues. The thesis seeks to use historical institutionalism, which sees policies and major institutions, including state-owned companies, as shaped by power and conflict, especially between classes. This is used to try and explain changing state policies and the changing role and actions of state-owned companies, as a way of understanding Transnet‟s actions, as well as its treatment of its pensioners.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2015
Challenging hegemony? : a provincial perspective on the limits of policy challenge in the South African state
- Authors: Reynolds, John
- Date: 2014 , 2014-06-24
- Subjects: Community development -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1994-
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: vital:3372 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1013031
- Description: This thesis provides a provincial perspective on the limits of policy challenge within the post-apartheid South African state. This perspective is located in the Eastern Cape Province of South Africa, which is one of the poorest of the nine provinces into which the national territory was divided during the constitutional negotiations prior to the landmark democratic elections of 1994. The empirical foundation for this perspective is an analysis of the process of developing the Eastern Cape Provincial Growth and Development Plan 2004-2014 (PGDP), which took place in 2002-2004. Starting with a broader theoretical discussion, followed by a brief contextual analysis of the South African economy, the structure of the post-apartheid South African state, and key growth and development policies, the more detailed engagement with the PGDP process is undertaken. Drawing on Jessop’s (2008) strategic-relational approach, this thesis argues that the PGDP process arose within a particular spatio-temporal context where new opportunities for policy challenge were possible, but that such challenge had to be negotiated on a strategically selective terrain on which that challenge was neutralised. The PGDP process unfolded as a complex dialectic of agency and a range of path-dependent institutional processes with varying temporal and spatial horizons (cf. Pierson, 2004, 2005) in which no particular outcomes were guaranteed, but in terms of which some outcomes were more likely than others. Although the organisation of state power was expressed in the content of the PGDP, that power had to be understood as fractured across a range of state and non-state institutions, but with the state as the primary site of the contingent organisation of power. The provincial sphere of government faces particular constraints with the South African state, which has implications for its policy scope and the possibilities of policy challenge, even where wider social support is achieved.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2014
- Authors: Reynolds, John
- Date: 2014 , 2014-06-24
- Subjects: Community development -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1994-
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: vital:3372 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1013031
- Description: This thesis provides a provincial perspective on the limits of policy challenge within the post-apartheid South African state. This perspective is located in the Eastern Cape Province of South Africa, which is one of the poorest of the nine provinces into which the national territory was divided during the constitutional negotiations prior to the landmark democratic elections of 1994. The empirical foundation for this perspective is an analysis of the process of developing the Eastern Cape Provincial Growth and Development Plan 2004-2014 (PGDP), which took place in 2002-2004. Starting with a broader theoretical discussion, followed by a brief contextual analysis of the South African economy, the structure of the post-apartheid South African state, and key growth and development policies, the more detailed engagement with the PGDP process is undertaken. Drawing on Jessop’s (2008) strategic-relational approach, this thesis argues that the PGDP process arose within a particular spatio-temporal context where new opportunities for policy challenge were possible, but that such challenge had to be negotiated on a strategically selective terrain on which that challenge was neutralised. The PGDP process unfolded as a complex dialectic of agency and a range of path-dependent institutional processes with varying temporal and spatial horizons (cf. Pierson, 2004, 2005) in which no particular outcomes were guaranteed, but in terms of which some outcomes were more likely than others. Although the organisation of state power was expressed in the content of the PGDP, that power had to be understood as fractured across a range of state and non-state institutions, but with the state as the primary site of the contingent organisation of power. The provincial sphere of government faces particular constraints with the South African state, which has implications for its policy scope and the possibilities of policy challenge, even where wider social support is achieved.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2014
Changes and continuities in the labour process on commercial farms in post-Apartheid South Africa : studies from Eastern Cape and KwaZulu-Natal Provinces
- Authors: Kheswa, Nomzamo Sybil
- Date: 2014
