Shifting Norms and Practices of International Criminal Justice: Exploring African State and Non-State Agency at the International Criminal Court
- Authors: Mtero, Shingirai
- Date: 2021-10-29
- Subjects: Uncatalogued
- Language: English
- Type: Doctoral theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/192875 , vital:45273
- Description: Thesis (PhD) -- Faculty of Humanities, Political and International Studies, 2021
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2021-10-29
- Authors: Mtero, Shingirai
- Date: 2021-10-29
- Subjects: Uncatalogued
- Language: English
- Type: Doctoral theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/192875 , vital:45273
- Description: Thesis (PhD) -- Faculty of Humanities, Political and International Studies, 2021
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2021-10-29
How are the messages of the official grade ten sexuality education curriculum at a former model C girls' high school in South Africa mediated by student sexual cultures?
- Mthatyana, Andisiwe Tutula Zinzi
- Authors: Mthatyana, Andisiwe Tutula Zinzi
- Date: 2014
- Subjects: Sex instruction -- South Africa , Sex instruction -- Cross-cultural studies , Teenage pregnancy -- South Africa , High school girls -- Sexual behavior -- South Africa , Multicultural education -- South Africa , Model C schools (South Africa) , Girls' schools -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MSocSc
- Identifier: vital:2883 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1013262
- Description: The increase in teenage pregnancy among school going learners is reported in the media as a crisis. Politicians and other stakeholders have also raised their views and concerns about pregnancy. In particular, these views and concerns perceive teenage pregnancy among school going learners as a cancer that needs a remedy because it has negative consequences for the learners, in particular the girl child. However, for all the sense of public crisis concerning sexuality and schooling, the voices of young people themselves regarding their own sexual subjectivity are seldom heard. This study focused on how girls in a former model C all girls high school negotiate and make sense of the meaning of the messages that they receive from the formal curriculum. The concept of student sexual cultures was employed in this study. Student sexual cultures are the informal groups that exist in the school and the girls take part in it. It is in these groups that the girls learn about sexuality and also make sense of their own gendered identities. This study employed ethnographic techniques of classroom observation coupled with in-depth interviews, focus groups and solicited narratives in order to understand how the participants experience and "take up" the messages they receive in the formal sexuality education component of the Life Orientation (LO) curriculum. The data was collected over a period of three months and was analysed using a directed content analysis. Four dominant themes emerged from the study. Firstly, the data reveals the school is a space of competing and conflicting discourses of sexuality and the learners are involved in a constant negotiation of the meanings of the messages. Secondly, the data shows the contested and confirmations of learners subjectivity. It shows that learners are regarded as sexual beings both in the formal and informal school cultures but there are limitations around one's sexual subjectivities. Thirdly, the data reveals that the school is a site in which a variety of femininities are reproduced, contested and struggled over. Femininities are constructed in the complex context of the school thus the school emerges as a site in which multiple femininities intersect with class, race and sexuality. Lastly, this study argues for the incorporation of the discourse of erotics in the formal curriculum which allows young people's voices to be heard. This approach (discourse of erotics) can be seen as a process of becoming, which focuses on possibilities of improving sexuality education as opposed to an imposed sexual model that is applied to young people and assumed to be the solution to young people's sexuality.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2014
- Authors: Mthatyana, Andisiwe Tutula Zinzi
- Date: 2014
- Subjects: Sex instruction -- South Africa , Sex instruction -- Cross-cultural studies , Teenage pregnancy -- South Africa , High school girls -- Sexual behavior -- South Africa , Multicultural education -- South Africa , Model C schools (South Africa) , Girls' schools -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MSocSc
- Identifier: vital:2883 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1013262
- Description: The increase in teenage pregnancy among school going learners is reported in the media as a crisis. Politicians and other stakeholders have also raised their views and concerns about pregnancy. In particular, these views and concerns perceive teenage pregnancy among school going learners as a cancer that needs a remedy because it has negative consequences for the learners, in particular the girl child. However, for all the sense of public crisis concerning sexuality and schooling, the voices of young people themselves regarding their own sexual subjectivity are seldom heard. This study focused on how girls in a former model C all girls high school negotiate and make sense of the meaning of the messages that they receive from the formal curriculum. The concept of student sexual cultures was employed in this study. Student sexual cultures are the informal groups that exist in the school and the girls take part in it. It is in these groups that the girls learn about sexuality and also make sense of their own gendered identities. This study employed ethnographic techniques of classroom observation coupled with in-depth interviews, focus groups and solicited narratives in order to understand how the participants experience and "take up" the messages they receive in the formal sexuality education component of the Life Orientation (LO) curriculum. The data was collected over a period of three months and was analysed using a directed content analysis. Four dominant themes emerged from the study. Firstly, the data reveals the school is a space of competing and conflicting discourses of sexuality and the learners are involved in a constant negotiation of the meanings of the messages. Secondly, the data shows the contested and confirmations of learners subjectivity. It shows that learners are regarded as sexual beings both in the formal and informal school cultures but there are limitations around one's sexual subjectivities. Thirdly, the data reveals that the school is a site in which a variety of femininities are reproduced, contested and struggled over. Femininities are constructed in the complex context of the school thus the school emerges as a site in which multiple femininities intersect with class, race and sexuality. Lastly, this study argues for the incorporation of the discourse of erotics in the formal curriculum which allows young people's voices to be heard. This approach (discourse of erotics) can be seen as a process of becoming, which focuses on possibilities of improving sexuality education as opposed to an imposed sexual model that is applied to young people and assumed to be the solution to young people's sexuality.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2014
Walking the Spatial Triad: how do Rhodians experience Rhodes University as a place?
- Authors: Mtolo, Siyathokoza
- Date: 2017
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/36082 , vital:24476
- Description: Globally and locally the documentation of the experience of the tertiary education institution as a place in the human or cultural geography sense of the word is an under-utilised academic exercise. Locally, however, with the 2015 #RhodesMustFall moment which highlighted South Africa's tertiary education institutions as places of meaning and accompanying experience, the documentation of such overlooked place experience became ever more pressing. The purpose of this thesis is to document how some members of the population of one South African tertiary education, the Rhodians of Rhodes University, experience that university as the place that it is to them. This is a phenomenological documentation of experience as the thesis makes it a point to look at a selection of Rhodians and their experience of emplacement in the place that is Rhodes University. In-depth mobile interviews, closely related to transect walks, were conducted with 12 Rhodians randomly selected in the hope for maximum sample variation. The interviews were conducted with the aid of a camera recording each participant’s daily transit route through campus as they reflected on their experience of Rhodes University as the place it is for them. The thesis finds that the experience of Rhodes University as a place is highly informed by the university's built and decorated environment being a visual experience that is both walked through as part of living in the place, and wherein people find themselves engaging in social relations with other Rhodians. The thesis also finds that the experience of Rhodes University as a place is also highly informed by previous experiences of places as visual and social activity entities - that the participants bring other places with them into this place. The Rhodians who participated in this research experience the placeness of Rhodes University as an emplacement that is part old, part modern, part intrigue, and part contest. Socially the university is found to be both challenging and negotiable in line with what the individual Rhodian is and is not willing to do in accordance with their emplacement and its social demands. Ultimately, the experience of Rhodes University as a place is highly determined by the individual Rhodian's past experiences of emplacement and the expectations that they bring with them which shape what their present place is to them.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2017
- Authors: Mtolo, Siyathokoza
- Date: 2017
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/36082 , vital:24476
- Description: Globally and locally the documentation of the experience of the tertiary education institution as a place in the human or cultural geography sense of the word is an under-utilised academic exercise. Locally, however, with the 2015 #RhodesMustFall moment which highlighted South Africa's tertiary education institutions as places of meaning and accompanying experience, the documentation of such overlooked place experience became ever more pressing. The purpose of this thesis is to document how some members of the population of one South African tertiary education, the Rhodians of Rhodes University, experience that university as the place that it is to them. This is a phenomenological documentation of experience as the thesis makes it a point to look at a selection of Rhodians and their experience of emplacement in the place that is Rhodes University. In-depth mobile interviews, closely related to transect walks, were conducted with 12 Rhodians randomly selected in the hope for maximum sample variation. The interviews were conducted with the aid of a camera recording each participant’s daily transit route through campus as they reflected on their experience of Rhodes University as the place it is for them. The thesis finds that the experience of Rhodes University as a place is highly informed by the university's built and decorated environment being a visual experience that is both walked through as part of living in the place, and wherein people find themselves engaging in social relations with other Rhodians. The thesis also finds that the experience of Rhodes University as a place is also highly informed by previous experiences of places as visual and social activity entities - that the participants bring other places with them into this place. The Rhodians who participated in this research experience the placeness of Rhodes University as an emplacement that is part old, part modern, part intrigue, and part contest. Socially the university is found to be both challenging and negotiable in line with what the individual Rhodian is and is not willing to do in accordance with their emplacement and its social demands. Ultimately, the experience of Rhodes University as a place is highly determined by the individual Rhodian's past experiences of emplacement and the expectations that they bring with them which shape what their present place is to them.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2017
Walking at the intersection of Seamon’s place ballet and Relph’s insideness: understanding how students experience the university as a place through their everyday habitual walking
- Mtolo, Siyathokoza Monwabisi