- Subjects: Agricultural laborers -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , Agricultural laborers -- South Africa -- KwaZulu-Natal , Agricultural wages -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , Agricultural wages -- South Africa -- KwaZulu-Natal , Eastern Cape (South Africa) -- Rural conditions , KwaZulu-Natal (South Africa) -- Rural conditions , Agricultural laborers -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape -- Social conditions , Agricultural laborers -- South Africa -- KwaZulu-Natal -- Social conditions , Agricultural laborers -- Legal status, laws, etc. -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , Agricultural laborers -- Legal status, laws, etc. -- South Africa -- KwaZulu-Natal , Apartheid -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:3366 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1011978 , Agricultural laborers -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , Agricultural laborers -- South Africa -- KwaZulu-Natal , Agricultural wages -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , Agricultural wages -- South Africa -- KwaZulu-Natal , Eastern Cape (South Africa) -- Rural conditions , KwaZulu-Natal (South Africa) -- Rural conditions , Agricultural laborers -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape -- Social conditions , Agricultural laborers -- South Africa -- KwaZulu-Natal -- Social conditions , Agricultural laborers -- Legal status, laws, etc. -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , Agricultural laborers -- Legal status, laws, etc. -- South Africa -- KwaZulu-Natal , Apartheid -- South Africa
- Description: This thesis examines the agricultural labour process on commercial farms in post-apartheid South Africa with a particular focus on systems of labour control on these farms. Considerable literature exists about the labour process in capitalist society but the capitalist labour process does not exist in any pure form. Rather, different labour processes exist and the specific form they take depends on spatial and temporal conditions. Additionally, labour processes are often economic sector-specific. Because of variation in capitalist labour processes, differences in systems of labour control (or labour control regimes) also arise. Historically, up until the end of apartheid in 1994, the labour control regime on commercial farms in South Africa was marked by a paternalistic despotism of a racialised kind. This in part reflected the fact that commercial farms were simultaneously sites of both economic production and social reproduction and, further, they were very privatised agrarian spaces largely unregulated (specifically with regard to labour) by the state. Since the end of apartheid, commercial farms have been subjected to multiple pressures. Notably, the South African state has strongly intervened in labour relations on commercial farms, and commercial farms have been subjected to ongoing neo-liberal restructuring. This has led to the prospects of changes in the prevailing labour control system on commercial farms. In this context, the thesis pursues the following key objective: to understand changes and continuities in the labour process on commercial farms – and particularly labour control systems – subsequent to the end of apartheid in South Africa. It does so with reference to four farms in Eastern Cape and KwaZulu-Natal Provinces.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2014
- Authors: Kheswa, Nomzamo Sybil
- Date: 2014
- Subjects: Agricultural laborers -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , Agricultural laborers -- South Africa -- KwaZulu-Natal , Agricultural wages -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , Agricultural wages -- South Africa -- KwaZulu-Natal , Eastern Cape (South Africa) -- Rural conditions , KwaZulu-Natal (South Africa) -- Rural conditions , Agricultural laborers -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape -- Social conditions , Agricultural laborers -- South Africa -- KwaZulu-Natal -- Social conditions , Agricultural laborers -- Legal status, laws, etc. -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , Agricultural laborers -- Legal status, laws, etc. -- South Africa -- KwaZulu-Natal , Apartheid -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:3366 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1011978 , Agricultural laborers -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , Agricultural laborers -- South Africa -- KwaZulu-Natal , Agricultural wages -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , Agricultural wages -- South Africa -- KwaZulu-Natal , Eastern Cape (South Africa) -- Rural conditions , KwaZulu-Natal (South Africa) -- Rural conditions , Agricultural laborers -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape -- Social conditions , Agricultural laborers -- South Africa -- KwaZulu-Natal -- Social conditions , Agricultural laborers -- Legal status, laws, etc. -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , Agricultural laborers -- Legal status, laws, etc. -- South Africa -- KwaZulu-Natal , Apartheid -- South Africa
- Description: This thesis examines the agricultural labour process on commercial farms in post-apartheid South Africa with a particular focus on systems of labour control on these farms. Considerable literature exists about the labour process in capitalist society but the capitalist labour process does not exist in any pure form. Rather, different labour processes exist and the specific form they take depends on spatial and temporal conditions. Additionally, labour processes are often economic sector-specific. Because of variation in capitalist labour processes, differences in systems of labour control (or labour control regimes) also arise. Historically, up until the end of apartheid in 1994, the labour control regime on commercial farms in South Africa was marked by a paternalistic despotism of a racialised kind. This in part reflected the fact that commercial farms were simultaneously sites of both economic production and social reproduction and, further, they were very privatised agrarian spaces largely unregulated (specifically with regard to labour) by the state. Since the end of apartheid, commercial farms have been subjected to multiple pressures. Notably, the South African state has strongly intervened in labour relations on commercial farms, and commercial farms have been subjected to ongoing neo-liberal restructuring. This has led to the prospects of changes in the prevailing labour control system on commercial farms. In this context, the thesis pursues the following key objective: to understand changes and continuities in the labour process on commercial farms – and particularly labour control systems – subsequent to the end of apartheid in South Africa. It does so with reference to four farms in Eastern Cape and KwaZulu-Natal Provinces.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2014