- Authors: Mtolo, Siyathokoza Monwabisi
- Date: 2020
- Subjects: Seamon, David , Relph, EC , College students -- South Africa -- Makhanda -- Attitudes , Walking -- Sociological aspects , College students -- South Africa -- Makhanda -- Political activity , Rhodes University -- Students -- Attitudes , Student movements -- South Africa -- Makhanda
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/162901 , vital:40995
- Description: Walking as a way to experience a place is a relatively understudied area of phenomenological study. Furthermore, globally (the world) and locally (South Africa) the study of the experience of tertiary education institutions as walked environments is minimal (see Puig-Ribera et al., 2008; Speck et al., 2010; Mtolo, 2017). However, the events of the South African #MustFall moment – especially the #RhodesMustFall part of the moment and how it began with the desecration of a statue that was walked past and found to be a misplaced artefact in a society that is in postcolonial/post-Apartheid times and space – highlighted the pressing need to study the experience of the university as a place through which habitual walking takes the student through moments of movement, rest, and encounter that are a highly consequential way in which placeness is experienced. This study is a way to document how students at Rhodes University experience the university’s placeness quality, through habitual walking, in an example of the way in which a place is experienced through moments of movement, rest, and encounter. For this study in-depth mobile interviews were conducted with 12 student participants from Rhodes University. The interviews were video-recorded as the participants talked while traversing through habitually walked areas of the campus that are the meaning-infused spaces which make up the Rhodes University that they traverse through on a daily basis. The dissertation found that in the experience of Rhodes University, through habitually walking its placeness, people experience moments of movement, rest, and encounter that are highly targeted and personalised. The experience of the Rhodes University campus is an experience of people and the built-up and decorated environment along similar lines. People bring to the experience of their walked space past experiences which inform consequentially how any space that is walked is experienced. People further employ strategies to ensure that the experience of walking a space is more to their desired quality as an experience, which ends up being meaningful and most likely to affect future instances of walking through meaning-infusing and meaning-infused space. Ultimately, the habitual walking of Rhodes University consequentially informs the relationship between students and Rhodes University’s placeness, as the walking is a way of learning how to be within a placeness that is engaged through alternating moments of movement, rest, and encounter that incrementally ‘open’ for experience Rhodes University in such a targeted manner that every student eventually has their personal and customised Rhodes University by virtue of it being just those sites and situations which have been engaged through habitual walking.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2020
- Authors: Mtolo, Siyathokoza Monwabisi
- Date: 2020
- Subjects: Seamon, David , Relph, EC , College students -- South Africa -- Makhanda -- Attitudes , Walking -- Sociological aspects , College students -- South Africa -- Makhanda -- Political activity , Rhodes University -- Students -- Attitudes , Student movements -- South Africa -- Makhanda
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/162901 , vital:40995
- Description: Walking as a way to experience a place is a relatively understudied area of phenomenological study. Furthermore, globally (the world) and locally (South Africa) the study of the experience of tertiary education institutions as walked environments is minimal (see Puig-Ribera et al., 2008; Speck et al., 2010; Mtolo, 2017). However, the events of the South African #MustFall moment – especially the #RhodesMustFall part of the moment and how it began with the desecration of a statue that was walked past and found to be a misplaced artefact in a society that is in postcolonial/post-Apartheid times and space – highlighted the pressing need to study the experience of the university as a place through which habitual walking takes the student through moments of movement, rest, and encounter that are a highly consequential way in which placeness is experienced. This study is a way to document how students at Rhodes University experience the university’s placeness quality, through habitual walking, in an example of the way in which a place is experienced through moments of movement, rest, and encounter. For this study in-depth mobile interviews were conducted with 12 student participants from Rhodes University. The interviews were video-recorded as the participants talked while traversing through habitually walked areas of the campus that are the meaning-infused spaces which make up the Rhodes University that they traverse through on a daily basis. The dissertation found that in the experience of Rhodes University, through habitually walking its placeness, people experience moments of movement, rest, and encounter that are highly targeted and personalised. The experience of the Rhodes University campus is an experience of people and the built-up and decorated environment along similar lines. People bring to the experience of their walked space past experiences which inform consequentially how any space that is walked is experienced. People further employ strategies to ensure that the experience of walking a space is more to their desired quality as an experience, which ends up being meaningful and most likely to affect future instances of walking through meaning-infusing and meaning-infused space. Ultimately, the habitual walking of Rhodes University consequentially informs the relationship between students and Rhodes University’s placeness, as the walking is a way of learning how to be within a placeness that is engaged through alternating moments of movement, rest, and encounter that incrementally ‘open’ for experience Rhodes University in such a targeted manner that every student eventually has their personal and customised Rhodes University by virtue of it being just those sites and situations which have been engaged through habitual walking.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2020
“It’s something you kind of get used to”: female academics at South African universities narrate their experiences of contrapower harassment
- Authors: Munyuki, Chipo Lidia
- Date: 2019
- Subjects: Power (Social sciences) , Sex discrimination in higher education -- South Africa , Women college teachers -- South Africa , Sexual harassment in universities and colleges -- South Africa , Sexual harassment of women -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/92875 , vital:30758
- Description: Sexual harassment continues to be a pernicious problem in institutions of higher education globally and findings indicate that women are the main victims. Extant research has focused largely on experiences of sexual harassment on the part of students. Under-researched are the experiences of academics concerning what Benson (1984) terms “contrapower” harassment -- that is, harassment experienced by academics from subordinates such as students. South Africa’s Ministerial Committee on Transformation and Social Cohesion and the Elimination of Discrimination in Public Higher Education Institutions reported that there exists a culture of silencing around the prevalence of sexual harassment in higher education institutions in South Africa (Soudien Report 2008:37). The concept of power has been pointed out as central to understanding sexual harassment (Cleveland and Kerst 1993:49). Utilising three main constructs in Michel Foucault’s conception of power, namely the idea that power is ubiquitous and omnipresent in social relations; that power disciplines – creating docile bodies and the internalisation of self-regulation, and finally the idea that power is productive – power produces knowledge, truth and forms of resistance, I interpret the experiences of contrapower harassment in its sexual and non-sexual forms on the part of female academics at various universities in South Africa. Given that there is a paucity of qualitative research documenting experiences of contrapower harassment on the part of female academics, this thesis draws on 13 in-depth qualitative interviews with female academics at various South African universities who have experienced contrapower harassment from their students and subordinates at any point in their teaching careers. Their narrated experiences provide insight into the phenomenon of contrapower harassment. These insights provide a window into how female academics continue to experience themselves as being out of place in post-apartheid institutions that are expected to be accommodating of all.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2019
- Authors: Munyuki, Chipo Lidia
- Date: 2019
- Subjects: Power (Social sciences) , Sex discrimination in higher education -- South Africa , Women college teachers -- South Africa , Sexual harassment in universities and colleges -- South Africa , Sexual harassment of women -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/92875 , vital:30758
- Description: Sexual harassment continues to be a pernicious problem in institutions of higher education globally and findings indicate that women are the main victims. Extant research has focused largely on experiences of sexual harassment on the part of students. Under-researched are the experiences of academics concerning what Benson (1984) terms “contrapower” harassment -- that is, harassment experienced by academics from subordinates such as students. South Africa’s Ministerial Committee on Transformation and Social Cohesion and the Elimination of Discrimination in Public Higher Education Institutions reported that there exists a culture of silencing around the prevalence of sexual harassment in higher education institutions in South Africa (Soudien Report 2008:37). The concept of power has been pointed out as central to understanding sexual harassment (Cleveland and Kerst 1993:49). Utilising three main constructs in Michel Foucault’s conception of power, namely the idea that power is ubiquitous and omnipresent in social relations; that power disciplines – creating docile bodies and the internalisation of self-regulation, and finally the idea that power is productive – power produces knowledge, truth and forms of resistance, I interpret the experiences of contrapower harassment in its sexual and non-sexual forms on the part of female academics at various universities in South Africa. Given that there is a paucity of qualitative research documenting experiences of contrapower harassment on the part of female academics, this thesis draws on 13 in-depth qualitative interviews with female academics at various South African universities who have experienced contrapower harassment from their students and subordinates at any point in their teaching careers. Their narrated experiences provide insight into the phenomenon of contrapower harassment. These insights provide a window into how female academics continue to experience themselves as being out of place in post-apartheid institutions that are expected to be accommodating of all.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2019
“Just trying to live our lives”: gay, lesbian and bisexual students’ experiences of being “at home” in university residence life
- Authors: Munyuki, Chipo Lidia
- Date: 2016
- Subjects: Homosexuality and education -- South Africa , Gay students , Lesbian students , Bisexual students , Transsexual students , Student housing , Discrimination in higher education -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2893 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1020341
- Description: Higher education in South Africa is faced with a paramount task to help erode the social and structural inequalities that have been inherited from the Apartheid system (Department of Education 1997; Council on Higher Education 2000:12). The findings from the Soudien Report (2008:116-117) point out that the post-Apartheid higher education system in South Africa is characterised by various forms of discrimination and institutional cultures that marginalise some members of institutions resulting in pervasive feelings of alienation. In the South African higher education field, the concept of a “home” for all has been used by a variety of commentators to depict a vision of what transformed, inclusive higher education institutional cultures might look like. In this thesis, I interpret the experiences of residence life on the part of gay, lesbian and bisexual students on a largely residential campus. I ask how gay, lesbian and bisexual students experience being “at home” in the campus’s residence system. The thesis is based on 18 in-depth qualitative interviews with students who self-identify as gay/lesbian or bisexual who have experienced residence life on the campus for a period longer than six months. A wide literature exists on the concept of “home”. Drawing from many different disciplines including anthropology, history, philosophy, geography, psychology, architecture and sociology, I distil the essential features of “at homeness” as incorporating comfort, privacy, security, acceptance, companionship and community. The research was concerned to inquire into how central the idea of home is to human flourishing and then into how gay, lesbian and bisexual students are routinely denied many of the essential comforts associated with being “at home” that heterosexual students have the privilege of taking for granted.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2016
- Authors: Munyuki, Chipo Lidia
- Date: 2016
- Subjects: Homosexuality and education -- South Africa , Gay students , Lesbian students , Bisexual students , Transsexual students , Student housing , Discrimination in higher education -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2893 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1020341
- Description: Higher education in South Africa is faced with a paramount task to help erode the social and structural inequalities that have been inherited from the Apartheid system (Department of Education 1997; Council on Higher Education 2000:12). The findings from the Soudien Report (2008:116-117) point out that the post-Apartheid higher education system in South Africa is characterised by various forms of discrimination and institutional cultures that marginalise some members of institutions resulting in pervasive feelings of alienation. In the South African higher education field, the concept of a “home” for all has been used by a variety of commentators to depict a vision of what transformed, inclusive higher education institutional cultures might look like. In this thesis, I interpret the experiences of residence life on the part of gay, lesbian and bisexual students on a largely residential campus. I ask how gay, lesbian and bisexual students experience being “at home” in the campus’s residence system. The thesis is based on 18 in-depth qualitative interviews with students who self-identify as gay/lesbian or bisexual who have experienced residence life on the campus for a period longer than six months. A wide literature exists on the concept of “home”. Drawing from many different disciplines including anthropology, history, philosophy, geography, psychology, architecture and sociology, I distil the essential features of “at homeness” as incorporating comfort, privacy, security, acceptance, companionship and community. The research was concerned to inquire into how central the idea of home is to human flourishing and then into how gay, lesbian and bisexual students are routinely denied many of the essential comforts associated with being “at home” that heterosexual students have the privilege of taking for granted.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2016
A critical discourse analysis of representations of the Niger Delta conflict in four prominent Western anglophone newspapers
- Authors: Mushwana, Tinyiko
- Date: 2013
- Subjects: Newspapers -- Political aspects -- Nigeria -- Niger River Delta , Newspapers -- Economic aspects -- Nigeria -- Niger River Delta , Newspapers -- Social aspects -- Nigeria -- Niger River Delta , Mass media -- Political aspects -- Nigeria , Mass media -- Economic aspects -- Nigeria , Mass media -- Social aspects -- Nigeria , Insurgency -- Nigeria -- Niger River Delta , Petroleum industry and trade -- Political aspects -- Nigeria -- Niger River Delta , Public opinion -- Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MSocSc
- Identifier: vital:2872 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1007745 , Newspapers -- Political aspects -- Nigeria -- Niger River Delta , Newspapers -- Economic aspects -- Nigeria -- Niger River Delta , Newspapers -- Social aspects -- Nigeria -- Niger River Delta , Mass media -- Political aspects -- Nigeria , Mass media -- Economic aspects -- Nigeria , Mass media -- Social aspects -- Nigeria , Insurgency -- Nigeria -- Niger River Delta , Petroleum industry and trade -- Political aspects -- Nigeria -- Niger River Delta , Public opinion -- Africa
- Description: This thesis explores the manner in which the conflict in the oil-rich Niger Delta in Nigeria is represented in western Anglophone media. Large oil reserves in the Niger Delta have contributed millions of dollars towards the growth of Nigeria's export economy. Despite this, the Niger Delta is the least developed region in the country and is characterised by high rates of inequality. Residents of the Niger Delta have been outraged by the lack of action on the part of the Nigerian government and multinational oil corporations. Their discontent over the inequalities in the region has resulted in the proliferation of armed groups and militants who often use violent and criminal tactics to communicate their disgruntlement. This thesis closely examines the representations of the violent insurgency in the Niger Delta by conducting a Critical Discourse Analysis of 145 news texts selected from four western Anglophone newspapers from 2007 to 2011. The depiction of the conflict as it appears in the four newspapers is discussed in relation to an overview of scholarly literature which explores the portrayal of Africa not only in western media, but also in other forms of western scholarship and writing. The research undertaken in this study reveals that to a significant extent representations of the Niger Delta conflict echo and reflect some of the stereotypical and age-old negative imagery that informs meanings constructed about the African continent. However, the analysis of the news texts also shows that there are certainly efforts amongst some newspapers to move beyond simplistic representations of the conflict. The disadvantage however, is that these notable attempts tend to be marred by the use of pejorative language which typically invokes negative images associated with Africa. This study argues that the implications of these representations are highly significant as these representations not only affect the way in which the conflict is understood, but also the manner in which the international community responds to it.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2013
- Authors: Mushwana, Tinyiko
- Date: 2013
- Subjects: Newspapers -- Political aspects -- Nigeria -- Niger River Delta , Newspapers -- Economic aspects -- Nigeria -- Niger River Delta , Newspapers -- Social aspects -- Nigeria -- Niger River Delta , Mass media -- Political aspects -- Nigeria , Mass media -- Economic aspects -- Nigeria , Mass media -- Social aspects -- Nigeria , Insurgency -- Nigeria -- Niger River Delta , Petroleum industry and trade -- Political aspects -- Nigeria -- Niger River Delta , Public opinion -- Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MSocSc
- Identifier: vital:2872 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1007745 , Newspapers -- Political aspects -- Nigeria -- Niger River Delta , Newspapers -- Economic aspects -- Nigeria -- Niger River Delta , Newspapers -- Social aspects -- Nigeria -- Niger River Delta , Mass media -- Political aspects -- Nigeria , Mass media -- Economic aspects -- Nigeria , Mass media -- Social aspects -- Nigeria , Insurgency -- Nigeria -- Niger River Delta , Petroleum industry and trade -- Political aspects -- Nigeria -- Niger River Delta , Public opinion -- Africa
- Description: This thesis explores the manner in which the conflict in the oil-rich Niger Delta in Nigeria is represented in western Anglophone media. Large oil reserves in the Niger Delta have contributed millions of dollars towards the growth of Nigeria's export economy. Despite this, the Niger Delta is the least developed region in the country and is characterised by high rates of inequality. Residents of the Niger Delta have been outraged by the lack of action on the part of the Nigerian government and multinational oil corporations. Their discontent over the inequalities in the region has resulted in the proliferation of armed groups and militants who often use violent and criminal tactics to communicate their disgruntlement. This thesis closely examines the representations of the violent insurgency in the Niger Delta by conducting a Critical Discourse Analysis of 145 news texts selected from four western Anglophone newspapers from 2007 to 2011. The depiction of the conflict as it appears in the four newspapers is discussed in relation to an overview of scholarly literature which explores the portrayal of Africa not only in western media, but also in other forms of western scholarship and writing. The research undertaken in this study reveals that to a significant extent representations of the Niger Delta conflict echo and reflect some of the stereotypical and age-old negative imagery that informs meanings constructed about the African continent. However, the analysis of the news texts also shows that there are certainly efforts amongst some newspapers to move beyond simplistic representations of the conflict. The disadvantage however, is that these notable attempts tend to be marred by the use of pejorative language which typically invokes negative images associated with Africa. This study argues that the implications of these representations are highly significant as these representations not only affect the way in which the conflict is understood, but also the manner in which the international community responds to it.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2013
"Totally unacceptable" : representations of homosexuality in South African public discourse
- Mutambanengwe, Simbarashe Abel
- Authors: Mutambanengwe, Simbarashe Abel
- Date: 2014
- Subjects: Independent Online , Homosexuality -- South Africa , Sexual minorities in mass media -- South Africa , Mass media and gays -- South Africa , Homophobia -- Press coverage -- South Africa , Electronic newspapers -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2882 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1013259
- Description: The 1996 Constitution of South Africa is ranked as one of the most liberal and democratic constitutions in the world. The right to freedom of sexual orientation, equality and the freedom of association amongst other rights is in its Bill of Rights and are thus inherently assured and protected in post- apartheid, democratic South Africa. However, the Lesbian Gay Bisexual and Transgender (LGBT) community continue to face discrimination and prejudice despite this newly established constitutional order. The present study is interested in how, in the light of the equality clause in the South African constitution, homosexuality is represented and constructed in the South African media. The thesis examines representations of homosexuality between the years 1999-2013 in articles collected from the Independent Online media site which incorporates 30 newspapers. The approach focuses on the topics, overall news report schemata, local meanings, style and rhetoric of the news reports. The results of the study show that negative attitudes towards homosexuality are framed in three main ways: homosexuality is represented as "unAfrican"; "ungodly" and "unnatural". I argue that rather than extreme forms of violence (such as "corrective rape" and murder) directed against LGBT citizens being interpreted as the aberrant behaviour of a few, these need to be understood in the context of the circulation of the above justificatory narratives.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2014
- Authors: Mutambanengwe, Simbarashe Abel
- Date: 2014
- Subjects: Independent Online , Homosexuality -- South Africa , Sexual minorities in mass media -- South Africa , Mass media and gays -- South Africa , Homophobia -- Press coverage -- South Africa , Electronic newspapers -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2882 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1013259