Community leadership in Grahamstown
- Authors: Van der Merwe, Hendrik W
- Date: 1967
- Subjects: Sociology, Urban -- South Africa -- Grahamstown , Community leadership -- South Africa -- Grahamstown , Community development, Urban -- South Africa -- Grahamstown
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:3390 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1014564
- Description: In this study an analysis was made of the leadership structure of the community of Grahamstown. It was hypothesized that the leadership structure is pluralistic i.e. that leaders are divided along themselves on different issues. An historical and documentary analysis of various aspects of community life revealed that leaders were not united on almost all issues. An analysis of the voluntary associations in which the top leaders took an active part revealed great discrepancy in terms of orientation toward the community, society, and social exclusiveness. A schedule was administered to 90 leaders who were identified by the Cooperating- Informant Technique. Data. were collected about their background characteristics, attitudes toward certain local issues and their general ideological orientations. It was found that stands taken on local issues can best be interpreted in terms of ideological orientation. We conclude that local community leadership is pluralistic. In view of the relationship between local issues and the larger society, several selected problems merit further investigation.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1967
- Authors: Van der Merwe, Hendrik W
- Date: 1967
- Subjects: Sociology, Urban -- South Africa -- Grahamstown , Community leadership -- South Africa -- Grahamstown , Community development, Urban -- South Africa -- Grahamstown
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:3390 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1014564
- Description: In this study an analysis was made of the leadership structure of the community of Grahamstown. It was hypothesized that the leadership structure is pluralistic i.e. that leaders are divided along themselves on different issues. An historical and documentary analysis of various aspects of community life revealed that leaders were not united on almost all issues. An analysis of the voluntary associations in which the top leaders took an active part revealed great discrepancy in terms of orientation toward the community, society, and social exclusiveness. A schedule was administered to 90 leaders who were identified by the Cooperating- Informant Technique. Data. were collected about their background characteristics, attitudes toward certain local issues and their general ideological orientations. It was found that stands taken on local issues can best be interpreted in terms of ideological orientation. We conclude that local community leadership is pluralistic. In view of the relationship between local issues and the larger society, several selected problems merit further investigation.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1967
Competing policy imperatives in Post-Apartheid South Africa: An analysis of the effects and larger significance of ESKOM restructuring on the South African automotive industry, 2005-2014
- Authors: Sibuyi, Lucas Nkosana
- Date: 2021-10-29
- Subjects: Eskom (Firm) , South Africa Colonial influence , Electric power Conservation South Africa , Electric utilities Government ownership South Africa , Electric utilities Privatization South Africa , Import substitution South Africa , Government business enterprises South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Doctoral theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/192911 , vital:45278 , 10.21504/10962/192911
- Description: The state has played an indispensable, major role in the industrialisation of South Africa, and its transformation from an economy of agriculture and mining to one based on manufacturing and services by the 1970s. Large state-owned corporations in communications and transportation, finance, industry and power have been key to this process, which also involved an extensive (and racist form of) import substitution industrialisation (ISI) from the 1920s. The 1970s saw a shift towards neoliberal policies, first under the National-Party-led apartheid government and then under the African-National-Congress-led democratic government formed in 1994. Since the 1980s, this restructuring has profoundly affected state-owned enterprises (SOEs), including the monopoly electricity utility ESKOM, and manufacturing industries, such as the automotive sector. This thesis examines the evolution of and interaction between different areas of neoliberal policy, and their evolution over time through a consideration of the relationship between the restructuring of SOEs and manufacturing, with a focus on ESKOM and autotomotives respectively. Relying on interviews with senior officials, policymakers, union leaders and industrialists, as well as primary documents, the study examines the responses of OEMs in South Africa (BMW, Ford, General Motors, Mercedes Benz/Daimler, Nissan, Toyota and Volkswagen) to ESKOM’s actions, and analyses the root of these actions. It argues that while restructuring has been framed by a common framework, policy development and implementation is not coordinated or cohesive. ESKOM, for example, gutted investment in electricity and maintenance generation capacity to become profitable and create space for Independent Power Providers (IPPs) – neoliberal measures for