- Description: The 1996 Constitution of South Africa is ranked as one of the most liberal and democratic constitutions in the world. The right to freedom of sexual orientation, equality and the freedom of association amongst other rights is in its Bill of Rights and are thus inherently assured and protected in post- apartheid, democratic South Africa. However, the Lesbian Gay Bisexual and Transgender (LGBT) community continue to face discrimination and prejudice despite this newly established constitutional order. The present study is interested in how, in the light of the equality clause in the South African constitution, homosexuality is represented and constructed in the South African media. The thesis examines representations of homosexuality between the years 1999-2013 in articles collected from the Independent Online media site which incorporates 30 newspapers. The approach focuses on the topics, overall news report schemata, local meanings, style and rhetoric of the news reports. The results of the study show that negative attitudes towards homosexuality are framed in three main ways: homosexuality is represented as "unAfrican"; "ungodly" and "unnatural". I argue that rather than extreme forms of violence (such as "corrective rape" and murder) directed against LGBT citizens being interpreted as the aberrant behaviour of a few, these need to be understood in the context of the circulation of the above justificatory narratives.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2014
Political party institutionalization : a case study of Kenya
- Mutizwa-Mangiza, Shingai Price
- Authors: Mutizwa-Mangiza, Shingai Price
- Date: 2014
- Subjects: Kenya -- Politics and government , Political parties -- Kenya , Kenya -- History , Kenya -- Colonial influence
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: vital:2881 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1013258
- Description: This thesis explores the nature and extent of political party institutionalization in Kenya. More specifically, it focuses on the four dimensions of party institutionalization, namely organizational systemness, value-infusion, decisional autonomy and reification. The study itself is largely located within the historical-institutionalist school of thought, with particular emphasis on the path dependency strand of this theoretical framework. However, the study also employs a political economy approach. It recognizes that the development trajectory of party politics in Kenya did not evolve in a vacuum but within a particular historical-institutional and political-economic context. The thesis advances the notion that those current low levels of party institutionalization that are evident in almost all parties, and the relatively peripheral role that they have in Kenya's governance can be traced to Kenya's colonial and post-colonial political history, the resource poor environment and the onset of globalization.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2014
- Authors: Mutizwa-Mangiza, Shingai Price
- Date: 2014
- Subjects: Kenya -- Politics and government , Political parties -- Kenya , Kenya -- History , Kenya -- Colonial influence
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: vital:2881 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1013258
- Description: This thesis explores the nature and extent of political party institutionalization in Kenya. More specifically, it focuses on the four dimensions of party institutionalization, namely organizational systemness, value-infusion, decisional autonomy and reification. The study itself is largely located within the historical-institutionalist school of thought, with particular emphasis on the path dependency strand of this theoretical framework. However, the study also employs a political economy approach. It recognizes that the development trajectory of party politics in Kenya did not evolve in a vacuum but within a particular historical-institutional and political-economic context. The thesis advances the notion that those current low levels of party institutionalization that are evident in almost all parties, and the relatively peripheral role that they have in Kenya's governance can be traced to Kenya's colonial and post-colonial political history, the resource poor environment and the onset of globalization.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2014
Marikana : taking a subaltern sphere of politics seriously
- Authors: Naicker, Camalita
- Date: 2014
- Subjects: Miners -- South Africa -- Rustenburg -- Social conditions -- 21st century , Mineral industries -- Political aspects -- South Africa , Violence -- South Africa -- Rustenburg , Massacres -- South Africa -- Rustenburg , Strikes and lockouts -- Miners -- South Africa , Political leadership -- South Africa , Industrial relations -- South Africa , Marxist criticism , Marikana (Rustenburg, South Africa)
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2886 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1015651
- Description: This thesis aims to open up the realm of what counts as political in the context of the Marikana strikes and subsequent massacre. It does primarily by taking into account the social, political and cultural context of Mpondo workers on the mines. Many narrow Marxist and liberal frameworks have circumscribed the conception of the ‘modern’ and the ‘political’ so much so that political organisation which falls outside of this conceptualisation is often regarded as ‘backward’ or ‘archaic’. It will provide an examination of the history, culture and custom of men, who have, for almost a hundred years migrated back and forth between South African mines and Mpondoland. This not only reveals differing modes of organising and engaging in political action, but also that the praxis of democracy takes many forms, some of which are different and opposed to what counts as democratic in Western liberal democracy. By considering what I argue, following some of the insights from the Subaltern Studies collective in India, to be a subaltern sphere of politics and history, it is possible to better understand the way workers organised and acted. The thesis also argues that most labour and nationalist historiography has been silent on the political contributions of women because of how Marxist/liberal analysis frames struggles through disciplined notions of work and resistance. Rather than objectifying workers as representatives of a homogenous and universal class of people devoid of context, the thesis has linked ‘the worker’ to the community from which s/he comes and community specific struggles, which are supported and sustained, often, by the parallel struggles of women in the community.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2014
- Authors: Naicker, Camalita
- Date: 2014
- Subjects: Miners -- South Africa -- Rustenburg -- Social conditions -- 21st century , Mineral industries -- Political aspects -- South Africa , Violence -- South Africa -- Rustenburg , Massacres -- South Africa -- Rustenburg , Strikes and lockouts -- Miners -- South Africa , Political leadership -- South Africa , Industrial relations -- South Africa , Marxist criticism , Marikana (Rustenburg, South Africa)
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2886 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1015651
- Description: This thesis aims to open up the realm of what counts as political in the context of the Marikana strikes and subsequent massacre. It does primarily by taking into account the social, political and cultural context of Mpondo workers on the mines. Many narrow Marxist and liberal frameworks have circumscribed the conception of the ‘modern’ and the ‘political’ so much so that political organisation which falls outside of this conceptualisation is often regarded as ‘backward’ or ‘archaic’. It will provide an examination of the history, culture and custom of men, who have, for almost a hundred years migrated back and forth between South African mines and Mpondoland. This not only reveals differing modes of organising and engaging in political action, but also that the praxis of democracy takes many forms, some of which are different and opposed to what counts as democratic in Western liberal democracy. By considering what I argue, following some of the insights from the Subaltern Studies collective in India, to be a subaltern sphere of politics and history, it is possible to better understand the way workers organised and acted. The thesis also argues that most labour and nationalist historiography has been silent on the political contributions of women because of how Marxist/liberal analysis frames struggles through disciplined notions of work and resistance. Rather than objectifying workers as representatives of a homogenous and universal class of people devoid of context, the thesis has linked ‘the worker’ to the community from which s/he comes and community specific struggles, which are supported and sustained, often, by the parallel struggles of women in the community.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2014
Ethnic nationalism and democratisation in South Africa : political implications for the rainbow nation
- Authors: Naidoo, Vinothan
- Date: 2000
- Subjects: Nationalism -- South Africa , Ethnicity -- South Africa , Democracy -- South Africa , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1994-
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2815 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003025 , Nationalism -- South Africa , Ethnicity -- South Africa , Democracy -- South Africa , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1994-
- Description: Ethnic identities in South Africa have had a particularly contrived history, set within the constraints and motivations of population classification by race. A more democratic political environment emerged with the dismantling of apartheid, bringing with it a multitude of issues including the design and character of the country’s political institutions and framework. This thesis will address two principal questions. The first and primary one investigates what lies behind the initiation and development of ethnic bonds. The second concerns the political implications and management of ethnic expressions in a democratic South Africa. An analysis of Zulu ethnic nationalism will be undertaken, because it constituted the most prominent case of assertive communal interests during democratic transitional negotiations. This thesis argues that circumstantial and instrumental factors (based on conditions, and the actions of individuals and organizations respectively), have been predominately responsible for the initiation and formation of ethnic bonds, especially amongst those who identify with a Zulu identity. The “conditions” describe the increasingly segregationist direction in which successive South African government authorities were moving, especially after the 1948 election victory of the National Party and the subsequent introduction of apartheid. Secondly, the “actions” denote the motivations of both Zulu actors and governments in generating and elaborating an ethnic discourse where their desired interests could be more effectively supported and assured. It will also be argued that because of the instrumental and selective use of ethnicity, as well as the narrow interests being served by its popular and community-centred expressions, a developing South African democratic culture should seek to protect ethnic diversity rather than promote ethnic interests. To do so would be to deny the perpetuation of ethnic cleavages and the violence and instability perpetrated in its name in recent years. The “protection” of cultural diversity is consistent with a constitution that seeks non-discrimination among all South African identities. Finally, it is believed that an emphasis on the individual as individual, as well as member of a cultural group, will break from subordinating the individual to an ascribed racial and ethnic identity as in the past, and assist in reconstituting the state as equally reflective of all South Africans.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2000
- Authors: Naidoo, Vinothan
- Date: 2000
- Subjects: Nationalism -- South Africa , Ethnicity -- South Africa , Democracy -- South Africa , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1994-
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2815 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003025 , Nationalism -- South Africa , Ethnicity -- South Africa , Democracy -- South Africa , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1994-
- Description: Ethnic identities in South Africa have had a particularly contrived history, set within the constraints and motivations of population classification by race. A more democratic political environment emerged with the dismantling of apartheid, bringing with it a multitude of issues including the design and character of the country’s political institutions and framework. This thesis will address two principal questions. The first and primary one investigates what lies behind the initiation and development of ethnic bonds. The second concerns the political implications and management of ethnic expressions in a democratic South Africa. An analysis of Zulu ethnic nationalism will be undertaken, because it constituted the most prominent case of assertive communal interests during democratic transitional negotiations. This thesis argues that circumstantial and instrumental factors (based on conditions, and the actions of individuals and organizations respectively), have been predominately responsible for the initiation and formation of ethnic bonds, especially amongst those who identify with a Zulu identity. The “conditions” describe the increasingly segregationist direction in which successive South African government authorities were moving, especially after the 1948 election victory of the National Party and the subsequent introduction of apartheid. Secondly, the “actions” denote the motivations of both Zulu actors and governments in generating and elaborating an ethnic discourse where their desired interests could be more effectively supported and assured. It will also be argued that because of the instrumental and selective use of ethnicity, as well as the narrow interests being served by its popular and community-centred expressions, a developing South African democratic culture should seek to protect ethnic diversity rather than promote ethnic interests. To do so would be to deny the perpetuation of ethnic cleavages and the violence and instability perpetrated in its name in recent years. The “protection” of cultural diversity is consistent with a constitution that seeks non-discrimination among all South African identities. Finally, it is believed that an emphasis on the individual as individual, as well as member of a cultural group, will break from subordinating the individual to an ascribed racial and ethnic identity as in the past, and assist in reconstituting the state as equally reflective of all South Africans.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2000
The efficacy of multi-track diplomacy in resolving intrastate and internationalised conflicts in Africa: the case of the 2007/2008 post-election violence in Kenya
- Authors: Natolooka, Kepha
- Date: 2018
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/63546 , vital:28434
- Description: Expected release date-April 2019
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2018
- Authors: Natolooka, Kepha
- Date: 2018
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/63546 , vital:28434
- Description: Expected release date-April 2019
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2018
Regional thickening as game-changing: examining transnational activities of gender and women-focused civil society actors for region-building in Southern Africa
- Authors: Nedziwe, Cecilia Lwiindi
- Date: 2019
- Subjects: International relations , Southern Africa Development Community , Regionalism -- Africa, Southern , Africa, Southern -- Foreign relations -- 1994- , Women in development -- Africa, Southern , Women -- Social conditions -- Africa, Southern , Women -- Political activity -- Africa, Southern , Women in public life -- Africa, Southern , Civil society -- Africa, Southern
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/95420 , vital:31154
- Description: This thesis argues that norms, in general, have proliferated in a neo-liberalising context since the 1990s, in particular norms on gender, and how they have changed to indicate new agency and influence, amounts to game change. Despite growing transnational activities, regionalisation and the increasing interface between state and non-state regionalism in a transnational context since the advent of liberalisation and democratisation, analyses in regional International Relations (IR) studies, so far, largely maintain linear logic. The increasing non-state processes, and their connection to state processes in norm creation, norm adaptation, norm diffusion and implementation around broad questions of security including in the area of gender, amount to regional thickening. Regional thickening revealed in terms of increasing regionalisation, regionalism, and region-ness whose effect is game-changing challenges mainstream linear approaches in regional IR studies. Game-changing here, refers to, processes promoting the development of norms mentioned above in the interest of contributing to improved security across a region. This study is focused on Southern Africa, defined here, as the Southern African Development Community (SADC) region. This study’s analytical approach is informed by alternatives to mainstream approaches, emphasising processes, rather than linearity inherent in regional IR studies. By privileging the actual game-changing processes, interactions, and agency around the norm development cycle, this study examines how regional thickening in a transnational context promotes game-changing activities, promoting the development of the norm cycle, seeking to have improved security. A mixed method approach involving gathering of information from multiple primary and secondary sources are used. The study found transnational activities and regionalisation of gender and women-focused civil society actors, game-changing. These civil society actors organised in two ways. First, by way of advocacy and in seeking representation within intergovernmental policymaking structures at a regional level. Second, by way of organising around transnational communities in a transnational context in the interest of addressing gendered insecurities at localised levels. Regional thickening as game-changing here pointed to a growing recognition and participation of civil society actors in intergovernmental policymaking spaces as having created a groundswell for game change at localised levels. This led to policy development, adaptation, diffusion, and implementation by both state and non-state actors contributing to norm changes, improved social policies, and to greater security. The actual changes emerging from these actors’ activities on the ground are in terms of unlearning patriarchal behaviours, opening up development for women, and increasing their living standards, education, health, and their freedom. In assessing the transnational environment on gendered insecurity in Southern Africa, this thesis developed an innovative framework of regional thickening as game-changing. This framework plots how game-changing developed, evolved, and its importance in addressing gendered insecurity. The thesis has proposed that game-changing transnational activities and regionalisation that change, and diffuse norms to break learnt behaviour, have helped disrupt rigid institutionalisation, and are aiding to bring non-linear discourses to the fore.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2019
- Authors: Nedziwe, Cecilia Lwiindi
- Date: 2019
- Subjects: International relations , Southern Africa Development Community , Regionalism -- Africa, Southern , Africa, Southern -- Foreign relations -- 1994- , Women in development -- Africa, Southern , Women -- Social conditions -- Africa, Southern , Women -- Political activity -- Africa, Southern , Women in public life -- Africa, Southern , Civil society -- Africa, Southern
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/95420 , vital:31154
- Description: This thesis argues that norms, in general, have proliferated in a neo-liberalising context since the 1990s, in particular norms on gender, and how they have changed to indicate new agency and influence, amounts to game change. Despite growing transnational activities, regionalisation and the increasing interface between state and non-state regionalism in a transnational context since the advent of liberalisation and democratisation, analyses in regional International Relations (IR) studies, so far, largely maintain linear logic. The increasing non-state processes, and their connection to state processes in norm creation, norm adaptation, norm diffusion and implementation around broad questions of security including in the area of gender, amount to regional thickening. Regional thickening revealed in terms of increasing regionalisation, regionalism, and region-ness whose effect is game-changing challenges mainstream linear approaches in regional IR studies. Game-changing here, refers to, processes promoting the development of norms mentioned above in the interest of contributing to improved security across a region. This study is focused on Southern Africa, defined here, as the Southern African Development Community (SADC) region. This study’s analytical approach is informed by alternatives to mainstream approaches, emphasising processes, rather than linearity inherent in regional IR studies. By privileging the actual game-changing processes, interactions, and agency around the norm development cycle, this study examines how regional thickening in a transnational context promotes game-changing activities, promoting the development of the norm cycle, seeking to have improved security. A mixed method approach involving gathering of information from multiple primary and secondary sources are used. The study found transnational activities and regionalisation of gender and women-focused civil society actors, game-changing. These civil society actors organised in two ways. First, by way of advocacy and in seeking representation within intergovernmental policymaking structures at a regional level. Second, by way of organising around transnational communities in a transnational context in the interest of addressing gendered insecurities at localised levels. Regional thickening as game-changing here pointed to a growing recognition and participation of civil society actors in intergovernmental policymaking spaces as having created a groundswell for game change at localised levels. This led to policy development, adaptation, diffusion, and implementation by both state and non-state actors contributing to norm changes, improved social policies, and to greater security. The actual changes emerging from these actors’ activities on the ground are in terms of unlearning patriarchal behaviours, opening up development for women, and increasing their living standards, education, health, and their freedom. In assessing the transnational environment on gendered insecurity in Southern Africa, this thesis developed an innovative framework of regional thickening as game-changing. This framework plots how game-changing developed, evolved, and its importance in addressing gendered insecurity. The thesis has proposed that game-changing transnational activities and regionalisation that change, and diffuse norms to break learnt behaviour, have helped disrupt rigid institutionalisation, and are aiding to bring non-linear discourses to the fore.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2019
Lizalise Idinga Lakho [Honour Thy Promise]: The Methodist Church Women’s Manyano, the Bifurcated Public Sphere, Divine Strength, Ubufazi and Motherhood in Post-Apartheid South Africa
- Authors: Ngcobozi, Lihle
- Date: 2017
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/17717 , vital:22271
- Description: This study examines the socio-political role of the Christian church based women’s Manyano organisations in post-apartheid South Africa. Specifically, the study examines the ways in which the women’s Manyano organisations offer black women a site for the performance of citizenship. The study is based on life history interviews conducted with seventeen members of the Methodist Church Women’s Manyano of the Lamontville Circuit in Kwa-Zulu Natal. The study shows that dominant literature on Manyano women is primarily located in the historiography of the formation of Manyano groups within the historical development of the black church from the moment of missionary contact in South Africa. This literature shows that the missionaries used the coming together of black women in the church to promote ideas of devout domesticity that are based on Anglophone Victorian womanhood. This literature also shows that the structural constraints of colonisation and apartheid transformed the black church into a counterpublic space which focused largely on the liberation of the black majority from political, economic, and social exclusion from the colonial and apartheid public sphere. These constraints also transformed the role of women’s Manyano organisations to become an important space from which black women came to resist and defeat apartheid. This study shows that this historical framing of women’s Manyano groups has shaped their role in post-apartheid South Africa. Located in the African feminist theory, the study argues that Manyano women’s publicness is not limited to gendered expressions of the public and private sphere. Instead, Manyano women demonstrate that their publicness in post-apartheid South Africa ought to be understood through a combination of the varied identities that they straddle, such as those of a politically and culturally defined womanhood and communally based motherhood, which express their understanding and performance of citizenship. The thesis, therefore, argues that the contemporary role and functioning of Manyanos is located within both the hegemonic public sphere that is granted by the civil liberties of the new South Africa, and the historical black bifurcated counterpublic -which combined offer black women the ability to devise strategies to confront present-day socioeconomic challenges such as structural poverty that shapes the lives of the majority of black women in post-apartheid South Africa. The study contributes, therefore, to the reconstruction of the concept of the public sphere through the use of Manyano women’s dynamic position in post-apartheid South Africa. It shows that the dualist nature of Manyano women’s position and identity allows for a multifaceted approach in the understanding of citizenship for Manyano women today. Furthermore, and importantly, the study shows that the complex roles that Manyano women navigate within the different spheres complicate the interpretations of womanhood and motherhood as understood in dominant (white western) feminist theory in ways that often lead to the delegitimisation and erasure of Manyano women’s contributions to ideas about post-apartheid feminisms.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2017