which it was rewarded and lauded. This took place at a time when national policy emphasised the need to grow manufacturing and attract direct investment by creating an investor-friendly climate resting on infrastructure. It also took place when the Department of Trade and Industry (DTI) rolled out highly successful plans – also praised and rewarded – to help adjust automotives to open markets; the sector grew much larger than under ISI, while other sectors like textiles collapsed. ESKOM’s measures, however, led to a rapid decline in the capacity and stability of the power system, and directly contradicted the drive to expand and globalise manufacturing, in which automotives was now the leading edge. Corruption in the utility worsened, much of it through subcontracting measures rooted in neoliberal reforms, but this did not cause the basic problems. It is argued that this situation of competing policy imperatives reflects deeper, long-term problems in the South African state, including contradictory policies, uneven capacity and a lack of coordination. For example, there was no coordination between the DTI and stakeholder departments that regulate ESKOM, being the shareholder ministry, the Department of Public Enterprises (DPE) and its policy ministry, and the Department of Mineral Resources and Energy (DMRE). These types of problems did not start postapartheid, and post-1994 reforms have not adequately addressed them. What exists is not a “developmental” state, as policymakers hope, but a fractured state of an intermediate type that combines “developmental” and “predatory” features in a oneparty dominant system in which lines between ruling party and state blur, and state resources are leveraged for elite class formation. Such was the case under apartheid skippered by the NP, with Afrikanerisation, and it continues today post-apartheid under the ANC with BEE. Major reforms are needed, but not just in SOE governance or budgets, as many have suggested. If we are to take the nation forward, the basic design of the state must be reformed. The state needs professionalised, coherent policy-making and implementation, proper coordination of state entities and hard decisions. It should manage high levels of public infrastructure, guarantee political stability and credit ratings, and provide policy certainty and predictability. Without big reforms it will remain a chronic underperformer. , Thesis (PhD) -- Faculty of Humanities, Sociology, 2021
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2021-10-29
- Authors: Sibuyi, Lucas Nkosana
- Date: 2021-10-29
- Subjects: Eskom (Firm) , South Africa Colonial influence , Electric power Conservation South Africa , Electric utilities Government ownership South Africa , Electric utilities Privatization South Africa , Import substitution South Africa , Government business enterprises South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Doctoral theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/192911 , vital:45278 , 10.21504/10962/192911
- Description: The state has played an indispensable, major role in the industrialisation of South Africa, and its transformation from an economy of agriculture and mining to one based on manufacturing and services by the 1970s. Large state-owned corporations in communications and transportation, finance, industry and power have been key to this process, which also involved an extensive (and racist form of) import substitution industrialisation (ISI) from the 1920s. The 1970s saw a shift towards neoliberal policies, first under the National-Party-led apartheid government and then under the African-National-Congress-led democratic government formed in 1994. Since the 1980s, this restructuring has profoundly affected state-owned enterprises (SOEs), including the monopoly electricity utility ESKOM, and manufacturing industries, such as the automotive sector. This thesis examines the evolution of and interaction between different areas of neoliberal policy, and their evolution over time through a consideration of the relationship between the restructuring of SOEs and manufacturing, with a focus on ESKOM and autotomotives respectively. Relying on interviews with senior officials, policymakers, union leaders and industrialists, as well as primary documents, the study examines the responses of OEMs in South Africa (BMW, Ford, General Motors, Mercedes Benz/Daimler, Nissan, Toyota and Volkswagen) to ESKOM’s actions, and analyses the root of these actions. It argues that while restructuring has been framed by a common framework, policy development and implementation is not coordinated or cohesive. ESKOM, for example, gutted investment in electricity and maintenance generation capacity to become profitable and create space for Independent Power Providers (IPPs) – neoliberal measures for which it was rewarded and lauded. This took place at a time when national policy emphasised the need to grow manufacturing and attract direct investment by creating an investor-friendly climate resting on infrastructure. It also took place when the Department of Trade and Industry (DTI) rolled out highly successful plans – also praised and rewarded – to help adjust automotives to open markets; the sector grew much larger than under ISI, while other sectors like textiles collapsed. ESKOM’s measures, however, led to a rapid decline in the capacity and stability of the power system, and directly contradicted the drive to expand and globalise manufacturing, in which automotives was now the leading edge. Corruption in the utility worsened, much of it through subcontracting measures rooted in neoliberal reforms, but this did not cause the basic problems. It is argued that this situation of competing policy imperatives reflects deeper, long-term problems in the South African state, including contradictory policies, uneven capacity and a lack of coordination. For example, there was no coordination between the DTI and stakeholder departments that