- Authors: Ngcobozi, Lihle
- Date: 2017
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/17717 , vital:22271
- Description: This study examines the socio-political role of the Christian church based women’s Manyano organisations in post-apartheid South Africa. Specifically, the study examines the ways in which the women’s Manyano organisations offer black women a site for the performance of citizenship. The study is based on life history interviews conducted with seventeen members of the Methodist Church Women’s Manyano of the Lamontville Circuit in Kwa-Zulu Natal. The study shows that dominant literature on Manyano women is primarily located in the historiography of the formation of Manyano groups within the historical development of the black church from the moment of missionary contact in South Africa. This literature shows that the missionaries used the coming together of black women in the church to promote ideas of devout domesticity that are based on Anglophone Victorian womanhood. This literature also shows that the structural constraints of colonisation and apartheid transformed the black church into a counterpublic space which focused largely on the liberation of the black majority from political, economic, and social exclusion from the colonial and apartheid public sphere. These constraints also transformed the role of women’s Manyano organisations to become an important space from which black women came to resist and defeat apartheid. This study shows that this historical framing of women’s Manyano groups has shaped their role in post-apartheid South Africa. Located in the African feminist theory, the study argues that Manyano women’s publicness is not limited to gendered expressions of the public and private sphere. Instead, Manyano women demonstrate that their publicness in post-apartheid South Africa ought to be understood through a combination of the varied identities that they straddle, such as those of a politically and culturally defined womanhood and communally based motherhood, which express their understanding and performance of citizenship. The thesis, therefore, argues that the contemporary role and functioning of Manyanos is located within both the hegemonic public sphere that is granted by the civil liberties of the new South Africa, and the historical black bifurcated counterpublic -which combined offer black women the ability to devise strategies to confront present-day socioeconomic challenges such as structural poverty that shapes the lives of the majority of black women in post-apartheid South Africa. The study contributes, therefore, to the reconstruction of the concept of the public sphere through the use of Manyano women’s dynamic position in post-apartheid South Africa. It shows that the dualist nature of Manyano women’s position and identity allows for a multifaceted approach in the understanding of citizenship for Manyano women today. Furthermore, and importantly, the study shows that the complex roles that Manyano women navigate within the different spheres complicate the interpretations of womanhood and motherhood as understood in dominant (white western) feminist theory in ways that often lead to the delegitimisation and erasure of Manyano women’s contributions to ideas about post-apartheid feminisms.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2017
The international community’s implementation of the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) Principle: a Comparative Study of Sudan and Libya
- Authors: Nizeimana, John Bosco
- Date: 2020
- Subjects: Responsibility to protect (International law) , Humanitarian intervention -- Libya , Libya -- Foreign relations -- 1969- , Libya -- Politics and government -- 1969- , Humanitarian intervention -- Sudan , Sudan -- Foreign relations , Sudan -- Politics and government -- 1985-
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/162631 , vital:40962
- Description: In the history of international relations, the adoption of the R2P principle in 2005 was widely understood to be a break-through in the international community’s efforts to respond to massive human rights violations and atrocities. Despite this, the international community’s implementation of the R2P has been widely contested, including in relation to its application in Sudan and Libya. There is agreement in the literature that, in both cases, the implementation of the R2P failed to achieve its intended purpose of protecting civilian populations. This thesis addresses the question of why the R2P failed in Sudan and Libya. Most explanations concerning the failure of the R2P in Sudan and Libya tend to focus on the politics of big power countries. The study argues that the failure to implement the R2P is related to the interactions between regional organisations and the international community (global organisations like UN) in attempting to solve large-scale human rights violent conflict. The study is firmly embedded in scholarly debates about humanitarian intervention so as to demonstrate the fact that this study is part of efforts to advance knowledge of scholarly debates on humanitarian intervention in this contemporary world order. The study combines a case study approach and qualitative research approach to achieve a nuanced understanding of the reason why the R2P failed in Sudan and Libya. The study relied on the use of documentary reviews and in-depth interviews of experts to collect data which was analysed using critical discourse analysis. The thesis demonstrated that the implementation of the R2P was characterised by a breakdown of the relationship between regional actors like the AU and global institutions like the UN. This breakdown contributed to the failure of the R2P in Sudan and Libya. The lack of financial and operational capacity for rapid deployment, the internal divisions with the AU, and the lack of political will within the AU members states were also cited as obstacles to the realisation of the R2P efforts in Sudan. To establish in-depth knowledge the study revealed other factors related to the politics of big power countries and how they played a part in the failure of the R2P in Sudan and Libya. Among these factors include implementation inconsistencies, the ICC factor, the absence of UNSC consensus in the response over Darfur and Libya, and the veto power factor and its implications in the efforts of the international community in both cases. This study also showed that the implementation of the R2P may not work effectively if left only to international actors to implement. Regional and sub-regional actors are important stakeholders of the R2P, and their interactions with the international community in actualising the implmementation of the R2P on the ground are essential. The manner in which the R2P was applied in Sudan and Libya is an indication its implementation requires improved interaction between regional actors and the international community at all level of collaboration including at global, regional and sub-regional level. This can build a strong foundation to drive the effective implementation of the R2P in future interventions. The findings of this thesis will significantly improve the available literature on the reason why the R2P failed in Sudan and Libya, particularly by paying much attention to the role of regional and sub-regional actors.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2020
- Authors: Nizeimana, John Bosco
- Date: 2020
- Subjects: Responsibility to protect (International law) , Humanitarian intervention -- Libya , Libya -- Foreign relations -- 1969- , Libya -- Politics and government -- 1969- , Humanitarian intervention -- Sudan , Sudan -- Foreign relations , Sudan -- Politics and government -- 1985-
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/162631 , vital:40962
- Description: In the history of international relations, the adoption of the R2P principle in 2005 was widely understood to be a break-through in the international community’s efforts to respond to massive human rights violations and atrocities. Despite this, the international community’s implementation of the R2P has been widely contested, including in relation to its application in Sudan and Libya. There is agreement in the literature that, in both cases, the implementation of the R2P failed to achieve its intended purpose of protecting civilian populations. This thesis addresses the question of why the R2P failed in Sudan and Libya. Most explanations concerning the failure of the R2P in Sudan and Libya tend to focus on the politics of big power countries. The study argues that the failure to implement the R2P is related to the interactions between regional organisations and the international community (global organisations like UN) in attempting to solve large-scale human rights violent conflict. The study is firmly embedded in scholarly debates about humanitarian intervention so as to demonstrate the fact that this study is part of efforts to advance knowledge of scholarly debates on humanitarian intervention in this contemporary world order. The study combines a case study approach and qualitative research approach to achieve a nuanced understanding of the reason why the R2P failed in Sudan and Libya. The study relied on the use of documentary reviews and in-depth interviews of experts to collect data which was analysed using critical discourse analysis. The thesis demonstrated that the implementation of the R2P was characterised by a breakdown of the relationship between regional actors like the AU and global institutions like the UN. This breakdown contributed to the failure of the R2P in Sudan and Libya. The lack of financial and operational capacity for rapid deployment, the internal divisions with the AU, and the lack of political will within the AU members states were also cited as obstacles to the realisation of the R2P efforts in Sudan. To establish in-depth knowledge the study revealed other factors related to the politics of big power countries and how they played a part in the failure of the R2P in Sudan and Libya. Among these factors include implementation inconsistencies, the ICC factor, the absence of UNSC consensus in the response over Darfur and Libya, and the veto power factor and its implications in the efforts of the international community in both cases. This study also showed that the implementation of the R2P may not work effectively if left only to international actors to implement. Regional and sub-regional actors are important stakeholders of the R2P, and their interactions with the international community in actualising the implmementation of the R2P on the ground are essential. The manner in which the R2P was applied in Sudan and Libya is an indication its implementation requires improved interaction between regional actors and the international community at all level of collaboration including at global, regional and sub-regional level. This can build a strong foundation to drive the effective implementation of the R2P in future interventions. The findings of this thesis will significantly improve the available literature on the reason why the R2P failed in Sudan and Libya, particularly by paying much attention to the role of regional and sub-regional actors.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2020
A study of intra-African relations an analysis of the factors informing the foreign policy of Malawi towards Zimbabwe
- Authors: Njoloma, Eugenio
- Date: 2010
- Subjects: Malawi -- Foreign relations -- Zimbabwe Zimbabwe -- Foreign relations -- Malawi Malawi -- Politics and government -- 20th century Malawi -- Politics and government -- 21st century Southern African Development Community
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2818 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003028
- Description: There has been only limited scholarly analysis of Malawi’s foreign policy since its independence in 1964 with key texts focusing primarily on the early years of the new state. Perhaps due to its relatively small stature – economically, politically and militarily – in the region, very little attention has been paid to the factors informing Malawi’s apparently uncritical foreign policy response to the Zimbabwe crisis since it began in the late 1990s. This thesis addresses this deficit by locating its understanding of Malawi’s contemporary foreign policy towards Zimbabwe in the broader historical and contemporary context of bilateral relations between the two states and the multilateral forum of SADCC and SADC. It is argued that the Malawi’s long-standing quest for socio-economic development has forced it to manoeuvre a pragmatic but sometimes contentious foreign policy path. This was also evident until the end of the Cold War and the concomitant demise of apartheid in South Africa in the early 1990s. Malawi forged deliberate diplomatic and economic relations with the region’s white-ruled Zimbabwe (then Southern Rhodesia) and South Africa in pursuit of its national economic interests while the majority of southern African states collectively sought the liberation of the region by facilitating the independence of Zimbabwe and countering South Africa’s apartheid and regional destabilization policies. In the contemporary era, there has been a convergence of foreign policy ambitions in the region and Malawi now coordinates its regional foreign policy within the framework of SADC, which itself prioritizes the attainment of socio-economic development. However, to understand Malawi’s response to the Zimbabwe crisis only in the context of SADC’s “quiet diplomacy” mediation efforts obscures important historically rooted socioeconomic and political factors that have informed relations between Malawi and Zimbabwe and which cannot, it is argued, be ignored if a holistic understanding of Malawi’s position is to be sought. This study argues that the nature of historical ties between Malawi and Zimbabwe and the role of Malawi’s leaders in driving its long-standing quest for socioeconomic development have not only informed its overall foreign policy behaviour in the region but underpin its contemporary relations with Zimbabwe.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2010
- Authors: Njoloma, Eugenio
- Date: 2010
- Subjects: Malawi -- Foreign relations -- Zimbabwe Zimbabwe -- Foreign relations -- Malawi Malawi -- Politics and government -- 20th century Malawi -- Politics and government -- 21st century Southern African Development Community
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2818 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003028
- Description: There has been only limited scholarly analysis of Malawi’s foreign policy since its independence in 1964 with key texts focusing primarily on the early years of the new state. Perhaps due to its relatively small stature – economically, politically and militarily – in the region, very little attention has been paid to the factors informing Malawi’s apparently uncritical foreign policy response to the Zimbabwe crisis since it began in the late 1990s. This thesis addresses this deficit by locating its understanding of Malawi’s contemporary foreign policy towards Zimbabwe in the broader historical and contemporary context of bilateral relations between the two states and the multilateral forum of SADCC and SADC. It is argued that the Malawi’s long-standing quest for socio-economic development has forced it to manoeuvre a pragmatic but sometimes contentious foreign policy path. This was also evident until the end of the Cold War and the concomitant demise of apartheid in South Africa in the early 1990s. Malawi forged deliberate diplomatic and economic relations with the region’s white-ruled Zimbabwe (then Southern Rhodesia) and South Africa in pursuit of its national economic interests while the majority of southern African states collectively sought the liberation of the region by facilitating the independence of Zimbabwe and countering South Africa’s apartheid and regional destabilization policies. In the contemporary era, there has been a convergence of foreign policy ambitions in the region and Malawi now coordinates its regional foreign policy within the framework of SADC, which itself prioritizes the attainment of socio-economic development. However, to understand Malawi’s response to the Zimbabwe crisis only in the context of SADC’s “quiet diplomacy” mediation efforts obscures important historically rooted socioeconomic and political factors that have informed relations between Malawi and Zimbabwe and which cannot, it is argued, be ignored if a holistic understanding of Malawi’s position is to be sought. This study argues that the nature of historical ties between Malawi and Zimbabwe and the role of Malawi’s leaders in driving its long-standing quest for socioeconomic development have not only informed its overall foreign policy behaviour in the region but underpin its contemporary relations with Zimbabwe.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2010
NGOs and the depoliticisation of development : the case of GADRA education in Grahamstown
- Authors: Nqaba, Patronella Pinky
- Date: 2015
- Subjects: GADRA Education (Grahamstown, South Africa) , Non-governmental organizations -- South Africa -- Grahamstown , Non-governmental organizations -- Political aspects , Education -- South Africa -- History , Right to education -- South Africa , Educational change -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2890 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1017865
- Description: Non-governmental organisations (NGOs) have been criticised for depoliticising development through focusing on alleviating suffering rather than on addressing the root causes of poverty and underdevelopment. This research explores whether and how NGOs can act in ways that do not depoliticise development. The research focuses on education NGOs and in particular on the NGO GADRA education in Grahamstown, South Africa, to provide insights into ways in which politically conscious leadership of NGOs attempt to deal with the contradictions that are inherent in this field of work. This research provides a brief history of the South African Education system as a means to set a basis for the discussion of the role of education NGOs in the country. Furthermore it looks at the work that is done by GADRA education in the Grahamstown community. The thesis makes the argument that education NGOs can act in ways that do not depoliticise development because by providing access to education for people who are structurally excluded from education, they contribute to shifting power. This research found that although the leadership of GADRA Education acknowledge that they are confronted with great challenges in terms of how to bring about changes in the education system, they are hopeful that advocating for quality education will bring about the potential for the disruption of power relations as they exist between the state organs and the public.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2015
- Authors: Nqaba, Patronella Pinky
- Date: 2015
- Subjects: GADRA Education (Grahamstown, South Africa) , Non-governmental organizations -- South Africa -- Grahamstown , Non-governmental organizations -- Political aspects , Education -- South Africa -- History , Right to education -- South Africa , Educational change -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2890 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1017865
- Description: Non-governmental organisations (NGOs) have been criticised for depoliticising development through focusing on alleviating suffering rather than on addressing the root causes of poverty and underdevelopment. This research explores whether and how NGOs can act in ways that do not depoliticise development. The research focuses on education NGOs and in particular on the NGO GADRA education in Grahamstown, South Africa, to provide insights into ways in which politically conscious leadership of NGOs attempt to deal with the contradictions that are inherent in this field of work. This research provides a brief history of the South African Education system as a means to set a basis for the discussion of the role of education NGOs in the country. Furthermore it looks at the work that is done by GADRA education in the Grahamstown community. The thesis makes the argument that education NGOs can act in ways that do not depoliticise development because by providing access to education for people who are structurally excluded from education, they contribute to shifting power. This research found that although the leadership of GADRA Education acknowledge that they are confronted with great challenges in terms of how to bring about changes in the education system, they are hopeful that advocating for quality education will bring about the potential for the disruption of power relations as they exist between the state organs and the public.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2015
Contending issues in South Africa's foreign policy : universalism versus economic national interest : the case of South Africa's arms sales to 'pariah states' 1994-1999
- Authors: Othieno, Timothy
- Date: 2005
- Subjects: South Africa -- Foreign relations -- 1994- South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1994- South Africa -- Foreign economic relations Arms transfers -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: vital:2868 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1007712
- Description: This study examines post-apartheid South African foreign policy under former President Nelson Mandela, and the apparent ambiguities that were its recurrent feature in the period from 1994 to 1999. Its focus is on the inherent irreconcilability of the economic national interests and the foreign policy principles which included the promotion of and respect for universalist principles and interests such as human rights, democracy, international peace and security. In examining South African foreign policy during this period, it would appear that the country was trapped between two competing priorities: the need to promote "universalist" principles and the need to satisfy its national economic interests. The main aim of the study is to explain how this "irreconcilability" between universalist principles and national economic interests would later create ambiguities and contradictions in South Africa's foreign policy, weaken respect for its foreign policy principles, and ultimately lead to ideological failure among politicians who employed 'short-term gain' policy decision-making in dealing with 'pariah states'. The study further demonstrates that "realist" national interests are frequently short-term, realizable and vital for a country, while universalist interests are long-term, idealistic and usually not easily realizable. It will be argued, therefore, that a country faced with making decisions about its vital national interests, will not make efforts to pursue long-term universalist interests if that choice would in any way endanger its fundamental national interests. In order to better assess this ambiguity, this thesis will provide a case study of Pretoria's arms sales to 'pariah states' during the period. The purpose of this study is not to attempt to explain all of the issues around post-apartheid foreign policymaking, or even to argue whether the sale of arms to 'pariah states' was 'politically incorrect', but to provide a 'piece of the puzzle' which might explain how the social and economic situation may have compelled Pretoria to sell arms when these actions disregarded universalist principles of foreign policy. The conclusion seems to confirm the realist view that universal values and principles can be regarded only when they are in harmony with a state's perceived self-interests.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2005
- Authors: Othieno, Timothy
- Date: 2005
- Subjects: South Africa -- Foreign relations -- 1994- South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1994- South Africa -- Foreign economic relations Arms transfers -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: vital:2868 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1007712