regulate ESKOM, being the shareholder ministry, the Department of Public Enterprises (DPE) and its policy ministry, and the Department of Mineral Resources and Energy (DMRE). These types of problems did not start postapartheid, and post-1994 reforms have not adequately addressed them. What exists is not a “developmental” state, as policymakers hope, but a fractured state of an intermediate type that combines “developmental” and “predatory” features in a oneparty dominant system in which lines between ruling party and state blur, and state resources are leveraged for elite class formation. Such was the case under apartheid skippered by the NP, with Afrikanerisation, and it continues today post-apartheid under the ANC with BEE. Major reforms are needed, but not just in SOE governance or budgets, as many have suggested. If we are to take the nation forward, the basic design of the state must be reformed. The state needs professionalised, coherent policy-making and implementation, proper coordination of state entities and hard decisions. It should manage high levels of public infrastructure, guarantee political stability and credit ratings, and provide policy certainty and predictability. Without big reforms it will remain a chronic underperformer. , Thesis (PhD) -- Faculty of Humanities, Sociology, 2021
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2021-10-29
Comprehending strike action: the South African experience c.1950-1990 and the theoretical implications thereof
- Authors: Wood, Geoffrey Thomas
- Date: 1995
- Subjects: Strikes and lockouts -- South Africa -- History Industrial relations -- South Africa -- History Labor unions -- South Africa -- History
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: vital:3319 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003107
- Description: Regular strike action has become a central characteristic of the South African industrial relations system. Whilst in the 1950s strikes were mostly isolated outbursts of relatively short duration, strikes in the 1980s were challenges of unprecedented duration and intensity. It is argued that despite this dramatic change, reflecting a series of discontinuities in both the political and economic arenas, strike action in South Africa does follow distinct patterns, and can be ascribed to a combination of identifiable causes. Principal causal factors include wage aspirations, past experiences and the subjective interpretation thereof, and the role of the union movement. Contingent factors include the prevailing political climate, industrial relations legislation, the amount of information opposing sides possess of their adversaries' intentions as well as spatial issues, such as the internal dynamics of individual communities. Partially as a result of South Africa's political transformation, the late 1980s and early 1990s saw further changes in the industrial relations environment. Reflecting these developments, it is argued that a new type of trade unionism has developed, "coterminous unionism" . This will have far-reaching implications for the nature of industrial conflict. However, it falls fully within the theoretical parameters outlined in this thesis. Despite significant developments in social theory in the 1980s and 1990s, there have been few attempts accordingly to update theories of strike action. One of the objectives of this thesis has been to attempt such an update. It is hoped that the constructs developed will shed light on a widely prevalent form of social conflict, assist in the analysis of future outbreaks, and enable the identification of those situations where a high propensity to engage in strike action may exist.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1995
- Authors: Wood, Geoffrey Thomas
- Date: 1995
- Subjects: Strikes and lockouts -- South Africa -- History Industrial relations -- South Africa -- History Labor unions -- South Africa -- History
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: vital:3319 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003107
- Description: Regular strike action has become a central characteristic of the South African industrial relations system. Whilst in the 1950s strikes were mostly isolated outbursts of relatively short duration, strikes in the 1980s were challenges of unprecedented duration and intensity. It is argued that despite this dramatic change, reflecting a series of discontinuities in both the political and economic arenas, strike action in South Africa does follow distinct patterns, and can be ascribed to a combination of identifiable causes. Principal causal factors include wage aspirations, past experiences and the subjective interpretation thereof, and the role of the union movement. Contingent factors include the prevailing political climate, industrial relations legislation, the amount of information opposing sides possess of their adversaries' intentions as well as spatial issues, such as the internal dynamics of individual communities. Partially as a result of South Africa's political transformation, the late 1980s and early 1990s saw further changes in the industrial relations environment. Reflecting these developments, it is argued that a new type of trade unionism has developed, "coterminous unionism" . This will have far-reaching implications for the nature of industrial conflict. However, it falls fully within the theoretical parameters outlined in this thesis. Despite significant developments in social theory in the 1980s and 1990s, there have been few attempts accordingly to update theories of strike action. One of the objectives of this thesis has been to attempt such an update. It is hoped that the constructs developed will shed light on a widely prevalent form of social conflict, assist in the analysis of future outbreaks, and enable the identification of those situations where a high propensity to engage in strike action may exist.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1995