- Description: This study examines post-apartheid South African foreign policy under former President Nelson Mandela, and the apparent ambiguities that were its recurrent feature in the period from 1994 to 1999. Its focus is on the inherent irreconcilability of the economic national interests and the foreign policy principles which included the promotion of and respect for universalist principles and interests such as human rights, democracy, international peace and security. In examining South African foreign policy during this period, it would appear that the country was trapped between two competing priorities: the need to promote "universalist" principles and the need to satisfy its national economic interests. The main aim of the study is to explain how this "irreconcilability" between universalist principles and national economic interests would later create ambiguities and contradictions in South Africa's foreign policy, weaken respect for its foreign policy principles, and ultimately lead to ideological failure among politicians who employed 'short-term gain' policy decision-making in dealing with 'pariah states'. The study further demonstrates that "realist" national interests are frequently short-term, realizable and vital for a country, while universalist interests are long-term, idealistic and usually not easily realizable. It will be argued, therefore, that a country faced with making decisions about its vital national interests, will not make efforts to pursue long-term universalist interests if that choice would in any way endanger its fundamental national interests. In order to better assess this ambiguity, this thesis will provide a case study of Pretoria's arms sales to 'pariah states' during the period. The purpose of this study is not to attempt to explain all of the issues around post-apartheid foreign policymaking, or even to argue whether the sale of arms to 'pariah states' was 'politically incorrect', but to provide a 'piece of the puzzle' which might explain how the social and economic situation may have compelled Pretoria to sell arms when these actions disregarded universalist principles of foreign policy. The conclusion seems to confirm the realist view that universal values and principles can be regarded only when they are in harmony with a state's perceived self-interests.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2005
Cuba's revolutionist and anti-imperialist foreign policy in Southern Africa: the case of Angola and Namibia
- Authors: Othieno, Timothy
- Date: 2000
- Subjects: Cuba -- Foreign Relations -- Africa, Southern , Cuba -- Dependency on foreign countries -- History , Cuba -- Foreign relations -- Angola , Cuba -- Foreign relations -- Namibia , Cuba -- Politics and government
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2819 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003029 , Cuba -- Foreign Relations -- Africa, Southern , Cuba -- Dependency on foreign countries -- History , Cuba -- Foreign relations -- Angola , Cuba -- Foreign relations -- Namibia , Cuba -- Politics and government
- Description: This study examines Cuba’s role in the two southern African countries of Angola and Namibia during the Cold War period. It argues that Cuba’s ideological motivations have been embodied in the mutually reinforcing concepts of proletarian internationalism and anti-imperialism. These conceptual perspectives constitute some of the central variables that influence Cuba’s foreign policy behaviour in international relations. It is within this context that one can understand Cuba’s involvement in Southern Africa. This study also attempts to explain that Cuban foreign policy towards Africa was based on two complementary and contextual objectives namely, promoting nationalism at home and nurturing revolutionary Marxist-Leninist governments, as well as supporting anti-colonial and anti-imperialist movements abroad. For the purpose of achieving these foreign policy objectives, Cuba not only engaged in state-to-state relations with Angola and Namibia; but had cordial relations with the rest of the continent and in particular Southern Africa, which also became a direct military testing ground for Cuba’s commitment to an anti-colonial and anti-imperialist revolutionary stance. Furthermore, the thesis shows that Cuba’s relentless hatred of imperialism is rooted in its historical relationship with the United States because from the turn of the century till 1958, the Americans interfered in Cuba’s internal affairs by supporting corrupt administrations and exploited the country. These practices by the United States laid the foundation for Cuba’s anti-colonialism and antiimperialism abroad. Ultimately, this thesis shows that Cuban involvement in Angola and Namibia can be conceptualised within these contexts (anti-imperialism, anti-colonialism, proletarian internationalism and revolutionary Marxism-Leninism). The role of Cuban nationalism in the realisation of these objectives and ideals, as well as its role in perpetuating and consolidating her foreign policy is assessed in this study. This nationalism and ideals of internationalism constitutes the central idea in the Cuban revolution. Finally, this thesis asserts that Cuban motives for getting involved in the politics of Southern Africa were not motivated by economic or imperialistic reasons. Rather, the historical similarity and colonial experiences between Africa and Cuba were some of the central causal factors.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2000
- Authors: Othieno, Timothy
- Date: 2000
- Subjects: Cuba -- Foreign Relations -- Africa, Southern , Cuba -- Dependency on foreign countries -- History , Cuba -- Foreign relations -- Angola , Cuba -- Foreign relations -- Namibia , Cuba -- Politics and government
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2819 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003029 , Cuba -- Foreign Relations -- Africa, Southern , Cuba -- Dependency on foreign countries -- History , Cuba -- Foreign relations -- Angola , Cuba -- Foreign relations -- Namibia , Cuba -- Politics and government
- Description: This study examines Cuba’s role in the two southern African countries of Angola and Namibia during the Cold War period. It argues that Cuba’s ideological motivations have been embodied in the mutually reinforcing concepts of proletarian internationalism and anti-imperialism. These conceptual perspectives constitute some of the central variables that influence Cuba’s foreign policy behaviour in international relations. It is within this context that one can understand Cuba’s involvement in Southern Africa. This study also attempts to explain that Cuban foreign policy towards Africa was based on two complementary and contextual objectives namely, promoting nationalism at home and nurturing revolutionary Marxist-Leninist governments, as well as supporting anti-colonial and anti-imperialist movements abroad. For the purpose of achieving these foreign policy objectives, Cuba not only engaged in state-to-state relations with Angola and Namibia; but had cordial relations with the rest of the continent and in particular Southern Africa, which also became a direct military testing ground for Cuba’s commitment to an anti-colonial and anti-imperialist revolutionary stance. Furthermore, the thesis shows that Cuba’s relentless hatred of imperialism is rooted in its historical relationship with the United States because from the turn of the century till 1958, the Americans interfered in Cuba’s internal affairs by supporting corrupt administrations and exploited the country. These practices by the United States laid the foundation for Cuba’s anti-colonialism and antiimperialism abroad. Ultimately, this thesis shows that Cuban involvement in Angola and Namibia can be conceptualised within these contexts (anti-imperialism, anti-colonialism, proletarian internationalism and revolutionary Marxism-Leninism). The role of Cuban nationalism in the realisation of these objectives and ideals, as well as its role in perpetuating and consolidating her foreign policy is assessed in this study. This nationalism and ideals of internationalism constitutes the central idea in the Cuban revolution. Finally, this thesis asserts that Cuban motives for getting involved in the politics of Southern Africa were not motivated by economic or imperialistic reasons. Rather, the historical similarity and colonial experiences between Africa and Cuba were some of the central causal factors.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2000
Landscapes of division: social movements and the politics of urban and rural space in the Grahamstown region of the Eastern Cape
- Authors: O’Halloran, Paddy
- Date: 2016
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/3950 , vital:20572
- Description: This thesis investigates the politics of two grassroots social movements, the Unemployed People’s Movement (UPM), based in Grahamstown, and the Rural People’s Movement (RPM), based in the rural areas near Peddie, forty miles east. Observing that urban and rural are political designations, the primary question of this thesis is: Do the politics of these social movements challenge the conception of urban and rural as discrete political spaces? To some extent, it responds to and complicates Mamdani’s theory of a bifurcated state in post-apartheid South Africa in which urban zones are the site of civil society and rural zones the site of traditional authorities, and only the former a democratised space (1996). Three themes—race, space, and citizenship—are employed and interrogated in the process of answering the principal question. Broadly historical in nature, and understanding the present political context to be a product of historical processes, the thesis begins with an historical study of the Grahamstown region from the time of the town’s founding in 1812 until the end of apartheid in 1994, keeping the three key themes in focus. Then the politics of UPM and RPM are explored through a series of interviews aimed at understanding the context and experience of movement members and seeking their insight into the question of urban and rural space. Their responses are presented as a dialogue employing a theoretical strategy from Aguilar (2014) that distinguishes between and provides a framework to measure the ‘practical scope’ and the ‘interior horizon’ of movements. The thesis concludes with a discussion of important themes arising in the interviews: citizenship, NGOs, and political parties, and, of course, space. The backdrop to this concluding discussion is the xenophobic violence which occurred in Grahamstown in October 2015, helping situate the research and themes within the broader context of South African politics.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2016
- Authors: O’Halloran, Paddy
- Date: 2016
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/3950 , vital:20572
- Description: This thesis investigates the politics of two grassroots social movements, the Unemployed People’s Movement (UPM), based in Grahamstown, and the Rural People’s Movement (RPM), based in the rural areas near Peddie, forty miles east. Observing that urban and rural are political designations, the primary question of this thesis is: Do the politics of these social movements challenge the conception of urban and rural as discrete political spaces? To some extent, it responds to and complicates Mamdani’s theory of a bifurcated state in post-apartheid South Africa in which urban zones are the site of civil society and rural zones the site of traditional authorities, and only the former a democratised space (1996). Three themes—race, space, and citizenship—are employed and interrogated in the process of answering the principal question. Broadly historical in nature, and understanding the present political context to be a product of historical processes, the thesis begins with an historical study of the Grahamstown region from the time of the town’s founding in 1812 until the end of apartheid in 1994, keeping the three key themes in focus. Then the politics of UPM and RPM are explored through a series of interviews aimed at understanding the context and experience of movement members and seeking their insight into the question of urban and rural space. Their responses are presented as a dialogue employing a theoretical strategy from Aguilar (2014) that distinguishes between and provides a framework to measure the ‘practical scope’ and the ‘interior horizon’ of movements. The thesis concludes with a discussion of important themes arising in the interviews: citizenship, NGOs, and political parties, and, of course, space. The backdrop to this concluding discussion is the xenophobic violence which occurred in Grahamstown in October 2015, helping situate the research and themes within the broader context of South African politics.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2016